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YALE 
HISTORICAL  PUBLICATIONS 

MISCELLANY 
VII 

THE  FIFTH  VOLUME  PUBLISHED  ON  THE 

FOUNDATION  ESTABLISHED  BY  THE 

KINGSLEY  TRUST  ASSOCIATION 


ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 
AND  LEADERS 

IN  THE  REIGN  OF  QUEEN  ANNE 
1702-1710 


BY 
WILLIAM  THOMAS  MORGAN,  A.M.,  Ph.D. 

Assistant  Professor  of  European  History 
Indiana  University 


This  Essay  was  Awarded  the  Herbert  Baxter  Adams  Prize 
BY  THE  American  Historical  Association,  1919 


NEW  HAVEN:  YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

LONDON:   HUMPHREY   MILFORD 

OXFORD  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 

MDCCCCXX 


COPYRIGHT,  1920.  BY 
YALE  UNIVERSITY  PRESS 


TO  THE  MEMORY  OF 
JOHN   SINER   MORGAN 


Digitized  by  the  Internet  Archive 

in  2007  with  funding  from 

IVIicrosoft  Corporation 


http://www.archive.org/details/englishpoliticalOOmorgiala 


PREFACE 

The  Age  of  Anne  is  one  of  the  most  interesting  in  Eng- 
lish history.  It  was  a  reign  when  political  parties  were 
in  snch  a  state  of  flux  that  politicians  changed  sides  with 
little  hesitation;  when  periodicals  began  to  play  a  tran- 
scendent part  in  politics;  when  pamphleteering  became 
the  customary  method  of  changing  public  opinion ;  when 
literary  men  were  usually  politicians  first  of  all;  when 
ecclesiastical  policies  were  determined  by  political  exi- 
gencies, and  church  offices  considered  as  a  part  of  the 
civil  service;  when  monied  men  began  to  take  a  greater 
interest  in  elections  and  play  a  larger  part  in  determining 
national  policies ;  when  the  cabinet  was  rapidly  evolving 
into  its  present  form;  when  the  Protestant  succession 
hung  in  the  balance ;  when  Scotland  joined  her  southern 
sister  in  a  firm  alliance ;  when  hatred  of  France  became 
almost  a  religion ;  and  when  the  United  Kingdom  gained 
the  political  and  commercial  hegemony  of  Europe  that 
was  lost  by  France  at  the  treaty  of  Utrecht. 

Yet  in  spite  of  the  interest  and  importance  of  this 
period  it  has  been  almost  entirely  neglected  by  serious 
historians  for  more  than  a  generation.  Nearly  a  half 
century  ago  Mahon  and  Wyon  wrote  their  histories  of  the 
reign  of  Anne,  and  since  that  time  no  attempt  has  been 
made  to  deal  with  the  history  of  the  reign  in  the  light  of 
new  materials  that  have  recently  become  accessible. 
Even  such  industrious  German  scholars  as  Klopp,  Salo- 
mon, and  Von  Noorden  have  done  little  to  illuminate  the 
domestic  side  of  the  first  half  of  the  reign,  while  the  more 
recent  of  their  works  is  nearly  thirty  years  from  the 


8  PREFACE 

press.  Lecky's  excellent  history  deals  most  cavalierly 
with  the  first  decade  of  the  century,  and  is  now  more  than 
forty  years  old.  Burton 's  three  volumes  are  sketchy  and 
of  little  value  save  for  Scottish  affairs.  The  books  of 
Paul,  McCarthy,  and  Mrs.  Howitt  are  pre-eminently  popu- 
lar rather  than  critical.  Trevelyan  's  account  of  the  reign 
is  surprisingly  brief,  while  the  nature  of  Leadam's 
scholarly  volume  precludes  any  extensive  treatment  of 
new  materials. 

In  a  reign  where  the  personal  element  is  so  important, 
it  is  indeed  noteworthy  that  we  have  so  few  biographies 
of  the  statesmen  of  the  time,  and  those  few  far  from 
satisfactory.  Even  Queen  Anne  has  found  no  real  biog- 
rapher. With  all  its  limitations,  and  with  its  confessedly 
Jacobite  tinge.  Miss  Strickland's  work  is  probably  the 
best  we  have,  although  it  was  published  more  than  seventy 
years  ago.  Such  books  as  P.  F.  W.  Ryan's  Queen  Anne 
and  her  Court  are  distinctly  uncritical.  The  Duchess  of 
Marlborough  has  found  many  apologists  and  critics,  but 
no  biography  at  once  critical  and  interpretative  has  been 
written,  despite  the  efforts  of  Mrs.  Thomson,  Mrs.  Col- 
ville,  Molloy,  and  Reid.  The  best  life  of  Marlborough  is 
by  Coxe,  and  is  now  a  century  old.  Roscoe  in  his  life  of 
Harley  lacks  a  proper  appreciation  of  the  man,  although 
he  has  made  some  use  of  the  valuable  Harley  Papers. 
Yet  his  is  the  only  attempt  to  tell  the  life  story  of  one  of 
the  most  astute  politicians  of  that  day.  Scholars  have 
been  more  assiduous  in  their  attention  to  Bolingbroke, 
although  scarcely  more  successful.  Macknight's  book 
(1863)  remains  the  best,  as  Sichel  in  his  more  recent  vol- 
umes has  failed  to  make  the  most  of  his  opportunities. 
Godolphin's  life  by  Eliott  (1888)  is  far  from  satisfying, 
as  the  author  confessed  that  much  source  material  was 
inaccessible  to  him.  Shrewsbury  and  Somerset,  the  politi- 
cal enigmas  of  the  epoch,  remain  still  unexplained.    Not 


PEEFACE  9 

a  single  member  of  the  Whig  junto  has  found  a  worthy 
biographer  and,  until  such  time  as  the  political  activities 
of  these  five  men  are  investigated,  no  adequate  political 
history  of  the  period  can  be  written. 

For  the  most  part,  the  older  histories  of  this  period 
have  been  written  largely  from  the  pages  of  Boyer, 
Burnet,  and  the  Parliamentary  History,  with  occasional 
references  to  available  manuscript  material.  In  this 
monograph  additional  manuscripts  and  source  materials 
have  been  studied  in  the  archives  in  England  and  Hol- 
land, besides  numerous  pamphlets  and  periodicals,  and 
the  invaluable  reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts 
Commission. 

In  a  sense  this  is  an  attempt  to  rewrite  the  history  of 
the  first  eight  years  of  Anne's  reign  in  the  light  of  the 
new  evidence  that  has  become  available  in  the  last  thirty 
years.  In  places  the  author  has  dared  to  differ  from  the 
usual  estimates  of  some  of  the  leading  characters  of  the 
period.  This  has  necessitated  a  frequent  citation  of 
authorities,  for  which  he  craves  the  reader's  indulgence. 
The  controversial  nature  of  a  part  of  his  work  has  also 
caused  him  to  quote  more  freely  from  contemporary 
sources  than  would  otherwise  have  been  the  case. 

My  acknowledgements  should  be  many.  The  library 
authorities  at  Harvard,  Yale,  and  Columbia  Universities 
have  always  been  more  than  kind  in  putting  their  treas- 
ures at  my  disposal.  My  thanks  are  also  due  to  the  offi- 
cials of  the  British  Museum,  the  Bodleian,  and  the  Eijks 
Archief  for  their  kindness  and  consideration.  In  common 
with  most  American  students  who  carry  on  research  in 
England,  I  owe  far  more  to  the  courtesy  of  Mr.  Hubert 
Hall  of  the  Public  Record  Office  than  I  can  ever  repay. 

I  am  greatly  indebted  to  Professor  W.  P.  Trent  of 
Columbia  University.  He  has  read  the  most  of  my  manu- 
script, and  has  placed  his  intimate  knowledge  of  the 


10  PREFACE 

literature  of  the  period  unreservedly  at  my  command. 
I  am  also  indebted  to  Professor  Charles  M.  Andrews  of 
Yale  for  material  assistance  in  revising  the  manuscript 
and  seeing  it  through  the  press.  Even  more  thanks  are 
due  to  Professor  W.  C.  Abbott  also  of  Yale,  who  first 
suggested  to  me  this  field  of  study,  for  he  has  at  all  times 
kindly  encouraged  and  directed  my  work.  My  greatest 
debt  of  gratitude  is,  however,  to  my  wife,  who  has  helped 
me  at  all  stages  in  the  preparation  of  this  work. 

William  Thomas  Morgan. 
Columbia  University, 
March  27,  1919. 


Preface 
Introduction 

Chapter  I. 

Chapter  II. 

Chapter  III. 

Chapter  IV. 

Chapter  V. 


Chapter  VI. 
Chapter  VII. 
Chapter  VIII. 
Chapter      IX. 


CONTENTS 


Political  and  Economic  Condi- 
tions IN  England  in  1702 

The  Queen  and  Parliament 
(1702-1704) 

The  Election  of  1705 

The  Disruption  of  the  Minis- 
try (1705-1708)    . 

The    Political    Influence    of 

THE    MaRLBOROUGHS    AND    Go- 

dolphin   (1702-1708)     . 

The  Formation  of  the  ' '  Trium- 
virate"  (1700-1704)      . 

The  Break-up  of  the  **  Trium- 
virate"  (1704-1708)      . 

The  Struggle  between  the 
Queen  and  the  Junto  (1709) 

The  Triumph  of  the  Queen 
(1709-1710) 


Conclusion 
Bibliographical  Notes 
Index 


PAGE 

7 
13 

19 

59 
106 

149 


184 

243 

279 

316 

355 
395 
407 
417 


INTRODUCTION 

To  trace  the  origin  of  a  political  institution  is  never 
easy,  but  the  difficulties  are  peculiarly  baffling  when  one 
deals  with  the  antecedents  of  a  political  party,  because 
of  the  many  factors  that  enter  into  its  development.  The 
antiquarian  might  see  in  the  Republican  party  of  the 
United  States  nothing  more  than  the  lineal  descendant  of 
the  old  Federalists ;  another  scholar  might  argue  that  it 
originated  in  the  feelings  aroused  by  the  Fugitive  Slave 
Law;  and  the  man  in  the  street  would  probably  date  its 
origin  from  Lincoln's  election.  Today  the  evolution  of 
the  National  Unionist  party  in  Great  Britain  and  the 
People's  party  in  the  United  States  is,  for  the  average 
voter,  probably  clothed  in  equal  darkness. 

The  question  of  the  origin  of  the  Whig  and  Tory 
parties  in  England  is  similar,  but  on  account  of  the  lapse 
of  time,  much  more  difficult.  Daniel  Defoe  considered  the 
Royalists  of  the  Civil  Wars  as  the  embryo  of  the  Tories  ;^ 
another  writer  on  English  parties  says  that  the  latter 
part  of  Charles  II 's  reign  was  ''an  epoch  whence  we  may 
date  not  only  the  rise  of  the  Whig  and  Tory  parties,  but 
also  the  principles  which  they  severally  possess."^  To 
this  statement  Professor  W.  C.  Abbott  gives  partial  as- 
sent, finding  their  origin  in  the  later  years  of  Clarendon 's 
ministry  when  zealous  High  Churchman  and  devout  Pres- 
byterian fought  each  other  in  the  Cavalier  Parliament.^ 

1  Present  State  of  Parties,  p.  4 ;  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  6.  See  also 
C.  B.  E.  Kent,  Early  History  of  the  Tories,  p.  11,  For  a  list  of  abbrevia- 
tions used  in  the  footnotes  see  pp.  404-406. 

2  George  Wingrove  Cooke,  History  of  Party,  I.  1. 

3  ' '  History  of  the  Long  Parliament  of  Charles  II, "  E.  H.  B.,  XXI.  44. 


14  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

Bolingbroke  maintained  that  the  Tories  date  from  the 
dissolution  of  this  same  parliament,  but  Ranke  believed 
that  neither  party  came  into  full  being  until  the  reign  of 
William  III.^ 

The  decision  hinges  on  the  connotation  of  the  term, 
*' political  party."  If  it  is  no  more  than  ''organized 
opinion,"  as  Disraeli  so  aptly  put  it,  Whigs  and  Tories 
may  well  be  considered  in  existence  in  fact,  though  not 
in  name,  before  the  period  of  the  Commonwealth;  if  to 
''organized  opinion"  be  added  a  more  or  less  established 
body  of  principles,  the  date  must  be  placed  considerably 
later  than  the  Restoration ;  if  we  take  it  to  mean  the  exist- 
ence of  a  reasonably  permanent  policy  and  a  stable  fol- 
lowing, then  the  beginning  of  Queen  Anne 's  reign  is  none 
too  late.  Even  at  that  time  parties  were  in  a  very  fluid 
condition  compared  with  those  of  the  later  eighteenth  and 
nineteenth  centuries,  although  the  cabinet  was  slowly 
assuming  a  definite  form. 

Political  parties  arise  as  a  convenient  method  of  influ- 
encing the  exercise  of  the  powers  of  government,  but  as 
long  as  such  power  rests  in  the  hands  of  the  sovereign, 
they  have  little  significance.  Until  the  accession  of  the 
Stuarts,  the  crown  was  the  important  factor  in  English 
government,  but  under  these  monarchs  the  middle  classes 
were  aroused  at  the  same  time  into  self -consciousness  and 
revolt.  During  the  Civil  Wars,  the  Parliamentary  and 
Royalist  parties  became  clearly  aligned.  The  latter  tem- 
porarily disappeared,  and  the  former  split  into  several 
factions,  w^hen  Cromwell  assumed  charge  of  affairs. 
During  the  Interregnum  a  new  Royalist  party  came  into 
existence.  For  several  years  this  party  met  with  little 
opposition,  but  in  1667  it  finally  crystallized  into  a  de- 

1  L.  Von  Kanke,  Hist,  of  England,  V.  291;  Bolingbroke,  Dissertation  on 
Parties,  Lecture  III.  Hallam  dates  the  use  of  the  terms  Whig  and  Tory 
from  the  defeat  of  the  Exclusion  Bill.    Const.  Hist.,  III.  197, 


INTRODUCTION  15 

mand  for  the  removal  of  Clarendon,  who  was  essentially 
the  king's  prime  minister/ 

It  is  yet  scarcely  accurate  to  call  either  of  these  fac- 
tions a  true  political  party,^  although  even  as  early  as  the 
dismissal  of  Clarendon,  they  were  developing  the  doc- 
trines of  ministerial  responsibility  and  parliamentary 
supremacy  in  the  sense  in  which  we  use  them  today,  and 
as  the  years  of  the  Cavalier  Parliament  increased,  the 
personal  opposition  to  the  monarch,  as  well  as  to  his 
policies,  developed  as  each  successive  by-election  sent 
more  independent  representatives  to  the  lower  house. 
In  consequence,  the  king  found  it  increasingly  difficult  to 
have  his  way,  and  it  became  much  more  of  a  task  to  cajole 
parliament  into  voting  the  necessary  supplies.  In  re- 
sponse to  its  wishes,  Charles  was  compelled  to  sacrifice 
Danby  as  he  had  Clarendon,  and  at  last  he  was  forced  to 
dissolve  it,  after  its  members  had  served  eighteen  years. 
Fortunately  for  the  king,  the  Popish  plot  came  just  when 
matters  looked  darkest  for  the  monarchy,  because  reli- 
gious fanaticism  now  blinded  many  to  its  worst  features, 
and  the  strength  of  the  opposition  grew  weaker  during 
the  remainder  of  the  reign. 

Charles  II  was  succeeded  by  James  II,  against  whom 
all  factions  united  for  a  season  into  one,  fired  with  the 
common  purpose  of  expelling  him  for  his  bold  attempt 
to  turn  the  government  over  to  his  Catholic  supporters. 
As  soon  as  James  was  in  exile,  these  elements  again  sepa- 
rated, as  the  conditions  which  necessitated  their  joint 
efforts  no  longer  existed.  By  the  time  William  arrived 
in  London,  he  found  numerous  opponents,  and  before 
long,  despite  his  tact — which  Macaulay  doubtless  exag- 

1  W.  C.  Abbott,  supra  cit.,  E.  H.  B.,  XXI.  44 ;  Cooke,  I.  4-6.  See  also 
L,  F.  Brown,  "Eeligious  Factors  in  the  Convention  Parliament,"  E.  H.  B., 
XXII.  51. 

2  On  this  point  the  Character  of  a  Tory  by  John  Sheffield,  later  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  is  both  interesting  and  instructive. 


16  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

gerates — the  new  monarch  had  almost  as  many  enemies 
as  friends.  Many  who  had  been  anxious  that  James 
should  be  dethroned,  were  yet  unwilling  to  bestow  the 
crown  upon  one  whose  claim  was  based  upon  parlia- 
mentary caprice  rather  than  upon  heredity. 

The  number  of  malcontents  grew  rapidly  after  Mary's 
death,  which  undermined  William 's  popularity  and  threw 
him  almost  entirely  into  the  hands  of  those  who  wished  to 
exalt  the  power  of  parliament  over  the  crown.  William 
had  no  intention  of  unduly  favoring  either  faction,  but 
he  found  to  his  cost  that  a  ministry  which  took  its  mem- 
bership from  both  sides  was  impracticable,  as  it  led  to 
interminable  quarrels,  disturbing  the  easy  administra- 
tion of  public  affairs.  In  fact,  William  wanted  ministers 
and  not  a  ministry.^  By  1696  the  inveterate  hostility  of 
his  opponents  forced  him  to  ally  himself  with  the  advo- 
cates of  parliamentary  supremacy.  These  were  to  be 
found  among  the  Dissenters  and  urban  trading  classes, 
who  were  looking  forward  to  England's  commercial  ex- 
pansion.^ On  the  other  hand,  revenues  for  the  war  were 
most  grudgingly  given  by  the  landed  gentry,  who  saw 
little  gain  in  humbling  the  restless  ambitions  of  Louis 
XIV  as  long  as  they  were  insured  a  profitable  market  for 
their  surplus  produce.^  The  non-conformists  and  monied 
men  who  supported  the  king  began  to  form  a  fairly  stable 
group,  favoring  a  continuance  of  the  war,  and,  after  1701, 
the  Protestant  succession,  while  exalting  the  power  of 
parliament  as  contrasted  with  the  prerogative.  They 
made  entirely  too  much  of  this  last  point  when  they  asked 
William  to   dismiss  his  favorite  Dutch  guards,   so  he 

1  W.  M.  Torrens,  History  of  Cabinets,  pp.  4-7;  Kent,  pp.  373-6. 

2  Present  State  of  Parties,  p,  11.  Until  recently  few  historians  have  seen 
the  political  significance  of  their  support  of  the  wars  waged  by  William  Til 
and  Anne. 

3  Mary  G.  Young,  ' '  The  Management  of  the  Whig  Party  under  Sir  Kobert 
Walpole. "     (Yale  doctoral  dissertation,  unprinted.) 


INTRODUCTION  17 

turned  for  a  brief  space  to  their  rivals,  who  emphasized 
the  power  of  the  king.  William  was  disliked  by  the  High 
Churchmen/  and  was  unpopular  with  the  faction  which  he 
favored  because  he  remained  his  own  prime  minister  and 
had  little  or  no  regard  for  their  wishes  in  his  conduct  of 
foreign  affairs. 

Anne's  reign  is  characterized  both  in  its  domestic  and 
diplomatic  aspects  by  the  constant  struggle  of  these  two 
factions  for  supremacy.  Upon  her  death,  the  Whigs, 
through  better  organization,  gained  an  ascendancy  which 
was  not  lost  until  George  III  came  to  the  throne  deter- 
mined to  increase  his  prerogative.  Even  he,  astute  poli- 
tician as  he  was,  spent  nearly  a  decade  undermining  the 
Whig  factions,  which  had  been  unable  to  endure  con- 
tinued prosperity.  Such  in  brief  is  the  story  of  the  two 
parties  in  England  before  1770. 

The  purpose  of  this  monograph  is  to  ascertain  the  part 
played  by  Queen  Anne  in  English  politics  during  the 
period  when  Godolphin  acted  as  her  first  minister,  and  to 
note  the  relative  influence  of  the  Marlboroughs,  Harley, 
and  Godolphin,  and  the  reasons  for  their  downfall.  The 
relations  of  Harley  with  the  queen  and  with  Defoe  will  be 
studied;  considerable  attention  will  be  paid  to  the 
methods  employed  in  parliamentary  elections  and,  in  a 
more  general  way,  the  attitude  of  the  junto  and  the  Tory 
leaders  towards  the  composite  ministries  that  existed 
under  Godolphin  will  be  examined,  in  an  endeavor  to  dis- 
cover wherein  lay  the  power  of  the  Marlboroughs  on  the 
one  hand  and  of  the  Whig  junto  on  the  other.  Through 
it  all  we  shall  seek  to  find  to  what  extent  political  leaders 
controlled  parliament,  and  in  what  degree  they  were  con- 
trolled by  it,  at  a  time  when  sovereignty  was  gradually, 
though  unconsciously,  being  transferred  from  the  throne 

lEijks  ArcMef,  26^-;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7076,  f.  154;  Coke, 
III.  132. 


18  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

to  the  House  of  Commons,  and  the  cabinet  was  slowly 
evolving  into  its  present  form. 

The  approach  is  neither  from  the  direction  of  party 
development  nor  that  of  party  politics,  but  rather  from 
that  of  the  reaction  of  the  individual  upon  the  party,  as 
opposed  to  the  reaction  of  the  party  upon  the  individual. 
This  point  of  view  must  be  somewhat  biographical,  and 
even  anecdotal  at  times,  but  seems  the  more  necessary 
because  of  the  fluidity  of  parties  and  the  loose  party  alle- 
giance of  a  large  number  of  the  leading  statesmen  of  the 
day.  It  was  this  state  of  flux  which  alone  permitted  the 
continuance  of  the  non-partisan  ministries  of  Godolphin 
and  the  control  of  government  policies  by  a  small  group 
of  some  half  dozen  persons. 


CHAPTER  I 

POLITICAL  AND  ECONOMIC  CONDITIONS  IN 
ENGLAND  IN  1702 

Befoee  proceeding  to  a  study  of  the  reign  of  the  last  of 
the  Stuarts,  it  is  necessary  to  visualize  the  situation  in 
England  at  the  accession  of  Queen  Anne  in  order  to 
understand  the  problems  she  had  to  face. 

Foreign  affairs  were  in  a  critical  condition.  The  great- 
est monarch  in  Europe  was  Louis  XIV,  the  deadly  enemy 
of  William  III.  They  had  fought  two  wars  against  each 
other,  both  of  which  had  proved  indecisive,  although 
Louis  was  forced  to  recognize  William  as  king  of  Eng- 
land. In  1700  the  French  king's  acceptance  of  the  will  of 
Charles  II  of  Spain,  granting  the  Spanish  throne  to  his 
grandson,  made  another  war  against  the  Bourbons  in- 
evitable, but  England's  participation  was  not  assured 
until  Louis  broke  the  treaty  of  Eyswick  by  saluting  the 
Pretender  as  James  III.^  After  that  insult  the  English 
masses  were  willing  to  support  William  in  his  attempts 
to  humble  the  French  monarch,  and  he  was  able  to  form 
the  Grand  Alliance,  which  isolated  Louis,  who,  except  for 
the  Bavarians  and  the  incidental  aid  received  from  the 
Spanish  patriots,  stood  alone  against  all  central  and 
western  Europe,  particularly  the  Hapsburgs,  Holland, 
and  England.  Nevertheless,  the  French  king  seemed  not 
unequal  to  his  task,  and  it  was  only  the  genius  of  the  two 
generals  of  the  Alliance  which  upset  his  calculations. 
English  statesmen  realized  the  seriousness  of  the  situa- 

1  [David  Jones],  The  Life  of  James  II,  late  King  of  England,  p.  419 
(1705) ;  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  II.  396. 


20  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

tion,  and  did  not  expect  a  rapid  conclusion  of  the  war. 
Fortunately  for  England,  William  had  discovered  the 
latent  ability  of  Marlborough,  and  made  him  commander- 
in-chief  in  the  Netherlands.  A  short  time  before  his 
death  the  king  informed  Princess  Anne  that  this  general 
was  the  fittest  person  to  lead  her  armies  and  direct  her 
counsels,  and  for  once  she  was  careful  to  follow  William's 
advice/ 

However  serious  the  military  situation  might  seem,  it 
was  further  complicated  by  the  unsatisfactory  aspect  of 
social  and  economic  affairs.  The  population  of  England 
was  practically  stationary  at  five  millions,^  and  the  pre- 
vious war  had  plunged  the  kingdom  deeply  into  debt,  in 
spite  of  the  fact  that  William  had  utilized  sources  of 
revenue  heretofore  untouched.  England  was  not  wealthy, 
because  her  resources  remained  largely  undeveloped.  In 
agriculture,  the  fundamental  changes  which  were  shortly 
to  revolutionize  English  rural  life  had  scarcely  begun. 
Jethro  Tull  had  only  commenced  his  experiments  with 
seed  drills  and  deep  plowing,  which  were  to  mean  so  much 
to  English  farming  in  the  future ;  Townshend  had  not  yet 
forsaken  public  life  to  earn  the  nickname  which  betokens 
a  fame  greater  than  any  he  was  to  win  even  as  first  min- 
ister; while  Bakewell  and  Coke  of  Holkham  were  not  to 
become  famous  for  a  generation.^  Methods  of  cultivation 
had  changed  little  for  a  century;  the  wasteful  open  field 
system  persisted  in  spite  of  the  growth  of  enclosures; 
great  stretches  of  fertile  lands  remained  uncultivated, 
whereas  the  valiant  yeomanry,  who  had  been  the  pride  of 

1  Thomas  Lediard,  Marlhorough,  I.  136;  W.  Coxe,  Marlborough,  I.  76. 

2  J.  Macpherson,  Annals  of  Commerce,  II.  68,  634,  674;  Sir  F.  M.  Eden, 
State  of  the  Poor,  1.  228.  The  best  account  of  the  social  life  of  the  reign 
is  by  John  Ashton.  W.  C.  Sydney's  England  and  the  English  in  the  Eight- 
eenth Century  and  A.  Andrews's  The  Eighteenth  Century  are  also  useful. 

8  F.  W.  Tickner,  Social  and  Industrial  History  of  England,  pp.  502-3 ; 
Eouse  of  Lords  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  (n.  s.),  V.  70. 


i 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  21 

England  since  Crecy  and  Agincourt,  gradually  decayed^ 
as  monied  men  continued  to  purchase  land  for  the  social 
esteem  which  it  gave. 

As  was  to  be  expected,  the  changes  in  industry  were 
more  marked.  The  craft  gild  was  already  declining  and 
the  adventurous  entrepreneur  was  having  recourse  to  the 
so-called  ' '  domestic  system, ' '  to  speed  up  production  for 
a  wider  market.  Even  here,  however,  the  evolution  was 
comparatively  slow  and  the  factory  system  was  nearly  a 
century  in  the  future,  although  Newcomen  invented  his 
engine  in  1705.  In  commerce  the  development  was  more 
marked.^  Moreover,  the  expansion  of  England's  com- 
merce and  the  extension  of  her  colonial  empire  were  but 
well  begun,  although  her  jealousy  of  the  Dutch  remained 
bitter  and  India  loomed  greater  with  each  successive 
year.  So  far  the  American  colonies  had  been  allowed  to 
grow  unrestrained,  and  little  thought  was  given  to  plans 
for  making  them  contribute  to  the  wealth  and  welfare  of 
the  mother  country.^ 

An  increase  in  wealth  accompanied  these  changes.  The 
•comparative  ease  with  which  subscriptions  were  obtained 
for  the  Bank  of  England  in  1694  shows  the  mobile  capital 
of  the  realm ;  the  willingness  of  this  corporation  to  loan 
William  money  in  1697  emphasizes  the  same  point ;  while 
the  facility  with  which  Sir  Isaac  Newton  was  able  to  re- 
form the  currency  proves  it.  The  manner  of  the  Bank's 
organization  and  the  nature  of  its  supporters  bound  it 
equally  to  the  Revolution  and  the  Whigs,  while  it  pro- 
vided a  most  efficient  instrument  for  financing  the  war.* 

1 H.  de  B.  Gibbins,  Industry  in  England,  pp.  276-9;  E,  Fischel,  The 
English  Constitution,  p.  318. 

2  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  (b.  s.),  V.  66-100. 

3  0.  M.  Andrews,  "Anglo-French  Commercial  Eivalry  (1700-1750)," 
A.  H.  E.,  XX.  539,  761;  Lecky,  I.  194;  Eouse  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  vol. 
V.  xxiii. 

<  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  vol.  VI.  xviii. 


22  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Bound  up  with  the  war  was  the  question  of  the  church. 
The  Revolution  had  been  brought  on  largely  by  the  king's 
religious  fanaticism,  and  the  alignment  of  political 
parties  had  been  largely  determined  by  its  outcome. 
James's  attempt  to  strengthen  Roman  Catholicism  had 
served  only  to  bring  persecution  upon  those  whom  he 
wished  to  serve.  Since  the  Popish  plot  their  plight  had 
been  hard  enough.  From  all  quarters  they  were  looked 
upon  with  the  utmost  suspicion.  It  is  difficult  to  account 
for  the  terror  of  Papists  manifested  by  the  rank  and  file 
of  Protestants  at  a  time  when  the  recusants  made  up  less 
than  five  per  cent  of  the  population,  and  probably  less 
than  one  per  cent  of  the  people  of  London  held  allegiance 
to  the  pope.^  Yet,  though  all  political  power  had  been 
taken  away  from  the  Catholics  by  the  strict  laws  of 
Charles  II,  such  fears  persisted,  forcing  the  Protestant 
leaders  to  invite  William  to  England  and  exclude  all 
Papists  from  the  throne. 

The  Anglicans  disliked  the  Dissenters  but  little  less 
than  they  did  the  recusants.  They  could  not  forget  the 
Commonwealth  and  Protectorate,  and  Clarendon's  code 
was  placed  between  the  non-conformist  and  political  pre- 
ferment. And  since  the  ingenuity  of  the  Dissenter  with 
an  elastic  conscience  found  the  practice  of  occasional  con- 
formity an  easy  method  of  circumventing  such  acts, 
despite  the  loyalty  of  Presbyterian  and  Independent,  the 
churchmen  loathed  them,  distrusted  their  sincerity  and 
feared  many  of  them  were  republicans  in  disguise.^ 
Another  cause  of  this  enmity  lay  in  the  fact  that  the 
backbone  of  the  non-conformist  group  was  the  commer- 
cial bourgeoisie,  whose  wealth  and  importance  were  in- 
creasing day  by  day,  and  would  soon  rival  that  of  the 
landed   aristocracy,   who    worshiped    according   to    the 

1  Great  and  Good  News  to  the  Church  of  England  (1705)  ;  Burnet,  V.  139. 

2  Grey 's  Debates,  II.  134. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  23 

Anglican  faith.  It  was  in  a  sense,  despite  their  frequent 
marriage  alliances,  a  social  struggle  between  the  gentry 
and  the  trading  classes  ;•  it  was  also  political,  because 
wealthy  merchants  were  buying  up  boroughs  and  making 
their  way  into  parliament.^ 

Under  the  most  favorable  conditions  the  Anglicans 
would  have  found  it  increasingly  difficult  to  check  the 
growing  power  of  the  monied  classes.  Had  they  been 
united,  they  might  have  succeeded,  but  they  were  very 
far  indeed  from  being  in  harmony.  Since  the  time  of 
Laud  they  had  been  divided  into  High  and  Low  Church. 
The  former  stood  for  much  ceremony  in  the  service  and 
emphasized  the  teachings  of  the  church  fathers,  while  the 
latter  favored  a  simpler  service  and  laid  less  stress  on 
tradition.  High  Churchmen  opposed  comprehension, 
whereas  the  Low  Church  group  were  heartily  in  favor  of 
some  reasonable  compromise  whereby  all  but  the  most 
radical  Dissenters  might  be  brought  into  the  fold.  The 
Highfliers,  as  the  High  Churchmen  were  called,  were  re- 
cruited largely  from  the  conservative  country  squires, 
whereas  their  less  zealous  brethren  were  drawn  mainly 
from  the  leading  noble  families  and  the  more  prosperous 
merchants. 

The  Anglican  clergy  were  similarly  divided^  with  the 
bishops  predominantly  of  Low  Church  ideas,  while  the 
parish  priests  were  High  Church.  Related  to  these  eccle- 
siastics were  the  non-jurors,  who  had  refused  to  take  the 
oath  of  allegiance  to  William  and  Mary.  Though  few, 
and  with  their  ranks  thinning  rapidly,  these  conscientious 
divines  exerted  an  influence,  through  their  virulence  and 
ability,  out  of  all  proportion  to  their  numbers,  and 
formed  a  nucleus  of  a  faction  of  the  Tories.  All  the 
clergy,  indeed,  took  a  great  interest  in  political  affairs, 

1  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  f,  276;  Hearne,  I.  49;  Macpherson, 
I.  603. 


24  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

particularly  in  elections,  when  they  exercised  no  incon- 
siderable influence  over  the  voters  in  their  local  areas.^ 

While  Anne's  accession  wrought  somewhat  of  con- 
fusion in  religious  matters,  the  state  of  political  parties 
soon  became  little  short  of  chaotic.  During  William's 
reign,  two  factions  of  approximately  equal  strength 
existed,  which  for  the  sake  of  clearness  are  hereafter 
termed  Whig  and  Tory.  The  latter  was  made  up  of 
several  distinct  elements,  which  together  probably  made 
up  a  majority  of  the  English  people.  Its  strength  lay  in 
the  rural  districts  among  the  pleasure-loving  landed 
gentry,  whose  loyal  tenants  also  belonged  to  this  party. 
A  considerable  part  of  the  lawyers  and  the  nobility  like- 
wise favored  the  Tories.  In  a  word,  the  party  contained 
the  upper  and  lower  classes,  but  '*  wanted  the  middle  and 
connecting  links.  "^  Having  developed  from  the  old 
^'Cavaliers,"  and  being  thoroughly  imbued  with  the 
divine  right  theory,  its  adherents  never  entirely  gave 
over  their  loyalty  to  the  exiled  Stuarts,  as  a  majority  of 
them  probably  upheld  the  doctrine  of  ''passive  obedience 
and  indefeasible  hereditary  right."  They  were  also,  in 
general,  stanch  champions  of  the  church,^  and  were  con- 
servative in  temperament,  with  a  decided  weakness  for 
the  prerogative  and  a  territorial  aristocracy;  while  they 
resented  the  growing  influence  of  the  aggressive  com- 
mercial classes. 

During  William's  reign,  the  doctrine  of  passive  obedi- 
ence proved  very  troublesome  to  the  Tories,  inasmuch  as 
it  placed  them  in  a  position  scarcely  loyal  to  the  king 
they  had  helped  to  call  from  Holland.    Under  Anne,  it 

1  J.  Stoughton,  Beligion  in  England,  pp.  18-9.  See  also  biographies  of 
Bishops  Compton,  Trelawny,  and  Atterbury. 

2  Kent,  pp.  22,  34;  see  as  well  Roger  North's  Examen,  pp.  320-42. 

3T.  Somerville,  Eist.  of  Polit.  Trans.,  pp.  687-90;  May,  Const.  Hist., 
II.  21.    See  also  Thomas  Papillon,  Memoirs  of  T.  Papillon,  p.  374. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  25 

was  to  become  still  more  vexatious.  As  a  matter  of  fact, 
the  party  split  over  the  question  of  the  succession.  The 
most  extreme  Tories  were  called  Jacobites,  and  they,  like 
the  non-jurors,  remained  first  and  foremost  the  cham- 
pions of  the  Pretender,  whom  they  wished  to  bring  back 
to  England  at  any  cost.  For  the  most  part  they  were  too 
fearful  of  treason  to  plot  much,  yet  it  was  well  for  the 
country  that  their  numbers  were  so  few.^  Only  a  trifle 
less  disposed  in  that  way  were  the  Highfliers,  to  whom  the 
welfare  of  the  church  stood  in  the  same  relation  as  the 
Pretender  to  the  Jacobites.  This  faction  was  led  by  the 
Anglican  clergy,  and  was  powerful  both  in  numbers  and 
influence.^  Last  of  all  were  the  Hanoverian  Tories,  later 
styled  by  St.  John,  ''whimsicals,"  who  supported  the 
Protestant  succession,  even  though  it  meant  putting  upon 
the  throne  an  alien  who  was  inclined  to  be  lenient  towards 
Dissenters  and  Low  Churchmen.  Among  all  the  Tories, 
there  was  little  real  leadership  of  a  constructive  kind,^ 
but  the  chief  weakness  of  the  party  lay  in  the  irrecon- 
cilable attitude  of  the  Jacobite  and  Hanoverian  factions 
as  to  the  succession  after  Anne's  death. 

Even  if  the  Whigs  were  not  thoroughly  united,  they 
held  more  common  principles  than  their  rivals,  as  their 
support  of  the  Act  of  Settlement  bound  most  of  them 
together,  although  there  was  always  considerable  intri- 
guing with  the  Tories.  The  Whigs  came  mainly  from  the 
trading  centers,  although  their  leaders  were  largely  taken 
from  the  more  prominent  noble  families.  The  diminish- 
ing class  of  the  yeomanry  also  supported  the  Whigs.  The 
previous  war  had  increased  the  importance  of  the  monied 

1  Present  State  of  Parties,  p.  51 ;  Bolingbroke,  Dissertation  on  Parties; 
Lecky,  I.  141.  The  Jacobites  diminished  in  numbers  when  Gloucester  died 
and  Louis  XIV  recognized  the  Pretender.    Coxe,  I.  73-5;  Kent,  p.  409. 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  f .  18 ;  cf.  Von  Noorden,  Boling- 
broke, p.  97. 

3  Coxe,  I.  276;  cf.  Lecky,  I.  153. 


26  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

group,  which  had  invested  so  largely  in  government  se- 
curities, and  were  consequently  supporting  the  Bank  of 
England.  Marriages  between  the  scions  of  the  nobility 
and  the  daughters  of  wealthy  traders  were  not  uncommon 
and  did  much  to  increase  the  power  of  the  Whigs  by 
gaining  for  the  merchant  class  a  social  standing,  which 
the  economic  development  of  England  was  gradually,  but 
surely,  to  improve/ 

The  commercial  classes  were  mainly  Low  Churchmen 
and  Dissenters,  and  were  much  more  kindly  inclined 
towards  toleration  and  comprehension  than  the  Tories, 
while  they  had  much  less  reverence  for  the  Anglican 
clergy.^  They  carried  the  same  ideas  into  politics,  and  in 
1689,  in  the  Bill  of  Rights,  they  insisted  upon  safeguard- 
ing the  people  against  any  arbitrary  exercise  of  the  pre- 
rogative, by  making  parliament  a  check  upon  the  king. 
The  Whig  liberals  went  even  farther;  they  championed 
the  cause  of  civil  liberty  even  at  the  expense  of  parlia- 
ment, if  need  be.^  Closely  allied  to  the  monied  interests, 
which  had  risen  to  power  through  war,  they  favored  a 
vigorous  prosecution  of  the  struggle  against  Louis,  both 
on  land  and  sea,  while  their  opponents  wished  only  to 
retain  the  mastery  of  the  sea.* 

The  future  lay  with  the  Whigs.  To  a  greater  degree 
than  the  Tories,  they  stood  for  the  economic  interests  of 
the  nation.  As  England's  commerce  and  industry  in- 
creased, a  larger  number  of  the  intelligent  middle  classes 
joined  their  ranks.  The  kindness  of  the  Whig  leaders  to 
the  non-conformists  gained  them  many  recruits  in  that 
quarter.    Much  to  the  alarm  of  the  Highfliers,  the  mass 

1  Defoe,  Complete  English  Tradesman ;  Hume,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  ch.  LVI ; 
Kent,  pp.  450-1 ;  T.  Papillon,  Memoirs  of  T.  Papillon,  p.  375. 

2  Jonathan  Swift  in  the  Examiner,  No.  36, 

3  The  Dangers  of  Moderation,  p.  6;  Lord,  p.  73. 

*  Macaulay,  p.  2391;  Marchmont  Papers,  II.  314;  Bolingbroke 's  Letters, 
II.  74,  211. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  27 

of  immigrants  also  favored  their  opponents.  The  Whigs 
had  better  leaders,  who  were  excellent  organizers  and 
most  active  in  converting  young  men  as  soon  as  they 
showed  political  promise.^  On  the  other  hand,  the  Tory 
chieftains  were  under  the  strain  of  supporting  the 
queen's  prerogative,  while  undermining  her  influence  by 
currying  favor  with  the  impetuous  Jacobites,  who  must 
at  least  be  made  to  believe  that  the  Tories  had  in  mind 
to  destroy  the  very  law  which  had  brought  the  queen  to 
the  throne. 

While  parties  were  in  such  a  fluid  condition,  the  power 
wielded  by  various  influential  personages  at  court  was 
often  of  vital  importance ;  hence,  it  is  wise  at  the  outset 
to  study  the  character  of  the  more  notable  persons  of  the 
realm,  for  in  no  reign  has  the  individual  statesman 
played  a  larger  part  than  in  that  of  Anne.  In  particular, 
during  this  period  of  transition  in  constitutional  history, 
when  an  unpopular  king  of  foreign  extraction  gave  way 
to  a  Stuart,  the  character  of  the  new  ruler  would  have 
great  influence  on  the  trend  of  affairs.  Thus  it  becomes 
imperative  to  know  something  of  the  queen's  personality. 

Anne 's  countenance  was  frank  and  open,  maternal  and 
good-humored;  while  her  chin  showed  real  Stuart  deter- 
mination, which  on  sundry  occasions  approached  royal 
obstinacy.  She  was  inclined  to  be  phlegmatic  and  good- 
natured,  unless  thoroughly  aroused,  when  with  a  certain 
amount  of  grim  satisfaction,  she  saw  to  it  that  her  wishes 
were  respected  and  the  presumptuous  individual  put  in 
his  proper  place.  She  had  a  tenacious  memory  for  both 
favors  and  injuries,  but  when  she  was  well,  and  not 
unduly  antagonized,  she  was  uniformly  kind  to  those 
about  her.  This  largely  accounts  for  her  popularity 
among  the  masses,  except  during  the  last  weeks  of  her 

1  T.  Somerville,  Political  Transactions,  pp.  687-97 ;  M.  T.  Blauvelt,  The 
Development  of  Cabinet  Government,  p.  89. 


28  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

life  when  they  began  to  fear  that  she  was  planning  to 
have  the  Pretender  succeed  her.^ 

In  appearance  the  queen  was  pleasing.  Her  figure  was 
comely  rather  than  beautiful,  with  a  decided  tendency 
towards  grossness  as  she  grew  older,  due  to  an  excessive 
fondness  for  eating,  and  a  violent  antipathy  for  anything 
approaching  exercise.  She  was  gluttonous;  nothing 
seemed  to  affect  her  appetite,  not  even  her  grief  over  her 
husband's  death.  Card-playing  and  hunting  were  her 
only  forms  of  recreation,  and  for  the  latter  she  employed 
a  special  kind  of  cart.  As  a  result  of  her  sedentary  life, 
Anne  was  usually  on  intimate  terms  with  the  gout,  which 
eventually  shortened  her  life.  During  her  coronation 
she  was  so  ''infirm  from  gout  and  unwieldy  from  corpu- 
lency," that  she  had  to  be  carried  around  in  a  huge 
sedan  chair.^  She  was  only  thirty-seven  years  of  age, 
yet  in  physical  stamina  she  was  much  older.  Little 
wonder,  when  we  recollect  that  she  had  borne  at  least 
seventeen  children,  not  one  of  whom  survived  to  see  her 
crowned  !^ 

Few  people  have  had  a  more  unhappy  childhood  than 
Lady  Anne.  At  her  birth,  her  uncle,  Charles  II,  was 
king ;  her  father,  the  Duke  of  York,  the  heir  to  the  throne ; 
and  her  maternal  grandfather,  the  Earl  of  Clarendon,  the 
leading  minister.  Her  father  was  a  devout  Catholic,  her 
mother  an  equally  devout  Anglican.    Anne 's  mother*  died 

1  Mesnager,  Minutes  of  Negotiations,  pp.  40-3;  Strickland,  XII.  102-5. 

zPortl.  MSS.,  TV.  34;  J.  P.  MoUoy,  The  Queen's  Comrade  (2d  ed,),  I. 
302;  Colville,  p.  120;  Notes  4-  Queries  (9th  series),  XL  24,  in  1705,  a 
large,  fleshy  lady  was  "thought  very  like  her  Majesty."  Portl.  MSS.,  IV. 
177. 

3  Paul  says  that  Anne  was  a  mother  eighteen  times.  A  History  of  the 
Boyal  Family  gives  the  names  of  but  five  children.  Stebbing  mentions 
twelve  and  "several  more  miscarriages."  Genealog.  Hist.,  pp.  859-65.  See 
also  Wyon,  I.  46. 

4  J.  R.  Henslow's  Anne  Hyde,  Duchess  of  YorTc,  is  a  popular  life  of 
Anne's  mother. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  29 

while  she  was  still  in  her  teens,  and  although  she  was 
James's  favorite,  he  habitually  neglected  her,  particu- 
larly after  his  second  marriage,  when  Anne  was  left 
entirely  in  the  care  of  her  mother's  relatives,  by  whom 
she  was  carefully  nurtured  in  the  Protestant  faith. 
During  the  excitement  following  the  Popish  plot,  James 
was  forced  to  leave  England,  and  thereafter  could  pay 
little  attention  to  her  welfare.  Anne  was  now  very  un- 
happy, as  she  knew  how  ardently  her  father  and  step- 
mother desired  her  to  become  a  Catholic. 

The  princess,  thus  left  to  her  own  resources,  soon 
found  solace  for  her  loneliness  in  the  companionship  of 
Sarah  Jennings,  a  clever  young  woman,  some  years  her 
senior,  and  this  friendship  gradually  became  closer,  until 
when  Anne  was  married,  Sarah,  then  the  wife  of  John 
Churchill,  became  her  lady  of  the  bedchamber.  Two 
years  later,  James  became  king,  and  Anne  soon  learned 
with  horror  that  he  was  endeavoring  to  make  England 
Catholic.  Untrained  in  politics,  Anne  listened  to  the 
advice  of  her  closest  friends,  and  decided  to  desert  her 
father,  rather  than  renounce  Anglicanism,  which  seemed 
to  her  inevitable,  if  James  succeeded  in  his  plans.  Those 
dull  November  days  prior  to  the  king's  flight  from  Eng- 
land were  most  trying  to  the  young  princess.  On  the 
one  hand,  she  was  impelled  by  her  love  for  her  father; 
on  the  other,  by  her  loyalty  to  the  church  and  her  affec- 
tion for  Mary.  In  her  embarrassment,  is  it  surprising 
that  she  sought  the  aid  of  her  trusted  companion.  Lady 
Churchill,  who  was  always  so  resourceful  in  times  of 
difficulty?  At  court  everything  was  in  turmoil,  and  each 
courtier  looked  upon  his  neighbor  with  unspoken  sus- 
picion. James  had  led  his  army  from  London  towards 
the  southwest  in  order  to  check  William's  advance.  With 
him  were  Prince  George  and  Lord  Churchill,  of  whose 
desertion  of  the  king  London  was  informed  on  November 


30  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

25.  Almost  at  once  James  withdrew  towards  his  capital, 
a  move  which  so  excited  Anne  that  she  threatened  to 
jump  put  of  the  window  if  he  came  near.  To  her  mind 
flight  was  the  only  thing  left,  and  Lady  Churchill,  with 
the  willing  co-operation  of  Compton,  the  deposed  bishop 
of  London,  completed  the  arrangement,  and  the  two 
ladies  escaped  from  court  that  night.^  Such  unseemly 
haste  has  been  taken  to  mean  that  Anne  and  probably 
Sarah  as  well  were  surprised  by  the  news  that  their  hus- 
bands had  joined  William  of  Orange. 

As  early  as  May,  1687,  however,  Churchill  wrote  to 
William  that  Anne  was  safe  '4n  the  trusting  of  him,"  and 
was  certain  that  she  would  never  embrace  Catholicism.^ 
A  fortnight  later,  James  is  reported  as  believing  that 
Lady  Churchill  had  advised  his  daughter  to  go  to  Hol- 
land.^ Since  1685  Anne  had  been  in  close  communication 
with  her  sister  Mary,  William's  wife,  and  in  January, 
1688,  wrote  that  she  feared  the  establishment  of  Catholi- 
cism in  England.*  As  soon  as  she  learned  that  her 
father's  wife,  Mary  of  Modena,  was  pregnant,  Anne  com- 
plained that  her  stepmother  was  entirely  too  secretive, 
and  doubted  whether  or  not  she  were  enceinte.  Nearly  a 
month  before  the  princess  left  London,  her  uncle,  the 
second  Earl  of  Clarendon,  noted  her  unwillingness  to 
concede  that  the  child,  James  Edward,  was  her  brother." 

1  Clarendon  Papers,  II.  207;  G.  A.  Ellis,  Ellis  Cor.,  II.  338;  Gibber's 
Apology,  pp.  57-9;  Dartmouth  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  214;  Ailesbury  Memoirs 
(H.  M.  C),  p.  191;  Hatton  Cor.,  11.  113,  118;  Notes  4-  Queries  (8th  series), 
I.  152. 

2  John  Dalrymple,  Memoirs  of  Great  Britain  and  Ireland,  II.  191. 

3  See  letters  of  the  French  minister  in  Lingard  'a  Hist,  of  Eng.,  X.  351. 

4  Bentinck,  Memoires  de  Mary  II,  pp.  24-6.  Anne  probably  never  ceased 
to  question  the  Pretender's  legitimacy. 

5  Dalrymple 's  Memoirs  (II,  App.,  Pt.  ii.  297-310)  contains  a  large 
amount  of  correspondence  between  Mary  and  Anne,  relative  to  the  queen's 
pregnancy.  See  also  Bentinck,  supra  cit.,  pp.  31-2,  and  G.  Burnet,  Memoires 
pour  servir  a  I'histoire  de  la  Grande  Bretagne,  pp.  291-7. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  31 

Later,  Clarendon  again  tried  to  get  her  to  support  her 
father,  but  she  steadily  refused,  ostensibly  because  James 
would  not  like  for  her  to  meddle.  Very  soon  the  earl  felt 
called  upon  once  more  to  remonstrate  with  her  for  "un- 
seemly levity."  Anne  replied  that  she  "played  at  cards 
because  it  was  her  daily  custom,  and  that  she  never  did 
anything  that  looked  like  affected  constraint. ' '  The  true 
reason  is  now  quite  apparent,  for  Anne  had  already 
written  William  that  Prince  George  would  join  him  "as 
soon  as  his  friends  think  it  proper. '  '^  Within  a  few  days 
she  remarked  to  Clarendon  that  the  people  were  so  afraid 
of  popery  that  many  more  would  follow  his  son's  example 
and  desert  to  William.^  When  Churchill  went  over  to 
William,  he  left  a  letter  for  James,  professing  deep  sor- 
row in  having  to  leave  him  on  account  of  his  religious 
scruples.  Prince  George  penned  a  similar  explanation, 
emphasizing  the  same  point  of  religion,  and  voicing  the 
same  hope  that  the  king  might  come  to  no  harm,  and  Anne 
likewise  wrote  to  the  queen,  expressing  identical  senti- 
ments.^ These  letters  convince  one  that  it  is  almost  in- 
conceivable that  each  of  the  three  should  have  left  notes 
of  explanation  so  similar  in  phrase  and  content,  unless 
there  had  been  a  previous  agreement  on  the  subject. 

It  would  seem,  therefore,  that  Anne 's  decision  to  aban- 
don her  father  was  not  taken  on  the  spur  of  the  moment, 
so  her  fright  must  have  been  due  to  the  unexpected  return 
of  James  to  London ;  and  his  order  to  the  lord  chamber- 
lain to  seize  Churchill's  houses  in  London  and  St.  Albans, 
and  probably  take  his  wife  into  custody  as  well,  discon- 
certed her  and  her  companion,  who  were  both  short  of 

1  Dalrymple,  Memoirs,  II,  Pt.  i.  333. 

2  Clarendon  Papers,  II.  305.  See  also  Thomas,  p.  37;  Lingard,  Hist,  of 
Eng.,  X.  352. 

sLransdowne  MSS  (B.  M.),  1236,  f.  230;  W.  Kennett,  Complete  Hist., 
III.  498. 


32  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

funds  at  that  time.  Had  they  planned  a  long  journeyj 
Lady  Churchill  certainly  would  have  attended  to  that 
matter  in  plenty  of  time.  Had  Anne  been  unable  to  pre- 
vail upon  the  lord  chamberlain  to  delay  the  execution  of 
his  order,  Lady  Churchill  could  not  have  left  London  at 
that  time.^  Yet  Sarah's  influence  was  a  factor  in  Anne's 
desertion  of  her  father,  although  her  devotion  to  the 
church  was  proverbial,^  and  her  dislike  and  fear  of  Mary 
of  Modena  a  matter  of  common  report.  Believing  that 
deception  had  been  employed  at  the  birth  of  the  Pre- 
tender, she  was  seized  with  a  deep  resentment  against 
the  Catholics,  who  seemed  bent  upon  depriving  her  of  her 
right  to  the  throne.  Anne  did  much  to  advance  the  suc- 
cess of  the  Revolution  by  deserting  her  father.  Lacking 
her  aid,  "William  might  never  have  become  king,  and  with- 
out her  continued  support,  ''his  throne  would  suffer  in 
stability  and  dignity." 

As  soon  as  William  had  established  himself  in  London, 
Anne  returned  to  the  Cockpit  in  Whitehall  and  gave  her 
loyal  support  to  William  and  Mary.  Her  stand  is  said 
to  have  been  due  to  Lady  Churchill,  who  disclaims  the 
responsibility,  although  conceding  that  she  persuaded  the 
princess  ''to  the  project  of  that  settlement,  and  to  be 
easy  under  it,  after  it  was  made. '  '^  Whoever  may  have 
prompted  her,  it  is  indisputable  that  she  had  the  courage 
to  stand  forth  publicly  against  her  father  and  Catholi- 
cism. Unhappily,  her  religion  was  so  akin  to  supersti- 
tion that  she  never  ceased  to  regret  this  step.  Anne, 
realizing  that  she  had  been  her  father's  favorite,  could 
never  think  of  him  in  exile  without  remorse,  and  the  Jaco- 

1  Colville,  p.  71. 

zHarleian  MSS.,  6584,  f.  271a;  Maepherson,  I.  282;  Bentinek,  supra  cit., 
p.  28. 

s  Conduct,  pp.  19-22;  Other  Side,  p.  22;  Macaulay,  p.  1292.  Lady 
Churchill  insisted,  however,  that  it  took  the  additional  urging  of  Lady  Eussell 
and  Dr.  Tillotson  to  cause  Anne  to  give  up  her  present  right  to  the  throne. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  33 

bites  saw  to  it  that  she  was  constantly  reminded  of  her 
ingratitude/ 

The  princess  was  just  as  willing,  however,  to  stand  for 
her  rights  against  the  new  sovereigns.  Friction  soon 
arose  between  Anne  and  the  king,  because  his  attitude 
was  not  what  she  had  anticipated  when  she  championed 
his  claim  to  the  throne.  For  this  quarrel  Macaulay  holds 
the  Churchills  entirely  responsible,  insisting  that  Anne 
was  completely  controlled  by  them,  and  that  they  brought 
her  into  serious  financial  difficulties ;  first  with  her  father 
and  later  with  William.  No  one  doubts  the  exceeding 
fondness  of  the  Churchills  for  money,  or  that  its  accumu- 
lation was  one  of  the  leading  motives  of  their  public  and 
private  life,  but  this  alone  does  not  prove  the  charge 
against  them,  although  there  is  a  strong  presumption 
that  they  feathered  their  nest  according  to  the  prevailing 
fashion. 

Anne  had  been  most  liberally  supported  by  both  her 
uncle  and  her  father,  but  she  was  ever  in  financial  straits. 
Yet,  Lady  Churchill  repeatedly  tells  us  that  the  princess 
was  exceedingly  economical,  and  many  others  bear  out 
her  testimony.  Anne  never  purchased  a  jewel  for  her  own 
use,  as  she  looked  upon  jewelry  as  the  greatest  of  vanities. 
When  the  Earl  of  Oxford  wished  parliament  to  purchase 
the  Pitt  diamond  for  her,  she  forbade  it,  saying  *'it  was  a 
.  .  .  pity  that  Greenwich  Hospital  was  not  finished.'" 
If,  then,  Anne  did  not  spend  her  allowance  herself,  what 
became  of  it? 

Lady  Churchill,  now  Countess  of  Marlborough  (1689), 
also  emphasized  Anne's  lavish  rewards  to  her  friends. 
As  Sarah  and  her  husband  were  her  most  intimate  asso- 

1  In  1701,  Mary  of  Modena  sent  her  James 's  dying  wishes.  Beaumont  et 
Bernois,  La  Cour  des  Stuarts,  p.  237;  T.  S.  Evans,  Life  of  Bobert  Frampton, 
p.  205. 

2  Dartmouth  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  Intro.,  v;  Journal  to  Stella,  8  August, 
1711. 


34  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

ciates,  what  is  more  natural  than  that  the  princess  should 
shower  gifts  upon  them?  The  countess  may  have  been 
an  ''abandoned  liar,"  as  Macaulay  suggests,  but  her 
word  may  well  be  accepted  when  she  unconsciously  con- 
demns herself,  by  saying  that  Anne  bestowed  upon  her 
a  pension  and  later  gave  a  dowry  of  £5,000  to  each  of  her 
four  charming  daughters.^  To  anyone  who  knows  aught 
of  the  countess,  it  is  inconceivable  that  she  should  be 
surrounded  by  wealth  without  securing  some  of  it,  or  that 
the  princess  should  bestow  choice  gifts  upon  other  friends 
and  totally  neglect  her. 

The  greater  Anne's  allowance,  the  more  bountiful 
would  be  her  presents.  Thus  both  self-interest  and 
friendship  would  urge  the  countess  to  aid  Anne  to  in- 
crease her  pension.  At  any  rate,  William's  reign  was 
scarcely  a  year  old  before  Anne  demanded  a  liberal  settle- 
ment as  heir  apparent.  Although  enjoying  a  pension  in 
excess  of  £30,000,  she  asked  for  £70,000.  Nor  was  appli- 
cation made  to  the  king,  inasmuch  as  William  had  stated 
in  emphatic  terms  that  he  could  not  understand  how  ' '  the 
Princess  could  spend  £30,000  a  year. ' '  Consequently  her 
case  was  presented  directly  to  parliament.  William 
immediately  sent  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury  to  wait  upon 
the  countess,  asking  her  to  obtain  Anne's  permission  to 
withdraw  the  case  from  the  Commons,  and  offering  the 
princess  a  settlement  of  £50,000  a  year.^  The  countess 
expressed  some  doubt  of  the  king's  sincerity,  and  advised 
Shrewsbury  to  wait  upon  Anne  in  person.  He  met  a  cool 
reception  there,  as  the  princess  replied:  "Since  that 
affair  was  before  the  Commons,  it  must  even  take  the 
course  and  be  concluded  by  that  wise  body."  She 
thought  herself  justified  in  seeking  an  allowance,  and 

1  Eeid,  pp.  117,  471.  It  was  current  that  Sarah  gained  "much  larger 
sums"  by  gambling  with  Anne.    Thomas,  p,  49;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52. 

2  R.  Doebner,  Memoirs  of  Mary  II,  p.  17;  Conduct,  p.  33;  C.  J.,  X.  310. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  35 

'*  reasonable  to  see  what  her  friends  could  do  for  her."^ 
Firmly  on  this  ground  she  stood,  and  parliament  finally 
voted  her  £50,000  a  year.^ 

Anne  had  gained  her  end  and  somewhat  humiliated 
William,  but  she  was  soon  to  find  it  a  Pyrrhic  victory. 
The  king  thought  the  Marlboroughs  responsible  for  the 
obstinacy  of  the  princess.  Indeed,  there  was  no  doubt 
of  it,  as  the  countess  openly  boasted  of  her  part  in  it.^ 
Why  did  the  latter  side  with  Anne!  Was  it  because  she 
thought  it  her  duty  to  guard  the  oppressed?  This  is 
unlikely,  as  the  princess  had  been  well  treated  up  to  this 
time.*  Two  probable  explanations  appear;  either  the 
countess  expected  to  share  in  Anne's  good  fortune,  or 
she  saw,  in  thus  opposing  William,  a  better  opportunity 
of  aiding  her  husband  in  his  schemes,  the  exact  nature  of 
which  still  remains  a  matter  of  doubt. 

Before  many  months  had  passed,  however,  the  king 
began  to  suspect  Marlborough.  Fearing  that  he  was  in 
communication  with  James  II,  he  dismissed  the  earl  from 
all  his  employments,  forbade  him  to  attend  court,  and 
later  committed  him  to  the  Tower.  Such  a  move  placed 
in  jeopardy  the  countess's  honorable  position,  since  it 
was  not  customary,  even  in  those  days  of  double-dealing, 
for  a  traitor's  wife  to  retain  an  important  place  at  court. 
Yet  this  might  have  passed  unnoticed,  had  the  countess 
remained  in  the  background;  had  not  Anne,  insisting 
upon  her  rights,  brought  her  along  when  she  called  upon 
the  queen!    This  incident  partly  explains  Mary's  frank 

1  Coke,  III.  123.  Coke  said  this  was  her  reply  to  Wharton  and  Shrews- 
bury. 

2C.  J.,  X.  310,  319;  Oiher  Side,  p.  37;  Conduct,  pp.  32-4. 

3  See  Life  of  the  Duchess,  pp.  16-21;  Doebner,  Memoirs,  p.  18;  Conduct, 
pp.  31-5. 

*  The  countess  was  then  high  in  the  graces  of  William  and  Mary  herself, 
as  she  thought  her  recommendation  might  help  her  uncle,  Dr.  Lister,  obtain 
a  post  as  one  of  the  king's  five  physicians,  although  four  were  already 
chosen.     Lister  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  5, 


36  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

letter  to  her  sister.  *'I  tell  you  plainly,"  she  wrote, 
**Lady  Marlborough  must  not  continue  with  you  in  the 
circumstances  her  lord  is. ' '  The  demand  was  reasonable, 
but  it  was  couched  in  unfriendly  terms,^  and  Anne  would 
have  been  scarcely  human  had  she  not  resented  its  spirit. 
"I  think,"  she  replied,  ''this  proceeding  can  be  for  no 
other  intent  than  to  give  me  a  very  sensible  mortification, 
so  there  is  no  misery  that  I  cannot  readily  resolve  to 
suffer,  rather  than  thoughts  of  parting  with  her. '  '^ 

Marlborough's  disgrace  was  not  the  sole  cause  of  the 
queen 's  action,  as  Mary  had  more  than  three  years  before 
criticized  the  religious  views  of  the  countess.  ''I  am 
sorry  people  have  taken  great  pains  to  give  you  so  ill  a 
character  of  Lady  Churchill,"  was  the  princess's  loyal 
retort.  ' '  I  believe  there  is  nobody  in  the  world  has  better 
tokens  of  religion  than  she  has.  I  am  sure  she  is  not  as 
strict  as  some  are,  nor  does  she  keep  such  a  bustle  with 
religion ;  which  I  confess  I  think  ne  'er  the  worse,  for  one 
sees  so  many  saints  devils  that  if  you  be  a  good  Christian 
the  less  stir  one  makes  it  better  in  my  opinion.  As  for 
her  moral  principles,  it  is  impossible  to  have  better  and 
without  that  all  the  lifting  eyes,  [and]  going  to  Church 
will  prove  but  very  lame  devotion."^  The  queen  also 
suspected  that  the  countess  was  probably  aiding  her  hus- 
band in  reconciling  Anne  and  her  father.  Although  Mary 
may  have  lacked  definite  proof  of  Anne 's  complicity,  the 
latter  unquestionably  had  written  to  James  weeks  before 
Marlborough's  disgrace,  expressing  remorse  for  her 
desertion,  and  a  deep  concern  for  his  misfortunes.*    Mis- 

1  Miss  Sandars  thinks  ' '  no  one  can  accuse  it  of  harshness. ' '  Mary  II, 
p.  319.    She  probably  follows  Burnet.    Harleian  MSS.,  6584,  f.  69*. 

2  Thomson,  I.  458-9;  Conduct,  p.  58. 

3  Birch  MSS.  (B.  M.),  4163.  Mary  was  told  that  Sarah  "abhors 
Catholicism. ' ' 

iAilesbury  Memoirs  (H.  M.  C),  p.  293;  Strickland,  XII.  135.  For 
Mary's  own  account,  see  Doebner,  Memoirs,  p.  38. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  37 

trusting  her  sister's  loyalty,  and  disliking  her  independ- 
ence, the  queen  could  do  no  less  than  insist  upon  the  dis- 
missal of  the  woman  she  held  responsible  for  both. 

Being  naturally  wilful  and  possessed  of  a  profound 
liking  for  the  countess,  Anne  was  loath  to  part  with  her, 
but  it  was  not  this  alone  that  accounts  for  her  attitude; 
she  had  personal  grievances  against  both  the  king  and 
queen,  the  most  important  of  which  was  William's  cava- 
lier treatment  of  her  husband.  Prince  George  of  Den- 
mark. Authorities  are  for  once  in  complete  accord  as  to 
the  mediocrity  of  Prince  George.  Charles  II 's  witty 
remark  that  he  had  tried  him  both  drunk  and  sober,  and 
that  ' '  drunk  or  sober,  there  is  nothing  in  him, ' '  was  cor- 
roborated by  James  II  when  he  learned  of  his  desertion. 
''What,  is  est-il-possible  gone?  Were  he  not  my  son-in- 
law,  a  single  trooper  would  have  been  a  greater  loss."^ 
William  was  proverbially  impatient  with  men  of  slender 
ability,  hence  he  tactlessly  paid  little  attention  to  his 
clumsy,  stupid,  besotted  brother-in-law.  Although  me- 
diocre in  intelligence.  Prince  George  was  exceedingly 
desirous  to  be  of  service  and  asked  to  accompany  William 
to  Ireland.  He  was  denied,  however,  the  usual  courtesy 
of  traveling  in  the  same  coach  with  the  king,  an  honor 
which  was  reserved  for  the  Earl  of  Portland.  The  prince 
probably  paid  little  attention  to  this  slight,  but  Anne's 
indignation  was  aroused,  although  she  might  have  over- 
looked the  discourtesy,  had  it  not  been  followed  by 
another.  The  crisis  in  English  naval  affairs  after  the 
unfortunate  battle  of  Beachy  Head  (1690)  probably 
appealed  to  George's  patriotism,  and  he  begged  to  go  to 
sea  without  a  command.  Mistaking  William's  silence  as 
consent,  he  prepared  to  take  ship.  By  that  time  the  king 
was  in  Holland,  and  it  fell  to  Mary  to  prohibit  the 

1  Lingard,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  X.  352.     The  prince  was  called  est-il-possible 

from  his  customary  exclamation. 


38  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

prince's  sailing,  after  she  had  found  it  impossible  to 
persuade  him  to  forego  his  plans. 

Anne  nursed  other  grievances  as  well,  one  of  which 
was  some  unpleasantness  over  the  place  of  residence  of 
herself  and  her  family.  She  desired  the  apartments 
formerly  occupied  by  the  Duchess  of  Portsmouth.  Since 
she  was  unable  to  secure  quarters  for  her  servants  near 
them,  she  took  the  Portsmouth  apartments  for  her  chil- 
dren, and  remained  herself  at  the  Cockpit.  She  later 
asked  for  Richmond  Palace  that  her  children  might  have 
better  air,  but  this  was  refused,  probably  because  it  was 
being  used  by  the  sister  of  William's  mistress,  and  Anne 
felt  very  indignant,  particularly  because  she  had  to  bow 
to  the  wishes  of  a  shameless  woman.  In  addition, 
William's  personal  discourtesies  to  the  princess  increased 
her  determination  to  keep  the  countess  with  her. 

Thoroughly  aware  of  the  importance  of  her  position, 
Anne  felt  that  the  king  was  ungrateful  for  the  part 
she  had  played  in  the  Revolution.  So  to  all  forms  of 
persuasion  she  was  impervious,  and  she  wrote  again  to 
her  sister:  **I  am  sorry  I  find  that  all  I  have  said  myself, 
and  Lord  Rochester  for  me,  has  not  had  effect  enough  to 
keep  your  Majesty  from  persisting  in  a  resolution,  which 
you  are  satisfied  must  be  so  great  a  mortification  to  me, 
as,  to  avoid  it,  I  shall  be  obliged  to  deprive  myself  of  the 
satisfaction  of  living  where  I  might  have  frequent  oppor- 
tunity of  assuring  you  of  my  duty  and  respect. '  '^ 

Anne's  threat  to  retire  did  not  weaken  Mary's  decision, 
although  she  wrote  once  more,  making  her  intentions 
much  clearer.  The  queen  insisted  upon  immediate  com- 
pliance, and  the  princess  left  court,  not  only  to  retain  the 
countess's  companionship,  but  because  she  felt  that  such 
a  move  would  make  her  appear  a  martyr  in  the  eyes  of 

1  Conduct,  p.  58. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  39 

the  English  masses  among  whom  William  was  so  unpopu- 
lar. If  the  king  or  queen  ''imagine  to  vex  me  or  gain 
upon  me  by  such  sort  of  usage,  they  will  be  mightily  dis- 
appointed," she  wrote  to  the  countess,  "and  I  hope  that 
these  foolish  things  they  do,  will  every  day  show  people 
more  and  more  what  they  are,  and  that  they  truly  deserve 
the  name  your  faithful  Morley  has  given  them."^  She 
was  correct  in  her  surmise,  because  William's  attitude 
towards  Anne  increased  his  difficulties  with  parliament. 
How  grateful  the  princess  was  to  the  woman  who  had 
supported  her  interests  at  court  appears  in  a  letter,  which 
exhibits  so  much  of  her  force  of  character  as  to  warrant 
its  being  quoted  at  length.  ''I  must  give  my  dear  Mrs. 
Freeman  ten  thousand  thanks  for  her  two  kind  letters 
and  assure  her  'tis  not  necessary  to  make  excuses  at 
length.  Could  you  imagine  how  very  welcome  they  are 
to  me,  I  am  sure  you  would  not  do  it.  I  hear  Lord  Marl- 
borough is  sent  to  the  Tower  and  though  I  am  certain 
they  have  nothing  against  him  and  expected  by  your 
letter  it  would  be  so,  yet  I  was  struck  when  I  was  told  of 
it,  for  me  thinks  it  is  a  dismal  thing  to  have  one 's  friends 
sent  to  that  place.  I  have  a  thousand  melancholy 
thoughts  and  can't  help  fearing  they  should  hinder  you 
from  coming  to  me,  though  how  they  could  do  that 
without  making  you  a  prisoner  too,  I  cannot  imagine.  I 
am  just  now  told  by  pretty  good  hands  that  as  soon  as 
the  wind  turns  westerly  there  will  be  guards  set  upon  the 
Prince  and  me.  If  you  hear  there  is  any  such  thing  de- 
signed and  'tis  easy  to  you,  pray  let  me  see  you  before 
the  wind  changes,  for  afterwards  one  does  not  know 
whether  they  will  let  one  have  opportunities  of  speaking 
to  one   another.     But   let   them   do   what  they  please, 

1  Molloy,  Queen 's  Comrade,  I.  219..  To  avoid  meaningless  etiquette  in 
their  letters,  Anne  and  Sarah  adopted  the  names  of  Morley  and  Freeman 
respectively. 


40  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

nothing  shall  ever  vex  me  so  I  can  have  the  satisfaction 
of  seeing  dear  Mrs.  Freeman.  I  swear  I  could  live  upon 
bread  and  water  between  four  walls  with  her  without 
repining,  for  as  long  as  you  continue  kind  nothing  can 
ever  be  a  real  mortification  to  your  faithful  Morley,  who 
wishes  she  may  never  have  a  moment's  happiness  in  this 
world  or  the  next,  if  ever  she  proves  false  to  you. '  '^ 

As  early  as  1691,  Anne  had  been  alarmed  by  the  in- 
formation that  she  was  really  ''an  honourable  prisoner 
and  in  the  hands  of  the  Dutch  guards, ' '  but  she  was  terri- 
fied now  by  the  warning  that  unless  she  dismissed  the 
countess  voluntarily,  she  would  be  ''obliged  to  it."^  Her 
punishment  began  at  once  and  nothing  ' '  in  the  power  of 
the  Crown  to  inflict  upon  her  was  spared. ' "  Her  guard 
of  honor  was  taken  away;  foreign  ministers  ceased  to 
wait  upon  her ;  the  rector  at  St.  James  was  advised  not 
to  show  her  the  usual  courtesies;  when  she  went  to 
Bath,  the  mayor  was  requested  to  omit  the  formalities 
with  which  royal  visitors  were  customarily  received.  The 
courtiers  quickly  took  the  hint,  and  the  prince  and  prin- 
cess were  neglected.  Anne  bitterly  complained  of  this 
ostracism:  "I  cannot  end  this  without  telling  you  that 
the  guards  in  St.  James  Park  did  not  stand  to  their  arms, 
either  when  the  Prince  went  or  came.  I  can't  believe  it 
was  their  Dutch  breeding  alone,  but  Dutch  orders  made 
them  do  it,  because  they  never  omitted  it  before,  and  they 
could  not  pretend  to  be  surprised. '  '*  In  Anne 's  delicate 
state  of  health  such  treatment  was  nothing  if  not  brutal, 
but  it  only  added  to  her  obstinacy.  ' '  Being  now  at  liberty 
to  go  where  I  please,  by  the  Queen's  refusal  to  see  me," 
she  wrote  to  the  countess,  "I  am  mightily  inclined  to  go 

1  Reid,  p.  77. 

2  Thomson,  I.  203-6. 

8  Macaulay,  pp.  2127-8, 

*  Reid,  p,  83.    See  also  Marll.  MSS.,  p.  58;  Burnet,  IV.  164. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  41 

tomorrow  after  dinner  to  the  Cockpit,  and  from  thence 
privately  in  a  chair  to  see  you. '  '^ 

Did  the  countess  urge  Anne  to  resist  the  queen?  She 
denied  the  accusation  categorically,  and  her  statement  is 
rendered  probable  by  some  lines  of  the  princess :  ' '  Can 
you  think  either  of  us  [George  and  Anne]  so  wretched," 
she  wrote,  *Hhat  for  the  sake  of  £20,000  and  to  be  tor- 
mented from  morning  to  night  with  flattering  knaves  and 
fools,  we  should  forsake  those  we  have  such  obligations 
to,  and  that  we  are  so  certain  we  are  the  occasion  of  all 
their  misfortunes."^  Later  Anne  said:  ''You  must  give 
me  leave,  at  once,  to  beg  you  will  never  mention  so  cruel 
a  thing  again,  for  it  pierces  to  my  very  heart  and  soul, 
and  for  God's  sake,  be  assured,  besides  the  acting  a  base, 
ungrateful  part  towards  you  (which  is  a  thing  I  abhor) 
I  am  fully  persuaded  I  should  be  the  meanest,  pityfullest 
wretch  on  earth  if  I  did  not  retire."^  Anne  was  so 
aroused  that  she  vowed  she  would  keep  the  countess  **in 
spite  of  their  teeth,"  and  would  go  to  the  ** utmost  verge 
of  the  earth  rather  than  live  with  such  monsters."*  She 
swore,  moreover,  that  she  "would  sooner  be  torn  in 
pieces"^  than  yield,  and  yield  she  never  did,  although 
subjected  to  systematic  persecution.  Even  under  the 
trying  ordeal  of  her  last  interview  with  Queen  Mary,  her 
will  power  stood  the  test.  While  recovering  from  a 
serious  illness,  she  was  waited  upon  without  ceremony  by 
the  queen,  who  demanded  forthwith  the  countess's  dis- 
missal.   Anne  replied  that  she  ' '  had  never  in  all  her  life 

1  Conduct,  p.  79.  See  also  Chamberlen,  p.  9 ;  Clarke  and  Foxcrof  t,  Burnet, 
p.  307. 

2  Molloy,  Queen's  Comrade,  I.  215;  Other  Side,  pp.  109-10;  Conduct, 
pp.  72-3. 

3  Eeid,  p.  79. 

4  Thomson,  I.  460-3. 

5  Eeid,  pp.  83-4,  88.  For  Mary's  statements  see  Doebner,  Memoirs,  p.  45. 
Several  of  Anne's  letters  are  printed  in  Molloy,  op.  cit.,  I.  209-50. 


42  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

disobeyed  her,  except  in  that  one  particular,  which  she 
hoped  would  some  time  or  other,  appear  as  reasonable 
to  her  Majesty  as  it  did  to  her. '  '^ 

Few  persons  have  the  courage,  even  under  extraor- 
dinary condition,  to  intrigue  against  their  parents.  Yet 
Anne,  often  charged  with  obtuseness  and  pusillanimity, 
helped  make  the  Revolution  possible,  because  she  feared 
for  the  future  of  Protestantism  in  England.  James  II 
never  suspected  his  retiring  daughter  of  so  much  deter- 
mination, while  William  and  Mary  never  supposed  that 
Anne  would  be  so  bold  as  to  disobey  their  commands. 
Yet  she  asked  parliament  for  a  settlement  and  secured 
it ;  furthermore,  she  would  not,  even  in  the  face  of  threats 
and  insults,  part  with  Lady  Marlborough. 

Both  Anne  and  Mary  were  bent  upon  having  their  own 
way,  and  all  hopes  of  a  reconciliation  were  cut  short  by 
the  latter 's  tragic  death.  Soon  afterwards  William 
showed  a  great  many  marks  of  disrespect  to  the  princess, 
which  became  so  apparent  that  people  began  to  murmur, 
and  finally,  for  political  reasons,  the  king,  at  Somers's 
instigation,  permitted  the  princess  to  return  to  court, 
though  even  then  she  was  suspected  of  intriguing  with 
her  father.  Anne's  desire  to  choose  the  members  of  the 
Duke  of  Gloucester's  establishment  increased  William's 
distrust ;  yet  he  acceded  to  her  wishes  in  appointing  Marl- 
borough as  the  boy's  guardian,  although  he  insisted  upon 
Burnet  as  tutor.^ 

The  young  duke  suddenly  died  in  1700  and  Anne  was 
inconsolable.  The  king  had  become  inordinately  fond  of 
his  namesake,  and  looked  upon  him  as  England's  future 
king.  With  his  death,  the  last  tie  binding  William  to  his 
sister-in-law  was  dissolved.     Her  loss  filled  Anne  with 

1  Conduct,  p.  70.    See  London  Gasette,  17  April,  1692, 

2  Frankland-Bussell-Astley  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  94;  T.  Somerville,  Trans., 
p.  629. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  43 

superstitious  fear,  for  she  concluded  that  her  bereave- 
ment was  really  a  punishment  for  deserting  her  father, 
whose  forgiveness  she  decided  to  gain  before  it  was  too 
late.  So  she  asked  his  permission  to  accept  the  crown  in 
accordance  with  the  Act  of  Settlement  that  had  just  been 
passed/  Being  already  suspicious  of  Anne,  James  was 
now  convinced  of  her  duplicity,  and  thought '  *  she  merely 
wished  to  learn  his  intentions  that  she  might  defeat  them, 
if  they  were  opposed  to  her  own  determination  to  rule 
as  queen. '  '^  This  judgment  was  unfair,  because  Glouces- 
ter's  death  had  weakened  her  resolution  to  ascend  the 
throne  which  by  hereditary  right  belonged  to  her  father.' 

William  III,  surrounded  as  he  was  by  intriguers,  had 
become  more  alert,  and  quickly  learned  of  Anne's  corre- 
spondence. Already  embittered  against  her,  he  deter- 
mined to  punish  her  severely,  by  refusing  the  usual  for- 
malities of  mourning  at  court  for  her  son.  William's 
hatred  was  heartily  reciprocated.  "I  cannot  let  your 
servant  go  back,"  Anne  wrote  to  Godolphin,  "without 
returning  my  thanks  for  the  letter,  and  assuring  you  it 
is  a  very  great  satisfaction  to  me  to  find  you  agree  .  .  . 
concerning  the  ill-natured  cruel  proceedings  of  Mr.  Cali- 
ban [William]  who  vexes  me  more  than  you  can  imagine, 
and  I  am  out  of  all  patience  when  I  think  I  must  do  so 
monstrous  a  thing  as  not  to  put  my  lodgings  in  mourning 
for  my  father."* 

Such  barbarous  treatment  in  no  sense  broke  down  her 
will.    She  remained  as  rebellious  as  ever,  and  it  is  diffi- 

1  E.  Spanheim,  Belation  de  la  cour  d  'Angleterre,  p.  600 ;  C.  Cole,  Memoirs 
of  Affairs  of  State,  p.  193 ;  Clarke,  James  II,  II,  559. 

2  Eyan,  I.  84.    See  ib.,  I.  149. 

3  L 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  10  March,  1702,  Eijks  Archief,  26^., 

4  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  2,  "Caliban,"  "Dutch 
Monster, ' '  and  ' '  Abortion '  *  were  Mrs.  Freeman 's  and  Mrs.  Morley  's 
favorite  names  for  William.  Macaulay  criticises  such  expressions  by  Anne 
as  the  ' '  style  of  a  fishwoman, ' '  which  would  seem  somewhat  too  severe. 
Eist.,  p.  2128. 


44  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

cult  to  conclude  that  she  acted  as  a  tool  of  the  Marl- 
boroughs.  Indeed,  she  had  a  will  and  policy  all  her  own, 
in  the  carrying  out  of  which  the  countess  rendered  great 
service  because  it  was  to  her  interest,  financial  and  other- 
wise, to  do  so.  When  Anne  became  queen,  she  really 
needed  Lady  Marlborough's  help  at  court,  so  she  made 
her  groom  of  the  stole  and  keeper  of  the  privy  purse. 
Military  affairs  were  in  a  critical  state,  and  the  queen 
chose  Marlborough — the  only  able  English  general — as 
the  head  of  her  army. 

These  two  appointments  have  usually  been  taken  to 
mean  that  Queen  Anne  was  entirely  controlled  by  the 
captain-general  and  his  wife.  The  great  Whig  historian 
has  given  wide  currency  to  this  idea,  and  his  less  able 
successors  have  assumed  that,  if  the  Marlboroughs '  in- 
fluence over  Princess  Anne  was  large,  their  power  over 
Queen  Anne  was  supreme.  An  examination  of  Anne's 
early  life  has  not  proved  that  she  was  so  completely  under 
their  control,  and  their  later  relations  must  be  studied 
before  any  conclusions  can  be  drawn. 

Before  proceeding  farther,  however,  three  additional 
incidents,  throwing  some  light  upon  Anne's  intelligence 
and  force  of  character,  will  be  given.  During  James's 
reign,  the  Earl  of  Scarsdale,  an  officer  in  Anne's  house- 
hold, having  incurred  the  king's  displeasure,  was  sum- 
marily dismissed  from  all  his  offices.  The  princess 
sought  to  retain  him,  and  yielded  only  to  James 's  direct 
command.  The  Earl  of  Sunderland  was  one  of  the 
shrewdest  men  of  the  Revolution ;  he  was  first  on  one  side 
and  then  on  the  other;  no  statesman  of  his  time  pre- 
tended to  understand  him.  In  the  light  of  all  his  re- 
searches, Macaulay  confessed  his  inability  to  fathom 
the  man,  and  even  with  our  present-day  knowledge,  he 
remains  much  of  a  mystery.  ''One  thing  I  forgot  to  tell 
you  about  this  noble  Lord,"  wrote  Anne  to  her  sister 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  45 

early  in  1688,  ''which  is  that  if  everything  does  not  go 
here  as  he  would  have  it,  that  he  will  pick  a  quarrel  with 
the  court,  and  so  retire,  and  by  that  means  it  is  possible 
he  may  make  his  court  to  you,"^  In  view  of  his  later 
activities,  this  is  one  of  the  best  prophecies  in  regard  to 
this  political  trickster  of  which  we  have  any  record. 

The  Earl  of  Rochester,  Anne's  uncle,  was  another  in- 
fluential statesman  of  the  Revolution,  and  was  active  as 
an  intermediary  in  her  quarrel  with  Mary.  From  his 
attitude  towards  her,  as  well  as  the  general  tenor  of  these 
negotiations,  Anne  gained  the  idea  that  he  was  trying  to 
trick  her.  Without  wasting  a  single  moment,  she  wrote : 
**I  give  you  many  thanks  for  the  compliments  and  ex- 
pressions of  service  .  .  .  which  I  should  be  much  better 
pleased  with,  than  I  am,  if  I  had  any  reason  to  think  them 
sincere."^  This  note  must  have  come  as  a  decided  sur- 
prise to  a  skilful  minister,  who  probably  imagined  he 
was  hoodwinking  his  unsophisticated  niece. 

It  is  now  time  to  note  the  characterizations  of  Anne 
given  by  a  number  of  secondary  writers,  and  later  the 
basis  for  their  statements  will  be  examined.  Cooke's 
estimate  is  among  the  most  hostile.  Speaking  of  these 
**two  weak-minded  persons,"  he  insisted  that  *'Anne  was 
scarcely  superior  to  her  husband  in  intellect ;  her  opinions 
were  prejudices ;  they  had  been  received  without  exami- 
nation, and  were  retained  without  suspicion. '  '^  The  full 
force  of  this  comparison  is  apparent  only  when  we  recall 
the  caustic  remarks  of  Charles  II  and  James  II,  who 
knew  her  consort  well.  We  gain  the  same  impression  of 
Anne  from  Macaulay,  who  says  that  ''When  in  good 
humour  she  was  meekly  stupid,  and  when  in  ill  humour, 
sulkily  stupid."    "Her  powers  of  mind  were  certainly 

1  Ryan,  I.  150. 

2  Conduct,  p.  93;  Colville,  p.  92;  Other  Side,  pp.  93-5. 

3  History  of  Party,  I.  525,  543.    See  also  J.  Forster,  Defoe,  pp.  41-2. 


46  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

not  considerable,"  notes  Lord  Mahon.  ''She  had  no  wit 
of  her  own  nor  appreciation  of  wit  in  others.  No  one 
could  have  less  share,  less  sympathy,  in  the  great. intel- 
lectual movements  .  .  .  [of]  her  reign."  In  the  latter 
part  of  this  observation  there  is  unquestionably  a  large 
element  of  truth,  as  the  queen's  interests  were  con- 
fessedly personal  and  political.  Paul  caustically  says 
that  "She  never  showed  any  power,  and  seldom  any 
wish,  to  comprehend  the  .great  issues  of  European 
politics,  the  fierce  struggles  of  political  parties,  which 
were  decided  and  fought  out  by  her  soldiers  and  ministers 
in  her  name."  Another  writes,  ''Poor  Anne,  unfortu- 
nately scarcely  ever  enjoyed  more  than  the  shadow  of 
that  authority,  which  was  disputed  by  factions,  both 
equally  intent  upon  personal  aggrandizement."^ 

The  evidence  cited  by  these  harsh  critics  is  scarcely 
sufficient  to  warrant  such  reflections,  but  they  form  the 
basis  for  the  current  conceptions  of  Queen  Anne.  It  is, 
however,  somewhat  surprising  that  so  little  attention  has 
been  paid  to  Jonathan  Swift's  keen  observations,^  and 
the  statements  of  Voltaire,  while  much  of  the  force  of  the 
accounts  by  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  and  Lady 
Masham  seem  to  have  been  lost.  All  these  will  be  noticed 
in  due  time. 

Some  idea  of  the  new  queen  has  now  been  gained,  and 
we  shall  next  glance  briefly  at  some  of  the  more  con- 
spicuous characters  of  the  reign.  The  men  first  to  be 
mentioned  cannot  be  strictly  considered  as  members  of 
either  the  Whig  or  the  Tory  parties,  since  they  are  found 

1  Thomson,  II.  179.  For  similar  characterizations,  see  Michael,  Eng. 
Gesch.,  I.  227;  Strickland,  XII.  44;  Von  Noorden,  I.  185;  M.  G.  Howitt, 
Queens  of  England,  p.  478.  A  more  favorable  view  may  be  found  in  A.  L. 
Cross,  Hist,  of  Eng.  and  Greater  Britain,  Roscoe,  Harley,  W.  F.  Lord,  Politi- 
cal Parties,  and  Bunbury,  Hanmer. 

2  Change  in  the  Queen 's  Ministry  and  Four  Last  Tears  of  the  Reign.  His 
Journal  to  Stella  hints  at  the  same  thing. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  47 

acting  first  with  one  and  then  with  the  other,  in  some 
important  capacity.  This  was  largely  due  to  the  lax 
political  morality  of  the  years  succeeding  the  Revolution, 
when  statesmen  chose  safety  rather  than  consistency  as 
their  motto.  Another  cause  for  this  vacillation  was  the 
indefinite  stand  of  the  two  parties  on  many  questions; 
while,  as  now,  the  disappointed  politician  sought  alliances 
where  his  merits  would  be  most  substantially  rewarded. 

Marlborough  was  one  of  these  statesmen  without  fixed 
political  afiiliations,  and  is  generally  esteemed  the  great- 
est of  them  all,  on  account  of  his  transcendent  ability  as 
general,  diplomat,  and  politician.  Voltaire  said  that  he 
never  fought  a  battle  without  victory,  or  besieged  a  town 
without  success.  He  had  already  served  three  sovereigns, 
but  to  none  of  them  had  he  been  true.  Nevertheless,  the 
charm  of  the  man  was  irresistible,  despite  his  squeaky 
voice  and  penuriousness.  His  pleasing  address  never 
gained  him  any  widespread  popularity,  however,  even  in 
the  hour  of  victory,  because  he  was  always  too  self- 
centered,  and  owned  no  principle  but  self-interest.  At 
the  beginning  of  Anne's  reign,  the  earl  was  thoroughly 
Tory  in  sympathy,^  due  in  all  probability  to  his  reverence 
for  the  crown  and  the  principles  of  the  Established 
Church,  but  such  an  alliance  soon  proved  embarrassing, 
as  the  Tories  were  unwilling  to  enter  enthusiastically 
into  the  war. 

The  political  career  of  Marlborough  would  be  most 
interesting  in  itself,  but  it  becomes  vital  when  one  con- 
siders that  his  talented  wife  was  Anne's  trusted  com- 
panion. The  countess  was  the  most  talked-of  woman  of 
her  age,  as  well  as  the  most  cordially  hated.  In  contrast 
to  her  cool,  imperturbable  husband,  she  was  quick-tem- 
pered and  exceedingly  frank,  while  her  likes  and  dislikes 

1  Consult  the  letter  of  Bonet,  the  Prussian  representative  in  London,  which 
is  quoted  by  Von  Noorden,  I.  200. 


48  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

were  both  well  pronounced.  As  the  mother  of  four  at- 
tractive daughters,  all  of  whom  married  into  the  noblest 
families  of  England,  Lady  Marlborough  would  have  been 
closely  connected  with  political  affairs,  even  though  she 
had  not  been  Mrs.  Morley's  ''dear  Mrs.  Freeman."  Her 
most  prominent  son-in-law  was  Sunderland's  heir  and 
one  of  the  Whig  leaders.  Either  from  natural  inclination 
and  her  Low  Church  proclivities,  or  through  his  influence, 
the  countess  soon  began  to  favor  the  Whigs,  and  at- 
tempted to  convert  her  husband. 

Sidney,  later  Earl  of  Godolphin,  was  closely  allied  with 
the  Marlboroughs  in  politics  and  his  son  had  married 
their  eldest  daughter.  He  was  a  modest,  self-effacing 
man,  who  had  the  tact  and  good  fortune  to  serve  the  last 
three  monarchs  in  important  financial  positions,  gener- 
ally to  the  satisfaction  of  each.  Charles  II  aptly  sum- 
marized his  character  by  saying  that  he  ''was  never  in 
the  way,  and  never  out  of  it."  Though  possessed  of 
great  financial  ability,  he  was  very  much  of  a  bore  in 
society,  as  his  chief  interests  lay  in  cock-fighting  and 
horse-racing,  and  he  was  never  thoroughly  happy  except 
at  the  Newmarket  race  course.  Thrown,  as  he  was,  into 
the  maelstrom  of  partisan  politics,  he  showed  his  lack  of 
courage  and  of  political  acumen,  and  was  overcome  by 
an  abler  intriguer,  who  was  less  timorous  and  fearful  of 
responsibility. 

Robert  Harley  was  an  important  associate  of  both 
Marlborough  and  Godolphin.  He  was  reared  a  Presby- 
terian, and  his  family  had  always  been  Whig,  but  he  was 
ambitious  and  promotion  came  slowly  among  the  Whigs, 
who  had  a  number  of  active  leaders;  so  he  became  a 
moderate  Tory,  although  his  principles  remained  those 
of  a  conservative  Whig  throughout  his  career.  His  polit- 
ical abilities  were  of  a  high  order,  but  they  were  to  no 
inconsiderable  extent  nullified  by  his  habit  of  extreme  pro- 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  49 

crastination,  and  an  attitude  of  perfect  inscrutableness 
even  to  his  most  intimate  friends.  Both  these  traits  were 
accentuated  in  later  years  by  an  ungovernable  fondness 
for  drink,^  which  frequently  incapacitated  him  for  effec- 
tive political  activity. 

Henry  St.  John  was  an  intimate  friend  of  Harley,  and 
had  somewhat  the  same  political  inclinations.  In  his  own 
day  he  was  famed  equally  as  an  orator,  literary  man, 
intriguer,  free-thinker,  and  libertine,  a  reputation  which 
in  all  its  phases  has  not  grown  less  with  age.  He  changed 
to  the  Tories  about  the  time  of  Anne 's  accession,  and  like 
Harley  gained  a  place  in  the  composite  ministry  of 
Godolphin  through  his  political  sagacity.  Each  of  these 
men  was  without  any  scruples  or  gratitude,  when  such 
inconvenient  principles  stood  in  the  way  of  political  ad- 
vancement. They  and  the  queen  were  really  the  ' '  admin- 
istration" from  the  summer  of  1710  until  Anne's  death, 
and  their  political  manipulations  were  probably  as 
skilful  as  any  that  England  had  ever  seen. 

The  Duke  of  Shrewsbury  was  a  shrewd  courtier,  who 
stood  between  the  Godolphin  and  Harley  ministries  and 
was  the  nemesis  of  both.  He  was  of  illustrious  birth  and 
ample  fortune.  Personally  he  was  most  agreeable  and 
possessed  great  culture,  speaking  French  and  Italian  like 
a  native.  His  notorious  mother  exerted  much  power 
over  him,  and  he  was  educated  a  Catholic,  but  through 
Somers's  influence  he  became  a  Protestant  and  a  Whig. 
Nevertheless,  he  remains  one  of  the  most  elusive  public 
men  of  all  time.  His  party  affiliations  were  more  variable 
than  those  of  the  other  men  already  mentioned.    In  the 

1  CoTv-per  's  Diary  contains  a  good  characterization,  although  it  is  a  trifle 
too  severe,  even  from  a  fair-minded  opponent  Lady  Marlborough's  opinion 
is  not  as  hostile  as  might  be  expected.  Prw.  Cor.,  I.  140.  Many  of  Harley 's 
letters  may  be  found  in  the  Portland  Papers.  His  severest  critic  is  the 
author  of  A  Detection  of  the  Secret  History  of  the  White  Staff.  Cf.  Swift 's 
estimates  in  the  Journal  to  Stella,  passim. 


50  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

case  of  the  others,  one  is  able  to  tell  on  which  side  they 
were  for  the  nonce,  but  for  Shrewsbury  this  is  impossible, 
perhaps  for  the  simple  reason  that  he  did  not  know 
himself.  He  had  served  James  II  and  then  had  helped 
seat  William  on  the  throne.  For  motives  known  only  to 
himself,  he  corresponded  with  James,  but  in  the  face  of 
exposure  he  resigned.  Indeed,  he  had  a  most  adroit  way 
of  avoiding  political  responsibility  by  quitting  office  at 
critical  moments  upon  a  plea  of  illness.  Yet  this  vacil- 
lating, one-eyed,  sickly  gallant  exerted  more  authority 
in  important  crises  in  English  politics  than  any  other 
statesman  of  his  day.^  On  one  occasion,  he  helped  create 
a  revolution;  at  another,  he  overthrew  a  ministry;  at  a 
third,  he  assured  the  Protestant  succession  in  the  House 
of  Hanover  and  spoiled  all  the  plans  of  the  Jacobites. 

Another  interesting  character  of  the  epoch  was  Daniel 
Finch,  Earl  of  Nottingham,  whom  Swift  dubbed  as 
''Dismal."  His  father  was  Sir  Heneage  Finch,  a  judge 
of  great  ability,  and  Daniel  resembled  his  parent  in  many 
ways.  He  was  one  of  the  most  virtuous  and  honorable 
men  in  a  time  of  loosest  morality.  Although  an  orator  of 
parts,  he  was  much  too  prolix,  and  his  gloomy  demeanor 
prevented  his  making  many  friends.  His  religious  sin- 
cerity was  exceptional,  and  he  remained  throughout  life 
a  steadfast  Churchman.  Although  allied  with  the  High 
Churchmen,  he  had  stood,  not  only  for  toleration  but  for 
comprehension.^  He  was  a  man  of  much  influence,  but 
imperious,  and  early  in  Anne's  reign  incurred  her  fatal 
displeasure  by  his  insolence.  At  heart  a  thoroughgoing 
Tory,  he  had  a  high  idea  of  the  prerogative.  He  aided  in 
overthrowing  the  Whigs  in  1710,  but  Harley  failed  to 
satisfy  his  ambition  for  a  portfolio,  and  he  left  his  party 

y^Shrewab.  Cor.,  pp.  634-45;  Macky,  Memoirs,  p.  14;  Hearne,  I.  140; 
Triv.  Cor.,  II.  124. 

2Harleian  MSS.  (B.  M.),  6584,  ff.  270b;  Macaulay,  pp.  894,  1394. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  51 

at  a  most  critical  moment,  when  nothing  short  of  a  revolu- 
tionary measure  sufficed  to  keep  it  in  power.^ 

This  ends  the  list  of  'Svaverers,"  and  we  now  turn  to 
the  leading  Tories.  Rochester  was  perhaps  the  fore- 
most of  them.  He  was  honest,  but  his  ability  was  medi- 
ocre, and  his  mismanagement  in  1685  cost  the  Exchequer 
£45,000.^  Like  Harley,  he  was  much  too  fond  of  drink.^ 
He  was  vehement  in  the  extreme  and  when  aroused  swore 
like  a  porter.  Nevertheless,  he  was  a  typical  High 
Church  Tory,  who  hated  the  Dissenters  worse  than  he  did 
Satan,  heartily  opposed  England's  entrance  into  the  war 
as  a  principal,  and  was  averse  to  any  extension  of  parlia- 
mentary rights  and  privileges. 

Sir  Edward  Seymour  was  another  influential  High- 
flier, although  he  confessed  that  seven  years  had  passed 
''since  he  had  received  the  sacrament  or  heard  a  sermon 
in  the  Church  of  England."*  He  was  a  descendant 
through  the  elder  line  of  the  Protector  Somerset,  and  his 
political  power  in  the  southwestern  counties,  particularly 
around  Exeter,  was  usually  supreme.  He  was  as  proud 
as  Jupiter,  absolutely  fearless,  possessed  considerable 
skill  as  a  debater,  and  was  well  versed  in  parliamentary 
usages.  He  might  have  done  much  to  reform  parlia- 
mentary representation  had  he  been  less  corrupt  and 
intolerant.  Finally,  we  must  mention  as  belonging  to 
this  group.  Sir  Simon  Harcourt,  who  was  not  so  devoted 
a  churchman  as  Seymour  or  Eochester,  but  was  a  loyal 
Tory,  and  probably  the  most  brilliant  lawyer  in  his  party. 

Another  type  of  Tory  carried  its  politics  to  the  point 

1  The  creation  of  twelve  Tory  peers  December  31,  1711. 

2Macaulay,  pp.  241,  268;  Ailesbury  MSS.  (H.  M,  C),  I.  232. 

3  On  one  occasion  after  stripping  himself  almost  naked,  he  climbed  a  post 
to  drink  King  William's  health.  Macky,  Memoirs,  p.  30;  BemarTcs  on  the 
Conduct,  pp.  36,  sq. 

*  Cunningham,  History  of  Great  Britain,  I.  317. 


52  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

of  treason,  and  bore  the  name  of  Jacobite.  The  number 
belonging  to  this  faction  was  not  as  large  as  is  usually 
supposed,  since  its  apparent  strength  came  from  the 
reputation  of  a  few  leaders,  of  whom  Ormond  stands  as 
the  most  picturesque,  for  though  certainly  not  the  ablest, 
he  was  a  popular  hero  and  the  idol  of  his  party/  He  was 
generous  to  a  fault,  but  exceedingly  vain,  and  his  aver- 
sion to  business  was  proverbial,  while  at  critical  moments 
he  was  timid  and  vacillating.  A  man  of  much  greater 
force  was  Dr.  Atterbury,  later  bishop  of  Eochester.  He 
was  the  soul  of  the  Jacobite  movement  among  the  clergy, 
and  was  firmly  ensconced  in  the  affections  of  the  court. 
When  the  time  came  to  test  the  strength  of  the  Jacobites, 
he  stood  almost  alone  in  advocating  violence.^  The  Earl 
of  Jersey  was  a  Jacobite  of  considerable  prominence  but 
of  little  real  ability.  Without  much  doubt,  the  leading 
figure  of  this  group  was  the  Scottish  Duke  of  Hamilton, 
whose  untimely  death  in  a  duel  had  much  to  do  with  the 
final  discomfiture  of  the  Jacobites  upon  the  queen's 
death.*  He  was  very  close  to  the  sovereign,  closer,  some 
aver,  than  any  other  man,  save  possibly  Harley. 

The  Tories  were  unfortunate  in  having  their  member- 
ship divided  into  three  distinct  factions,  but  doubly  so  in 
having  their  leaders  split  up  so  equally  among  these 
groups,  which  refused  to  co-operate  in  carrying  through 
important  policies.  The  Whigs  were  more  closely  organ- 
ized and  possessed  a  definite  policy.  Their  cohesive  force 
came  from  the  Hanoverian  succession;  their  motive 
power  and  directing  energy,  from  the  second  Whig  junto, 
which  was  composed  of  Somers,  Wharton,  Halifax,  Or- 
ford,  and  Charles  Spencer,  later  Earl  of  Sunderland. 

iMacky,  Memoirs,  p.  10;  Wyon,  I.  105. 
2  See  King's  Anecdotes,  pp.  8-9. 

8  Just  before  his  death  he  was  nominated  peace  plenipotentiary,  and  it 
was  the  Pretender 's  great  misfortune  that  Shrewsbury  succeeded  him. 


r 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  53 

All  five  were  men  of  ability,  particularly  the  first  three. 
Of  this  group  one  man  has  said :  * '  Somers  was  the  great- 
est .  .  .  ,  Wharton  the  noisiest,  Sunderland  the  most  in- 
solent, Halifax  the  most  brilliant,  and  Orford  the  most 
respectable."^  They  formed  the  inner  Whig  organiza- 
tion, and  held  together  in  an  amazing  way.  They  planned 
their  policies,  usually  with  considerable  skill,  and  caused 
the  Tories  no  end  of  uneasiness,  even  when  the  latter 
boasted  a  comfortable  working  majority  in  parliament. 

Of  this  clique  Wharton  seems  to  have  been  the  astute 
political  manager,  while  Somers  gave  it  stability.  Whar- 
ton was  not  only  a  professed  atheist,  but  one  of  the  most 
abandoned  libertines  of  his  day.  His  personality  must 
have  been  magnetic,  for  he  had  ability  akin  to  genius  in 
securing  the  allegiance  of  able  young  men  to  the  Whig 
party.  As  early  as  1685,  his  skill  in  elections  was  so 
great  in  Buckinghamshire  and  vicinity  that  it  was  said 
he  was  directly  responsible  for  the  presence  of  thirty 
members  in  parliament.^  In  a  later  election  he  is  said  to 
have  spent  £12,000.  His  influence  was  greatly  reduced  by 
the  hostility  of  the  queen,  who  was  scandalized  by  his 
indecencies. 

Less  fascinating  than  Wharton,  Lord  Somers  ranked 
as  one  of  the  greatest  constitutional  lawyers  of  his  age, 
and  his  judicial  opinions  were  always  received  with  re- 
spect. Despite  his  well-known  weakness  for  women,^ 
Somers  was  the  most  satisfactory  character  in  the  group, 
and  one  of  the  finest  types  of  his  day.  He  was  a  sincere 
patriot,  an  art  connoisseur,  and  a  patron  of  both  litera- 
ture and  art.  Moreover,  he  had  more  poise  and  self- 
command  than  his  associates,  and  was  the  only  one  whose 
honesty  was  unquestioned.    Unfortunately  he  had  been 

1  Lord,  pp.  104-5. 

2  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  70.    See  also  D.  N.  B.  under  "Wharton." 

3  Macky,  Memoirs,  p.  50. 


54  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

a  nervous  wreck  for  years,  and  could  not  labor  very 
energetically  in  the  political  field. 

Charles  Montagu,  Earl  of  Halifax,  resembled  Somers 
more  than  any  of  the  others,  as  both  were  interested  in 
art,  and  did  much  to  encourage  talented,  but  needy,  young 
writers.  Montagu  had  shown  sterling  qualities  as  a 
financier  under  William,  and  was  mainly  responsible  for 
establishing  the  Bank  of  England  and  reforming  the  cur- 
rency. His  skill  was  by  no  means  exclusively  financial, 
as  he  was  an  eloquent  debater  and  a  consummate  poli- 
tician, but  his  early  success  had  made  him  so  intolerably 
vain,  that  the  only  avenue  to  his  good  graces  lay  through 
fulsome  flattery.  Another  weakness  was  his  constitu- 
tional timidity,^  which  caused  him  to  be  perpetually  seek- 
ing new  political  alliances. 

The  weakest  link  in  the  Whig  chain  was  unquestionably 
Sunderland,  the  son-in-law  of  the  Marlboroughs.  Unlike 
his  father,  he  never  learned  to  dissemble  his  feelings,  and 
his  impulsiveness  kept  not  only  his  relatives,  but  the 
Whig  party,  continually  in  embarrassment.  He  was  edu- 
cated at  Utrecht,  where  he  imbibed  so  much  republican- 
ism that  he  became  the  most  radical  of  the  Whig  leaders 
and  took  delight  in  stirring  up  trouble.  Despite  his 
promises  to  his  father-in-law,  Sunderland's  attitude  was 
never  temperate,  and  he  soon  aroused  Anne's  distrust, 
which  contributed  to  the  failure  of  some  of  the  most 
cherished  plans  of  the  junto. 

The  least  active  of  the  Whig  clique  was  Edward  Rus- 
sell, Earl  of  Orford.  In  no  sense  a  politician,  he  was  first 
and  last  a  sailor.  He  had  always  been  both  arrogant  and 
greedy.  At  the  battle  of  La  Hogue  (1692),  where  he 
made  his  reputation,  he  wavered  between  loyalty  and 
treason  so  long  that  even  the  French  thought  he  had 
turned  traitor.    Despite  his  haughtiness  and  malignancy, 

1  Coxe,  I.  256 ;  Macaulay,  pp.  2394-9. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  55 

his  fame  and  family  gave  him  great  prestige,^  of  which 
his  colleagues  made  the  most  in  elections. 

Notwithstanding  its  weaknesses,  this  group  of  men 
organized  the  Whigs  more  systematically  than  ever 
before.  They  made  the  party  responsive  to  discipline, 
and  frequent  meetings  of  the  party  leaders,  as  well  as 
of  more  select  groups,  determined  party  policies. 
Already  the  junto  was  improving  upon  the  old  methods 
of  compelling  members  to  attend  parliament  whenever 
there  was  urgent  need  of  their  presence.^ 

Besides  these  leaders,  there  were  a  few  more  Whigs 
deserving  attention.  The  proud  but  mediocre  Duke  of 
Somerset  was  continually  wavering  in  his  allegiance  to 
his  party.  He  was  the  ranking  Protestant  nobleman,  and 
in  the  course  of  his  long  life  took  a  leading  part  in  the 
royal  ceremonies  during  six  reigns.^  Under  Anne  his 
influence  was  thrown  into  the  balance  at  critical  moments 
in  support  of  the  junto,  with  whom  he  had  no  personal 
sympathy  whatever.  Through  the  place  held  by  his  wife, 
he  was  able  to  get  into  the  good  graces  of  the  queen,  and 
divided  her  confidence  with  Harley  and  Mrs.  Masham 
after  the  downfall  of  the  Marlboroughs.  However,  he 
stands,  according  to  Burnet,  as  a  ''ministry  spoiler, 
rather  than  as  a  ministry  maker."*  A  stancher  Whig, 
who  stood  firmly  with  his  party  amid  great  temptations, 
was  Robert  Walpole,  but  his  great  opportunity  did  not 
come  until  the  next  reign.  The  list  of  leaders  would  not 
be  complete  without  the  name  of  a  man  who  was  neither 
a  political  leader  nor  in  any  real  sense  an  eighteenth- 
century  politician.     Yet,  in  his  way,  Daniel  Defoe  in- 

1  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  18.    Cf.  Coxe,  I.  259 ;  Macaulay,  pp.  2020,  2248. 

2  The  contests  over  the  election  of  speaker  in  December,  1701,  and  in 
1705  show  the  efficiency  of  the  party  "whips."    See  also  Kent,  pp.  93-7. 

s  Notes  4"  Queries  (2d  series).  III.  256. 
4  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family,  p.  165. 


56  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

fluenced  parliamentary  activity  indirectly  as  much  as 
any  man  in  the  realm.  He  was  in  this  reign  pre- 
eminently a  political  journalist,  but  he  did  most  efficient 
service  for  his  superiors  in  the  guise  of  a  secret  agent. 

Such  is  the  list  of  political  notables  in  1702.  It  remains 
to  see  how  Anne  fared  in  dealing  with  them  in  public 
affairs.  She  had,  however,  her  own  private  life  as  queen, 
and  it  is  best  to  ascertain  the  character  of  those  with 
whom  she  associated  on  confidential  terms.  Her  most 
intimate  companion  was  her  own  husband.  He  was  much 
older  than  she,  but  at  all  times  proved  himself  both  kind 
and  affectionate.  What  was  still  more  wonderful  for  a 
courtier  who  had  lived  at  Charles  II 's  dissolute  court, 
he  was  faithful  to  his  marriage  vows.  But  here  his  list 
of  virtues  ends !  He  was  endowed  by  nature  with  a  phy- 
sique which  any  Viking  might  have  envied,  but  his  in- 
temperance made  him  a  wreck  at  fifty.  Some  things  he 
may  have  loved,  but  two  he  worshiped.  One  was  his  wife, 
the  other,  his  bottle.  When  Anne  became  queen,  more 
and  more  of  her  time  had  to  be  devoted  to  state  affairs, 
and  to  solace  himself  in  her  absence,  George  paid  most 
assiduous  court  to  Bacchus.  It  is  pathetic  to  contemplate 
his  gradual  decline,  due  to  his  all  too  frequent  indulgence 
in  strong  drink.  Even  in  those  rare  moments  when  he 
was  entirely  free  from  the  influence  of  brandy,  his  intel- 
lectual powers  were  never  considerable.  He  made  few 
friends,  and  took  little  interest  in  politics,  but  he  was  very 
fond  of  gossip,^  much  to  Anne's  chagrin,  since  she  was 
heartily  ashamed  of  the  ridiculous  figure  he  cut  at  court. 

Anne  could  thus  expect  no  aid  from  the  prince ;  rather 
the  reverse,  as  his  health  soon  became  such  that  he  de- 
manded much  of  the  time  she  should  have  spent  in  direct- 
ing affairs  of  state.     The  opinions  of  Prince  George's 

1  Macky,  Memoirs,  p.  3 ;  Burnet,  I.  643,  V.  391 ;  Lingard,  Hist,  of  Eng., 
X.  353.    Schaumann,  Gesch.  der  Erwerberung,  pp.  111-2. 


CONDITIONS  IN  ENGLAND  IN  1702  57 

ability  given  by  Charles  II  and  James  II  are  in  a  way 
corroborated  by  William,  who  scarcely  mentions  the 
prince's  existence  in  his  correspondence,  and  other  con- 
temporaries are  equally  oblivious  of  his  importance/ 
Secondary  authorities  are  even  less  kind.  Ryan  writes 
that  he  was  '  ^  enthusiastic  only  over  his  bottle, ' '  and  Paul 
suggestively  remarks  that  he  died,  ''having  perhaps  done 
as  little  good,  and  as  little  harm,  as  it  is  possible  for  a 
human  being  to  do."^ 

The  dozen  or  more  children  born  to  the  prince  and 
princess  tarried  but  a  few  hours,  or  at  most  a  few  days, 
and  left  Anne  sorrowing  over  their  loss.  Only  one,  the 
idolized  Gloucester,  lived  long  enough  to  brighten  her  life, 
but  as  soon  as  she  began  to  have  visions  of  him  as  the 
future  ruler  of  England,  he,  too,  was  snatched  away.  A 
few  months  after  his  death  her  father  died  an  exile  at  the 
court  of  the  hospitable  French  king.  Her  half-brother, 
the  living  image  of  her  Gloucester,  had  become  definitely 
aligned  against  her  through  Louis  XIV 's  recognition  of 
his  claims  to  the  English  throne.  Probably  the  ablest 
of  all  her  kin  was  the  Duke  of  Berwick,  the  natural  son  of 
James  II  by  the  sister  of  Marlborough,  since  he  was  a 
skilful  general  and  an  astute  diplomat.  Unluckily,  his 
services  were  against  the  queen  and  her  greatest  military 
commander.  Indeed,  his  successes  in  Spain  against  the 
English  caused  no  small  annoyance  to  both  Marlborough 
and  Anne.  Though  the  queen  was  deserted  completely 
by  her  father 's  relatives,  she  had  little  more  satisfactory 
relations  with  her  mother's  brothers.  Clarendon,  the 
eldest,  remained  a  steadfast  Jacobite,  while  Rochester's 
imperious  behavior  aroused  her  deepest  resentment. 

Thus,  with  all  her  relatives  either  hostile  or  sulking, 
because  they  expected  greater  rewards  than  she  was 

1  The  Duchess  of  Marlborough 's  BemarTcs,  printed  by  Beid,  p.  141. 

2  H.  Paul,  Queen  Anne,  p.  42;  Eyan,  pp.  138,  193;  Wyon,  I.  46, 


58  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

willing  to  bestow;  with  a  husband  who  was  a  hindrance 
rather  than  a  help;  without  children  to  cheer  her,  this 
princess,  destined  to  be  the  last  of  the  Stuart  dynasty, 
was  a  lonely,  if  not  an  unhappy  woman.  She  needed 
friends  and  confidants,  supporters  and  administrators. 
In  seeking  both,  it  is  reasonable  that  she  should  have 
continued  to  depend  upon  those  who  had  championed  her 
cause  before  she  became  queen. 


CHAPTER  II 
THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  (1702-1704) 

On  the  evening  of  March  7,  1702,  it  was  realized  that  the 
hours  of  William  III  were  numbered,  and  immediately 
the  courtiers  began  paying  assiduous  attention  to  the 
queen  that  was  to  be.  Some  even  of  the  nobility  con- 
descended to  play  the  role  of  messenger-boys,  carrying 
to  Anne  news  of  her  brother-in-law's  gradual  dissolu- 
tion.^ To  and  fro  they  scurried  between  the  palace  and 
Anne's  apartments,  bringing  the  latest  reports  of  his 
sinking  condition.  Meanwhile,  William  was  slowly  and 
painfully  breathing  his  life  away.  It  was  a  pitiful  sight 
to  watch  one  of  the  noblest  souls  of  his  age  pass  to  the 
great  beyond,  because  each  breath  seemed  fairly  to  rend 
his  vitals,  as  though  pierced  with  the  sharpest  of  swords. 
Yet  William  died  as  bravely  as  he  had  lived,^  and  when 
the  gray  dawn  of  that  March  morning  was  dissolving  into 
daylight,  a  new  sovereign  reigned  over  the  British  Isles, 
the  first  woman  to  rule  in  her  own  right  since  Elizabeth. 
In  many  respects  Anne's  position  was  akin  to  that  of 
the  Virgin  Queen  a  century  and  a  half  earlier.  Her  main 
duty,  it  is  true,  was  to  reconcile  two  political,  rather  than 
religious,  factions ;  yet  the  latter  task  was  not  lacking  in 
Anne's  reign,  as  the  struggle  over  occasional  conformity 

1  Cunningham,  I.  257.  Dartmouth 's  malicious  statement  that  Burnet  was 
the  first  to  salute  Anne  as  queen,  is  untrue,  as  younger  men  were  intent 
upon  the  same  errand.  Jersey  is  said  to  have  sent  news  every  half  hour. 
Other  Side,  p.  146;  Kalph,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  II.  1623;  Eijks  Archief,  letter 
from  L 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  10  March,  1702. 

2  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  f.  27,  7074,  f.  200;  J.  Hervey,  Diary, 
8  March,  1702;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  I.  1. 


60  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

well  shows.  The  problem  of  the  succession  was  as  vital 
in  1702  as  it  had  been  in  1558,  and  with  it  was  intertwined 
the  whole  religious  problem  as  to  whether  a  Catholic 
could  rule  in  England.  The  Act  of  Succession,  like  the 
will  of  Henry  VIII,  was  not  considered  binding  by  a 
large  part  of  the  people.  Elizabeth  had  succeeded  her 
unpopular  sister,  while  Anne  followed  William,  who  was 
disliked  almost  as  much  as  *' Bloody  Mary"  had  been 
hated;  but  here  the  parallel  ceases,  as  Elizabeth  had  no 
such  warring  factions  in  her  parliament  with  which  to 
contend  as  had  Anne,  factions  which  were  conscious  of 
their  power  because  they  had  helped  remove  one  sover- 
eign and  make  another.  The  last  of  the  Tudors,  too,  had 
the  support  of  a  strong  Protestant  party,  while  the  last 
of  the  Stuarts  had  the  opposition  of  the  stronger  party, 
and  only  the  half-hearted  support  of  the  weaker. 

Few  reigns  in  English  history  are  so  interesting,  and 
in  none  is  the  personal  element  more  significant,  on 
account  of  the  intrigues  which  made  and  unmade  minis- 
tries, while  Marlborough  was  winning  glorious  victories 
over  the  French  and  Godolphin  was  effecting  the  union 
with  Scotland.  *'No  period  in  British  history  presents 
.  .  .  such  a  picture  of  corruption,  venality,  unconstitu- 
tional influences,  court  intrigues,  unbounded  ambition  in 
court  favorites,  and  the  extended  abuse  of  property  and 
power.  .  .  .  It  is  throughout,  ...  a  scene  of  artifice  and 
delusions.'" 

The  reign  opened  most  auspiciously  for  the  new  mon- 
arch. Both  houses  met  promptly  after  William's  death; 
loyal  addresses  were  voted  and  an  order  passed  to  pro- 
claim the  queen  that  afternoon.^^  Early  in  the  evening 
the  Privy  Council  as  a  body  came  quietly  to  Anne's  apart- 
ments to  pay  her  the  proper  compliments.    Her  ''well- 

1  Hamilton,  Transactions,  preface. 

2  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  f.  27. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  61 

considered"  reply,  though  it  may  have  been  written  by 
others,  shows  traces  of  the  queen's  influence.  Through- 
out her  reign,  her  attitude  towards  the  Privy  Council, 
parliament,  and  ministry  was  more  that  of  a  Tudor  than 
a  Stuart,  since  she  clearly  stated  her  wishes  and  then 
appealed  to  the  loyalty  of  both  parliament  and  the  people 
to  support  her. 

Anne's  first  speech  to  both  houses  shows  this.  She 
possessed  a  beautiful  voice,  which  had  been  carefully 
trained.  As  she  pronounced  her  brief  address  with  grace 
and  fluency,  she  concluded:  **It  shall  be  my  constant 
endeavour,  to  make  you  the  best  returns  for  that  duty 
and  affection  you  have  expressed  for  me,  by  a  careful  and 
diligent  administration  for  the  good  of  all  my  subjects; 
and  as  I  know  my  own  heart  to  be  entirely  English,  I  can 
sincerely  assure  you,  there  is  nothing  you  can  expect  or 
desire  from  me,  which  I  shall  not  be  ready  to  do  for  the 
happiness  and  prosperity  of  England;  and  you  will 
always  find  me  a  strict  and  religious  observer  of  my 
word."^ 

The  ubiquitous  Burnet  said  that  this  conclusion  was 
received  with  very  bad  grace  by  many  who  saw  in  it  both 
a  reflection  upon  the  late  king,  and  an  unpleasant  re- 
minder of  her  father's  first  speech  to  parliament.^ 
Marlborough  could  scarcely  have  been  responsible  for 
either  part,  especially  not  the  first.  With  all  his  faults 
he  was  entirely  too  self-conscious  to  favor  such  an  attack 
upon  his  late  master's  memory,  little  as  he  revered  him; 
and  he  would  have  thought  such  a  reference  to  James  II 
exceedingly  tactless.  The  queen  herself  could  have  no 
such  reasons  for  remaining  quiet.  She  knew  how  un- 
popular William  had  become.  If  she  had  in  the  l^ast 
doubted  it,  the  unseemly  levity  of  prominent  courtiers 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  5.     Italics  are  not  in  the  original. 

2  Burnet,  V.  3;  Chamberlen,  pp.  18-9;  Coke,  III.  132. 


62  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

after  his  death  would  have  speedily  convinced  her.  When 
William  was  injured,  many  Jacobites  drank  to  the  health 
of  ** Sorrel,"  whose  stumbling  had  broken  the  king's 
collar  bone.  Some  of  them,  indeed,  maintained  that  the 
king's  death  was  an  instance  of  divine  retribution,  since 
** Sorrel"  had  belonged  to  Sir  John  Fenwick,  whom 
William  refused  to  save  from  attainder.  Even  the  Privy 
Council  refused  the  king  the  honor  of  a  public  funeral, 
and  he  was  quietly  buried  four  days  after  his  death. 

Fully  aware  of  the  king's  unpopularity,  Anne  was 
anxious  to  stress  the  fact  that  she  was  English,  for  she 
knew  that  the  "fundamental  reason  for  the  dislike  of 
William  lay  in  his  foreign  birth,  foreign  speech,  and 
foreign  favorites.^  Besides,  in  emphasizing  her  Stuart 
blood  as  that  of  the  hereditary  line  of  English  sovereigns, 
she  made  a  direct  appeal  for  the  Jacobite  support.  More- 
over, she  even  quoted  their  dead  monarch's  own  words 
as  a  warrant  for  their  loyalty. 

That  Harley  and  Godolphin  had  a  part  in  framing  the 
speech  is  unquestioned,  but  some  of  the  sentiments  it 
expressed  bear  no  resemblance  to  those  entertained  by 
either.  The  appeal  to  the  loyalty  of  the  English  is  in 
keeping  with  Harley 's  ideas  and  the  queen's  private 
sentiments,  while  the  closing  sentence  is  the  work  of  a 
zealous  High  Church  adherent,  or  even  a  Jacobite.    The 

1  Chamberlen,  p.  30;  Coke,  III.  132.    One  contemporary  poem  ran: 
"Let's  e'en  mourn  on;   'twould  lessen  much  our  wo, 
Had  Sorrel  stumbled  thirteen  years  ago." 

A  pamphlet  of  the  time,  Gulielmus  Eedevivus  (1701-2),  reads:  "In  short 
he  was  a  King,  hateful  both  to  God  and  man;  whatsoever  was  pleasing  to 
God  and  good  men,  that  was  displeasing  to  him  and  his  favourites.  He  died 
without  issue;  and  was  unlamented,  for  Joy  that  he  left  his  throne  to  a 
Native  and  Glorious  Successor  after  he  had  reigned  thirteen  years. "  "  The 
longer  he  was  in  the  country,  the  less  he  was  beloved,"  writes  an  historian, 
"It  may  be  doubted  whether  at  the  time  of  his  decease  there  was  a  single 
Englishman  who  entertained  for  him  a  feeling  of  personal  attachment." 
Mahon,  I.  39.    See  also  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  15. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  63 

evidence  points  to  the  Earl  of  Rochester,^  whose  religious 
opinions  coincided  with  those  of  Anne. 

The  sentiments  spoken  by  the  queen  seem  for  the  most 
part  to  have  been  in  consonance  with  her  religious  beliefs, 
which  were  just  as  thoroughly  English  as  they  were 
devoutly  Anglican.  She  wished  with  all  her  heart  to  be 
a  popular  sovereign,  and  next  to  that  desire  was  her 
ambition  to  better  the  condition  of  the  church  and 
broaden  its  field  of  influence.  She  had,  besides,  a  special 
predilection  in  favor  of  her  rights  as  hereditary 
sovereign. 

It  would  appear,  then,  that  Anne  had  her  way  as  to 
the  contents  of  her  first  public  address.  Others  might 
suggest  to  her,  if  they  would,  the  direction  of  foreign 
affairs,  but  she  would  insist  upon  having  some  voice  in 
domestic  matters,  for  she  recognized,  as  probably  few  men 
of  her  time  did,  how  ''great  a  divinity  doth  hedge  a 
king,"  or  queen,  of  the  Stuart  line.  "The  theory  that  a 
king  can  do  no  wrong  is  still  a  legal  fiction,"  notes  one 
writer,  "but  in  the  days  of  the  Stuarts  that  the  king  can 
do  no  wrong  was  more  than  a  legal  fiction.  It  was  a 
creed  in  which  the  Stuarts  were  fervent  believers.  For 
this  faith  Charles  I  died ;  for  it  James  II  lost  his  Crown." 

Anne,  though  willing  to  accept  the  throne  from  parlia- 

1  A  letter  of  L  'Hermitage  to  Heinsius  concludes :  ' '  On  impute  diverses 
choses  aux  Conseils  du  C[omte]  Eoch [ester]  qui  ne  sont  pas  goutee,  de  bien 
des  gens,  et  qui  sont  connoistre  a  ce  qu'on  pretend  son  caractere.  C'est 
luy  qui  fit  mettre  dans  la  l^e  harangue  de  la  Eeine  le  mot  du  Coeur  entiere- 
ment  Anglois.  .  .  .  Marlborough  ne  fut  pas  de  cet  avis,  et  les  dues  de  Devon- 
shire et  de  Somerset,  et  le  Comte  de  Carlisle  oposerent  fort  faisant  voir 
eombien  cela  reflechissoit  sur  la  memoire  du  R[oi]  et  que  ce  u'estoit  propre 
qu'a  cause  de  la  division  mais  la  E[eine]  voulu  deferer  aux  avis  de  son 
oncle. "  Rijks  Archief,  26^.  The  rest  of  the  letter  is  in  L 'Hermitage 's 
illegible  hand,  but  this  part  is  the  work  of  a  secretary.  It  is  improbable 
that  Anne  wrote  the  address  herself,  as  it  was  not  customary.  Even  William 
apologized  for  drawing  up  his  own  speech.  Fy.  Hist.,  V.  403.  The  Duke  of 
Somerset  was  responsible  for  the  part  of  her  speech  relating  to  Scotland. 
See  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  53. 


64  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

ment,^  nevertheless  remained  a  thorough  believer  in 
hereditary  right.  Moreover,  she  appreciated  the  force 
of  the  Jacobite  sentiment  which  demanded  that  the  Pre- 
tender should  succeed  her,  and  she  grew  cold  at  the 
mention  of  the  foreign  princess  whom  parliament  had 
designated  as  her  successor.  There  was  magic  in  the 
name  of  Stuart,  as  no  royal  house  in  England  ''ever 
inspired  such  enthusiastic  loyalty,  such  passionate  love. 
.  .  .  For  no  other  princes  was  blood  so  generously  poured 
forth.  .  .  .  The  indignant  pity  bestowed  upon  Louis  XVI 
and  his  queen  is  a  poor,  cold  thing,  beside  a  deathless 
devotion  to  the  Queen  of  Scots,  the  reverential  loyalty  to 
Charles  I.  These  emotions  surely  spring  not  from  mere 
ideas,  they  rise  out  of  the  remarkable  personalities,  and 
the  '  sense  of  tears  in  human  life. '  '  '^ 

After  making  proper  allowance  for  the  natural  bias  of 
a  Scot  for  the  Stuarts,  there  still  remains  a  large  amount 
of  truth  in  this  statement.  Not  alone  for  Charles  I  did 
English  gentlemen  cheerfully  sacrifice  their  all,  but  for 
his  sons  and  grandsons  as  well.  After  the  exile  of  James 
II,  even  after  the  fatal  battle  of  the  Boyne,  a  large  num- 
ber of  men  and  women  continued  to  look  forward  to  the 
day  when  the  "King  over  the  Water"  might  return  as 
their  constitutional  ruler.  When  he  died,  they  gave  their 
loyal  support  to  his  son  in  the  expedition  of  1708,  as 
well  as  in  the  rebellion  of  1715,  which  sought  to  place 
James  Edward  upon  the  English  throne.  Undismayed 
at  his  failure  and  moral  degradation,  the  Jacobites  made 
a  last  despairing  effort  at  Culloden  to  secure  the  British 
crown  for  *  *  Bonny  Prince  Charlie. ' ' 

1  A  fair  statement  of  the  position  of  the  moderate  Whigs  and  Tories  is 
set  forth  in  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  47.  * '  We  know  that  the  queen  has  both 
an  hereditary  and  parliamentary  title,  but  without  the  latter,  she  had  not 
now  80  happily  filled  the  throne. ' ' 

2  Shield  and  Lang,  The  King  Over  the  Water,  pp.  2-3 ;  Kent,  p.  16. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  65 

The  queen  was  prepared  at  all  times  to  make  the  most 
of  this  unquestioned  loyalty  and  she  was  encouraged  by 
the  manifestation  of  universal  joy  at  her  accession,  which 
was  probably  never  equalled  except  in  1660.^  In  her  first 
speech  to  parliament  she  made  an  open  appeal  for  the 
sympathy  and  support  of  the  people,  while  she  also 
clearly  stated  that  she  stood  for  the  Protestant  succes- 
sion, for  a  vigorous  prosecution  of  the  war,  and  for  the 
union  with  Scotland.  The  problem  of  the  succession 
touched  her  in  a  manner  peculiarly  personal.  There  had 
been  a  time  when  it  was  thought  Anne  might  marry 
George  Louis,  now  Elector  of  Hanover;  but  the  attitude 
of  the  young  Hanoverian  prince  was  unfavorable,  and 
William  of  Orange  opposed  the  match.^  Since  that  time 
there  had  been  little  cordiality  between  Princess  Anne 
and  the  elector,  a  feeling  very  much  accentuated  by  the 
open  scandal  in  the  latter 's  marital  relations  which 
thoroughly  disgusted  Anne,  who  in  her  day  must  have 
been  considered  a  prude. 

Even  worse  than  this,  in  the  queen's  eyes,  were  the 
elector's  Low  Church  sympathies,  which  aroused  her 
fears  for  the  church  in  case  he  should  ever  rule  England. 
Probably  most  disturbing  of  all,  to  her,  was  the  fact 
that  her  own  half-brother  was  the  legitimate  heir  to  the 
throne.  To  a  change  in  the  law  of  succession  whereby  the 
Pretender  might  succeed  her,  Anne  doubtless  would 
have  consented,  had  he  not  been  a  Catholic.  His  faith 
was  not  only  a  powerful  objection  in  her  mind,  which 
rarely  looked,  in  religious  matters,  beyond  the  immediate 
welfare  of  the  Established  Church,  but  it  was  also  a  most 
practical  obstacle  to  his  favorable  reception  by  the 
masses. 

The  difficulties   of  having  a   straightforward  policy 

1  T.  Salmon,  Mod.  Hist.,  XXV.  1. 

2  Monmouth  and  Danby  also  opposed  the  marriage.    Eyan,  I.  73-6. 


66  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

were  accentuated  by  the  fact  that  a  large  portion  of  the 
people  fully  expected  James  Edward,  having  renounced 
Catholicism,  to  succeed  Anne.  This  party  was  both  large 
and  influential,  and  had  to  be  conciliated,  if  the  Tories 
were  to  remain  in  power.  All  plans  for  accomplishing 
this  purpose  were  much  to  the  liking  of  the  queen,  who 
desired  the  continuance  of  Tory  supremacy.^ 

The  war  was  inextricably  mixed  up  with  the  succes- 
sion and  the  fate  of  the  Pretender,  whose  recognition  by 
Louis  XIV  precipitated  England  into  the  conflict.  The 
real  object  of  the  French  monarch  in  thus  consoling  the 
dying  moments  of  the  royal  exile  still  remains  in  doubt, 
but  there  was  no  question  in  the  minds  of  the  English 
people  that,  in  case  he  was  successful  in  the  war,  Louis 
intended  to  impose  James  Edward  and  Catholicism  upon 
England.^  It  would  certainly  have  been  a  dark  day  for 
England  had  not  the  queen's  inherent  English  antipathy 
for  France  in  general  and  for  the  French  monarch  in 
particular,  urged  her  to  wage  a  war  to  curb  the  rest- 
less ambition  of  the  greatest  European  monarch  since 
Charles  V. 

Foreign  war  was  complicated  by  the  peculiar  position 
of  Scotland,  which  was  lukewarm  at  times  in  its  opposi- 
tion to  France.  Since  Elizabeth's  death,  England  and 
Scotland  had  been  governed  by  one  sovereign  and  two 
legislative  bodies.  Trouble  inevitably  resulted  from  this 
peculiar  relation,  and  the  situation  was  especially  critical 

1  Mahon,  I.  10,  37;  Macaulay,  Essay  on  Addison;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  1. 

2  The  Life  and  Eeign  of  her  late  Excellent  Majesty,  Queen  Anne,  p.  27. 
There  were  numerous  royal  addresses,  many  of  which  appear  to  have  been 
inspired  by  the  court.  One  from  the  North  Biding,  December  20,  1701, 
reads:  "It  is  plain  that  there  is  no  faith  to  be  kept  with  that  monarch,  and 
we  doubt  not  it  was  done  to  put  new  life  into  a  Party  mourning  for  their 
deceased  abdicated  king,  and  lay  a  foundation  for  fresh  and  lasting  troubles 
in  these  kingdoms."  Vox  Populi  (1701).  See  also  Luttrell,  V.  91,  sq.; 
James,  III.  158;  W.  Michael,  Eng.  Gesch.,  I.  229. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  67 

at  Anne's  accession,  because  the  rapid  growth  of  trade, 
and  the  unsuccessful  attempt  of  the  Scots  to  settle  Darien 
had  accentuated  the  rivalry  of  the  two  nations,  already 
sufficiently  exasperated  on  account  of  the  differences  in 
race,  religion,  and  habits.  Under  such  trying  conditions, 
a  parliamentary  union  was  essential  to  the  continued 
welfare  of  each  country,  but  whether  it  could  be  accom- 
plished by  compromise  or  only  by  conquering  the  north- 
ern kingdom,  was  problematical.  Indeed,  from  the 
peculiar  temperament  of  the  Scot  and  the  mutual  hatred 
felt  by  both  races,  conquest  would  seem  the  more  probable 
method.  At  this  juncture,  it  was  indeed  a  happy  omen 
for  both  kingdoms  that  the  new  sovereign  represented  the 
Scottish  house  of  Stuart,  and  displayed  great  interest  in 
promoting  negotiations  for  the  union. 

With  three  such  important  points  of  policy  as  the  war, 
the  union,  and  the  Act  of  Settlement  to  carry  out,  there 
was  urgent  need  of  an  efficient  administration.  If  Anne 
was  to  govern,  she  must  build  up  a  faction  to  support  her. 
This  she  attempted  in  some  degree  to  do,  but  her  policy 
disappointed  both  parties  alike.^  Because  of  her  reli- 
gious sympathies,  the  Tories  expected  to  gain  complete 
control  of  the  government,  an  expectation  the  more  prob- 
able as  Rochester  was  the  leader  of  the  High  Church 
faction.  The  Jacobites  and  non-jurors  felt  that  she 
would  make  possible  the  restoration  of  the  hereditary 
line,  at  least  after  her  death.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Whigs  expected  recognition  because  they  were  the  fore- 
most supporters  of  the  Protestant  succession  and  of  the 
war  against  Louis. 

Contrary  to  the  expectations  of  the  zealous  Tories, 
Anne  made  no  great  or  sudden  changes  in  the  ministry. 
In  compliance  with  statute  law,  parliament  would  sit  for 

1  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  f.  488;  Macpherson,  L  636; 
Oldmixon,  II.  148;  Salomon,  p,  10;  Loclchart  Papers,  1.  315. 


68  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

six  months  after  her  accession;  possibly  the  queen  or 
her  advisers  thought  it  would  be  well  to  test  the  temper 
of  the  people  towards  their  new  sovereign  before  making 
any  considerable  alterations.  In  the  meantime,  Anne 
began  rewarding  personal  friends,  displaying  through- 
out a  steady  determination  to  have  her  own  way.  Almost 
immediately,  she  nominated  her  husband  generalissimo 
of  the  forces,  as  well  as  lord  high  admiral.  She  even 
intimated  that  she  would  not  continue  the  war  against 
France  unless  he  were  made  commander-in-chief  of  all 
the  allied  forces.^  Indeed,  she  gave  way  only  after  the 
Dutch  made  it  clear  that  they  would  never  consent  to 
such  an  arrangement,  inasmuch  as  the  prince  possessed 
scarcely  a  single  qualification  for  the  place.^ 

Although  her  first  desire  was  to  honor  her  husband,  she 
was  also  anxious  to  reward  intimate  acquaintances. 
Before  five  days  had  passed,  she  had  dispatched  Marl- 
borough, the  husband  of  her  bosom  friend,  to  Holland 
as  ** Ambassador  Extraordinary  and  Plenipotentiary"  to 
assure  the  Dutch  of  her  co-operation  in  the  Grand  Alli- 
ance. On  the  same  day,  Marlborough  was  also  honored 
with  the  Garter,  and  the  following  day  he  was  made 
captain  general.^  The  year  had  not  yet  closed  before  the 
queen  created  him  a  duke,  and  bestowed  an  enormous 
pension  upon  him,  which  caused  old  John  Eveljm  to 
grumble  about  the  avarice  of  the  Marlboroughs.*  Lady 
Marlborough  was  the  queen's  dearest  friend,  and  was  at 
once  rewarded.  Not  only  was  she  made  groom  of  the 
stole,  mistress  of  the  robes,  and  keeper  of  the  privy  purse, 
but  she  received  in  addition,  the  rangership  of  Windsor 

iL 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  March  10,  1702,  Eijks  Archief,  26^;  Cun- 
ningham, I.  264. 

2  Marlborough's  letter  to  Heinsius,  April  27,  1702,  urged  the  appointment. 
Rijks  Archief,  26^-.    See  also  Von  Noorden,  I.  204. 

8  James,  III.  198;  Luttrell,  V.  152;  Annals,  I.  12. 

*  Diary  (1827),  III.  397. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  69 

Park,  for  which  she  had  expressed  a  desire  years  before. 
Anne  had  already  bestowed  substantial  wedding  gifts 
upon  each  of  the  duchess's  daughters,  and  at  her  acces- 
sion, appointed  two  of  them  ladies  of  the  bedchamber.^ 

Other  friends  were  not  forgotten.  The  Marquis  of 
Normanby  had  paid  court  to  Lady  Anne  while  she  was 
still  in  her  teens  and  would  gladly  have  married  her. 
Her  father  and  her  uncle,  Charles  II,  made  it  clear  to 
the  presumptuous  young  noble  that  he  was  no  match  for 
the  king's  niece,  who  might  sometime  be  queen.  During 
the  passing  years,  Normanby  had  retained  Anne's  friend- 
ship and  was  one  of  the  first  to  welcome  her  as  the  new 
sovereign.  His  compensation  was  prompt;  almost  at 
once,  he  was  made  lord  privy  seal  and  shortly  after- 
wards, Duke  of  Buckingham.^  Zealous  High  Churchmen, 
similarly  rewarded  because  they  were  personally  accept- 
able to  the  queen,  were  Dr.  Hooper,  Nottingham,  who 
was  appointed  secretary  of  state,^  and  Seymour,  who, 
much  to  his  disappointment,  received  only  the  comp- 
trollership  of  the  household,*  succeeding  Wharton,  whom 
Anne  disliked  on  account  of  his  profanity,  atheism,  and 
extreme  licentiousness. 

While  her  memory  for  her  friends  was  excellent,  she 
did  not  forget  her  political  and  personal  enemies.  In 
fact,  she  saw  to  it  that  Wharton's  staff  was  taken  from 
him  and  given  to  his  successor  before  his  face.    Almost 

1  AnglioB  Notitia  (1704),  p.  523. 

2  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7076,  f.  168;  Burnet,  V.  10. 

sCal.  Tr.  Papers  (1702-7),  18  May,  1702.  For  a  time,  the  report  was 
that  he  would  be  selected  as  lord  chancellor.  L 'Hermitage's  letter  to  Hein- 
sius,  Eijks  Archief,  26-*^.  Nottingham  had  favored  Anne  in  her  fight  in  1688 
to  secure  a  special  grant  from  parliament.    Kennett,  History,  III.  547. 

*  Eijks  Archief,  26^.  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7074,  f.  117.  He 
accepted  the  place  to  keep  out  a  Whig.  Leadam  says  that  SejTnour  was 
appointed  through  the  influence  of  his  wife.  Polit.  Hist.,  p.  3.  See  also 
Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  f.  55. 


70  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

immediately,  his  name,  as  well  as  those  of  Somers  and 
Halifax,  was  stricken  from  the  list  of  the  Privy  Council, 
because  they  were  obnoxious  to  the  queen/  The  Earl  of 
Macclesfield,  after  the  Rye  House  Plot,  had  accused 
her  father  of  being  responsible  for  the  suicide  of  the  Earl 
of  Essex.  This  had  grieved  Anne  very  much,  and  upon 
her  accession,  he  was  deprived  of  all  his  offices.^  Still 
others  lost  their  places  as  they  met  with  her  displeasure. 
These  appointments  and  dismissals  tended  to  make  her 
secure  with  the  Tory  leaders,  but  most  unpopular 
abroad.'  This  feeling  did  not  in  the  least  check  the 
queen,  for  her  policy  was  first  of  all  to  become  popular 
at  home. 

Another  step  gained  her  party  political  power  where 
it  was  most  needed — in  the  House  of  Lords.  After  the 
Revolution,  William  created  such  a  goodly  number  of 
Whig  peers,  that  the  Tories  found  abundant  cause  for 
complaint  in  the  attitude  of  the  upper  house.*  Partly  to 
silence  the  grumbling  of  the  Tories  in  the  Commons  and 
partly  to  increase  her  own  power  over  legislation,  Anne 
created  five  new  peers  in  1703.^    Even  here,  the  influence 

1  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  21B.  The  report  was  current  that  Anne 
struck  out  Wharton 's  name  with  her  own  hand.  See  Macky,  Memoirs,  p,  23. 
By  the  beginning  of  1704,  Wharton's  name  is  again  found  in  the  list  of  the 
council,  P.  C.  Reg.,  LXXX.  i,  1.  Cf.  ib.,  LXXIX.  32.  See  also  Chamberlen, 
p.  23 ;  Acts  Privy  Council,  Col.  V.  660,  662,  665. 

2  Strickland,  XI  216.  Notes  ^  Queries  (3d  series),  VIII.  66-7,  says 
that  Macclesfield  died  5  Nov.,  1701,  but  Luttrell  gives  the  date  as  29  Dec, 
1702.    Briei  Relation,  V.  251. 

sRijks  Archief,  26^.     The  Dutch  objected  in  particular  to  Buckingham. 

*  It  was  not  the  creations  of  the  king  which  changed  the  political  com- 
plexion of  the  House  of  Lords  of  1688.  It  is  true  that  he  created  thirty 
peers,  but  four  were  Tories,  and  seven  others  were  eldest  sons  who  were 
called  up  to  the  Lords.  William's  additions  helped,  but  the  change  in  the 
attitude  of  the  bishops  and  the  absence  of  Jacobites  and  non-jurors  were 
the  factors  mainly  responsible.  A.  S.  Turberville,  House  of  Lords  in  the' 
Beign  of  William  III,  p.  14. 

B  Luttrell,  V.  275-6 ;  see  Leadam,  p.  35. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  71 

of  the  personal  element  is  evident,  since  she  was  pre- 
vailed upon  not  only  to  ennoble  four  violent  Tories  but 
one  steadfast  Whig  as  well,  because  he  was  a  friend  of 
the  Duchess  of  Marlborough/  The  four  new  Tory  crea- 
tions, and  to  a  less  extent,  the  promotion  of  Buckingham, 
were  due  to  political  reasons.  Nothing  has  ever  been 
made  of  this  precedent.  It  is  really  surprising  that  so 
much  is  made  of  the  dozen  creations  in  1711  and  so  little 
of  the  making  of  the  five  in  1703,  when  the  purpose  in 
each  case  was  identical — to  destroy  the  Whig  power  in 
the  House  of  Lords,  or,  to  be  more  accurate,  to  give  the 
Tories  a  working  majority  there.^ 

The  queen  was  no  more  considerate  of  the  Whig  min- 
istry left  her  by  William.  Nor  could  she  be  expected  to 
entertain  a  decided  reverence  for  the  late  king 's  memory, 
his  policies,  or  his  advisers.  Not  a  few  of  his  supporters 
had  given  umbrage,  either  through  their  attitude  towards 
her  or  by  their  activity  against  her  father,  while  some  of 
William's  opponents  had  earned  her  gratitude  by  their 
factious  opposition.  To  Anne's  way  of  thinking,  those 
who  had  snubbed  her  in  former  days  must  be  punished, 
and  her  faithful  adherents  must  be  rewarded. 

Although  such  changes  as  she  made  were  gradual,  their 
bearing  upon  politics,  both  foreign  and  domestic,  was 
very  direct.  The  selection  of  Nottingham  and  Seymour, 
two  of  the  leading  Tory  zealots,  had  gained  her  assist- 
ance in  quarters  where  William  had  been  most  unpopular. 
Sir  Charles  Hedges  was  made  the  other  secretary  of 
state,  partly,  it  may  be  surmised,  because  he  had  been 
dismissed  by  William,  but  more  largely,  it  would  appear, 
because    Nottingham    refused    to    serve    without    him.' 

1  Conduct,  pp.  297-300. 

2  < '  Great  reflections  were  made  upon  this  promotion. ' '     Burnet,  V.  66. 

3  ' '  The  Tories  would  trust  none  but  Nottingham,  and  he  would  serve  with 
none  but  Hedges."     Burnet,  V.  10.     Additional  information  may  be  found 


72  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Jersey  was  given  the  place  of  lord  cliamberlain,  although 
he  was  strongly  suspected  of  Jacobite  sentiments,  as  was 
Ormond,  who  became  master  of  horse.^ 

The  most  important  appointment  made  by  the  queen 
at  this  time  was  that  of  Godolphin  as  lord  high  treasurer. 
He  was  a  lifelong  friend,  to  whom  she  had  been  under 
the  deepest  obligations  for  making  a  satisfactory  settle- 
ment of  her  debts  while  she  was  still  a  princess.  His 
ability  as  a  financier,  moreover,  was  well  known,  and 
Marlborough  informed  the  queen  that  England  could 
endure  the  financial  burdens  of  the  war,  only  if  Godol- 
phin were  given  control  of  the  exchequer.^  These  two 
facts,  added  to  his  friendship  for  the  queen,  account  for 
his  selection  as  her  financial  adviser  and  as  the  real 
leader  in  the  ministry  itself;  yet  it  is  doubtful  if  the  Marl- 
boroughs  could  have  dictated  her  choice  of  first  minister, 
had  it  not  been  along  the  line  of  her  own  inclinations.^ 
Soon  after  this,  Godolphin  was  honored  with  an  earldom. 

Godolphin 's  appointment  greatly  disappointed  Roch- 
ester, who,  as  the  Tory  leader,  had  fully  expected  this 
office  from  his  niece.*  She,  however,  was  by  no  means  in 
full  sympathy  with  him,  because  of  his  earlier  attitude 
toward  her.  Yet  she  was  unwilling  to  punish  him,  if  he 
were  really  loyal.  At  the  close  of  AVilliam's  reign,  he 
had  been  recalled  as  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland,  but  the 
necessary  legal  papers  had  not  been  made  out.  As  a 
result,  one  of  Anne's  first  acts  was  to  continue  him  as 
the  head  of  Irish  affairs  and  as  a  member  of  the  Privy 

on  this  point  in  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  f,  55,  7074,  f,  123;  Eijks 
Archief,  26A. 

1  Stepney  Papers,  7070,  f.  109;  Johh  Hervey,  Letter  Books,  I.  161-2. 

2  Godolphin  was  reluctant  to  accept  the  responsibilities  of  office  until 
Marlborough  convinced  him  that  his  services  were  indispensable.  See  I.  S. 
Leadam,  "The  Finance  of  Godolphin,"  Trans.  R.  H.  S.  (3d  series),  vol.  IV. 

8H.  Elliot,  Godolphin,  pp.  194-5;  Thomson,  I.  324-5. 
*  Eijks  Archief,  26^. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  73 

Council/  Clarendon,  his  elder  brother,  was  more  un- 
compromising in  his  demeanor  and  steadily  refused  to 
take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  Anne,  as  he  had  done  in 
the  case  of  William.  When  he  came  to  court,  the  queen 
refused  to  see  him,  and  he  was  informed  that  he  was 
persona  non  grata  until  he  had  taken  the  proper  oaths. 
He  continued  obstinate,  however,  and  retired  sorrowfully 
from  Westminster.  Despite  all  this,  Anne  did  not  forget 
that  he  was  her  uncle,  and  in  a  short  time  bestowed  upon 
him  a  pension  of  £1,500.^ 

The  queen  made  other  important  changes.  ' '  The  Earl 
of  Abingdon,  Viscount  Weymouth,  Lord  Dartmouth,  .  .  . 
Grenville,  Howe,  .  .  .  Gower,  Harcourt,  with  several 
others  who  had,  during  the  last  reign,  expressed  the  most 
violent  and  unrelenting  aversion  to  the  whole  adminis- 
tration were  now  brought  to  the  council  board,  and  put 
in  good  posts.'"  This  new  ministry  was  in  most  in- 
stances the  personal  choice  of  the  queen  and  reflects  her 
decided  preference  for  the  High  Church  Tories.  How- 
ever, they  could  not  hope  that  the  Whig  parliament 
elected  late  in  1701  would  carry  out  their  policies ;  so  the 
Tory  leaders  were  compelled  to  turn  their  attentions  to 
winning  the  election  of  1702. 

In  the  meantime,  the  queen  had  taken  steps  to  increase 
her  personal  popularity.  Ten  days  after  her  accession, 
parliament  voted  Anne  the  same  civil  list  as  they  had 

1  p.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXIX.  36;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7074,  f.  103;  Von 
Noorden,  I.  193;  Luttrell,  V.  154;  Cal.  S.  P.  Bom.  (1702-3),  p.  402.  Two 
days  later  it  was  reported  that  he  was  to  be  raised  to  a  duke.  Luttrell, 
V.  155. 

2  Coke,  III.  127;  Luttrell,  V.  282. 

3  Burnet,  V.  10;  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  (1702-3),  p.  389.  "Jack"  Howe's  only 
claim  to  preference  seems  to  have  been  his  indecent  hostility  to  William  III. 
jD.  N.  B.,  art,  "Howe."  See  also  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  VI.  xl. 
Portland  and  Bentinck  were  also  summarily  dismissed  from  all  their  employ- 
ments.   Eyan,  pp.  389-92. 


74  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

William.^  To  gain  the  affections  of  her  people,  she  agreed 
to  apply  for  £700,000  in  order  to  have  the  opportunity 
of  publicly  and  ostentatiously  bestowing  a  large  part  of 
it  for  the  administration  of  public  affairs.  It  is  obvious 
that  she  might  have  accomplished  the  same  financial  pur- 
pose in  a  more  modest  manner  by  making  it  known  that 
£600,000  would  have  been  sufficient  for  her  needs.''  Such 
a  method,  however,  did  not  suit  Anne,  for  it  was  not  her 
primary  aim,  it  seems,  to  bring  pecuniary  aid  to  an 
embarrassed  government,  but  to  gain  public  applause 
for  herself.  Her  address  to  the  Commons,  upon  giving 
her  assent  to  the  revenue  bills,  reads  like  a  special  appeal. 
She  said  in  part:  '*I  return  to  you  my  kind  and  hearty 
thanks,  for  continuing  to  me,  for  my  life,  the  same 
revenue  you  had  granted  to  the  king:  I  will  take  great 
care  that  it  shall  be  managed  to  the  best  advantage ;  and 
while  my  subjects  remain  under  the  burthen  of  such  great 
taxes,  I  will  straiten  myself  .  .  .  ,  rather  than  not  con- 
tribute all  I  can  to  their  ease  and  relief,  with  a  just  regard 
to  .  .  .  the  honor  and  dignity  of  the  Crown.  It  is  prob- 
able that  the  revenue  may  fall  very  short  of  what  it  has 
formerly  produced,  however  I  will  give  directions  that 
£100,000  be  applied  to  the  public  service,  in  this  year,  out 
of  the  revenues,  you  have  so  unanimously  given  me."^ 
Such  a  move  could  scarcely  have  been  inspired  by  the 
penurious  Marlborough,  or  the  serious  Godolphin,  who 
never  fully  appreciated  the  force  of  public  sentiment. 
It  sounds  far  more  like  the  work  of  Anne  herself  than 
that  of  either  of  them.    The  effect  was  exactly  what  she 

1  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7078,  f .  76. 

2  A  feeling  prevailed  that  £700,000  was  too  much  for  a  queen,  as  her 
expenses  would  be  less  than  those  of  an  active  king.    Cf.  Wyon,  I.  60. 

8  Pi/.  Bist.,  VI.  11.  George  V  has  done  the  same  when  his  civil  list  is 
£230,000  less.  N.  Y.  Times,  3  April,  1916.  In  spite  of  her  grant,  Anne's 
civil  expenses  were  greater  than  William's.    Add.  MSS.,  30201,  ff.  39-81. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  75 

anticipated,  as  this  portion  of  her  speech  ''was  received 
with  great  applause,  and  particular  notice  was  taken  of 
it  in  all  the  addresses  that  came  up  afterward."^  Anne 
cared  little  for  money,  so  when  she  felt  the  public  pulse 
and  found  it  did  not  respond  properly  to  the  large  civil 
list  which  had  been  granted,  she  chose  to  give  way  gra- 
ciously to  this  sentiment  and  gain  popular  favor. 

Anne  spoke  on  this  occasion  to  the  entire  nation,  but 
there  were  others  of  her  actions  that  were  more  special  in 
their  appeal.  There  is  space  here  to  mention  but  one. 
She  felt  acutely  the  extent  to  which  the  scandalous  posi- 
tion of  the  lower  clergy  reflected  upon  the  church,  for 
they  were  little  higher  socially  than  the  poorest  peasant 
or  day  laborer ;  their  training  was  slight,  and  their  com- 
pensation slighter,  often  as  little  as  £5  per  annum.^  Since 
the  time  of  Henry  VIII,  it  had  been  the  prerogative  of 
the  crown  to  enjoy  the  '  *  first-fruits  and  tenths ' "  from  all 
ecclesiastical  benefices.  This  would  have  been  an  onerous 
burden  upon  the  poorer  clergy  had  the  first  fruits  and 
tenths  not  followed  the  trend  of  all  similar  English  taxes, 
and  become  fixed  at  £17,000.*  Even  then,  this  tax  was 
felt  as  an  injustice  by  the  clergy,  so  the  queen  sought  to 
curry  favor  with  the  High  Church  clergy  and  their 
parishioners  by  setting  the  tax  aside  as  a  fund  for  the 
poor  clergy.  This- gained  her  the  loyal  support  of  the 
lower  clergy,  which  she  never  lost,  although  her  donation 
failed  completely  to  give  the  needy  parish  priests  any 
immediate    relief.^     Altogether,   her    address    and    the 

1  Burnet,  V.  4;  Luttrell,  V.  158;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7074,  f.  117. 

2  Henry  Wharton,  Defense  of  Pluralities,  p.  185;  Ashton,  Social  Life, 
II.  129. 

3  ' '  First-fruits ' '  were  the  whole  of  the  first  year 's  revenue,  and  ' '  tenths '  * 
one-tenth  of  the  annual  income  thereafter. 

4  Burnet,  V.  120;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  558. 

5  It  is  today,  however,  of  considerable  aid  to  poor  curates.  Clarke  and 
Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  408.     Details  of  the  administration  of  Queen  Anne's 


76  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

gracious  reply  of  the  Commons  to  the  same^  seem  like 
other  examples  of  her  desire  to  curry  popular  favor. 

While  the  queen  was  endeavoring  to  increase  her  popu- 
larity, both  political  parties  were  preparing  for  the 
elections,  which  bore  little  resemblance  to  those  of  today. 
Since  1702,  the  whole  idea  of  representation  has  changed, 
a  new  basis  for  suffrage  has  been  found,  and  an  entirely 
different  method  of  expressing  political  preferences 
adopted.  The  present  qualifications  for  voting  in  parlia- 
mentary elections  are  simple  indeed  compared  with  those 
existing  before  1832.  Mr.  Porritt's  researches  brought 
him  to  the  conclusion  that  English  boroughs  possessed 
over  eighty  different  qualifications  for  voting  for  mem- 
bers of  parliament.^  In  some,  all  the  freemen  voted ;  in 
others,  all  those  paying  scot  and  lot ;  in  still  others,  those 
who  could  prove  their  maintenance  of  a  separate  house- 
hold— the  so-called  ''potwallopers";  while  in  a  fourth 
type,  the  franchise  was  restricted  to  the  corporation, 
which  constantly  tended  to  become  more  exclusive. 
Other  boroughs  had  electoral  qualifications  too  numerous 
and  technical  to  mention.  The  great  industrial  cities  of 
a  century  later  had  not  yet  come  into  existence,  and 
nothing  comparable  to  the  inequalities  revealed  by 
Charles  Grey  in  1793  are  to  be  found.  Nevertheless,  con- 
ditions were  bad  enough  when  Cornish  boroughs  sent 
forty-two  members  to  Westminster,  and  London  but 
four ;  when  a  deer  park  at  Gatton  sent  as  many  members 
to  parliament  as  the  thriving  cities  of  Westminster  or 
Bristol;  when  East  Looe  and  West  Looe  returned  as 
many  members  as  did  the  two  great  counties  of  York- 
shire and  Devonshire,  or  even  the  metropolis,  which  had 

Bounty  are  given  in  the  Eighth  Eeport  of  the  Hist.  MSS.  Com.,  and  in 
C.  Hodgson,  An  Account  of  the  Augmentation  of  Small  Livings. 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  328-30.  See  also  H.  M.  Gwatkin,  Church  and  State  in 
England,  p.  390. 

2  E.  Porritt,  The  Unref  armed  House  of  Commons,  I.  ch.  iii. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  77 

two  hundred  times  the  population  and  a  thousand  times 
the  wealth  of  those  insignificant  little  villages.^ 

The  franchise  was  systematic  or  uniform  only  in  the 
counties,  where,  since  the  fifteenth  century,  all  forty- 
shilling  freeholders  voted  for  knights  of  the  shire.  Even 
here,  however,  the  real  intent  of  the  law  was  nullified, 
since  forty  shillings  in  1700  was  by  no  means  the  same 
as  it  had  been  in  the  reign  of  Edward  V,  when  land  was 
the  leading,  almost  the  only,  source  of  wealth.  Although 
the  county  franchise  was  more  liberal  than  that  of  the 
average  borough,  it  was  by  no  means  broadly  represent- 
ative of  the  popular  will,  because  the  influence  of  the 
landed  gentry  was  predominant,  and  because  all  English 
countries,  whatever  their  population,  elected  but  two 
members. 

There  was  just  as  great  a  variation  from  present-day 
conditions  in  the  conduct  of  elections.  Sometimes  the 
elections  dragged  on  forty  days,  reaching  a  grand  climax 
on  the  final  day.  Bribery  and  trickery  were  both  easy 
and  possible.  Voting  was  viva  voce,  and  an  elector  was 
practically  at  the  mercy  of  his  political  opponents,  who, 
all  too  frequently,  were  incited  to  violence  by  their  lead- 
ers, by  whom  ale  was  plentifully  supplied  at  the  expense 
of  the  candidates.  It  took  real  courage  to  cast  an  honest 
vote  in  the  face  of  a  hostile  majority,  who  delighted  in 
rioting  on  the  slightest  provocation,  and  whose  methods 
were  anything  but  gentle  once  their  blood  was  up.  Even 
under  such  adverse  conditions,  it  is  surprising  how  fre- 
quently electors  did  express  their  choice  for  parliament. 

The  game  of  the  politician  of  the  early  eighteenth  cen- 
tury had  scarcely  begun  at  the  conclusion  of  the  poll.  If 
a  member  not  to  the  liking  of  the  party  leaders  was  re- 
turned, the  result  might  be  changed  by  means  of  a  con- 

iMacaulay,  p.  2287;  Py.  Hist.,  XIII,  90.  See  as  well,  John  Locke, 
Essay  on  Civil  Government,  Bk.  II.,  ch.  xiii. 


78  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

troverted  election  petition,  which  would  nullify  the 
expressed  will  of  the  constituency,  in  case  the  working 
majority  of  the  party  were  sufficient.  Where  it  was  im- 
possible, however,  to  find  excuse  for  a  double  return,  the 
leaders  were  obliged  to  accept  the  member  elected,  who, 
unless  his  honesty  was  far  above  the  average,  was  easily 
made  amenable  to  party  discipline  by  receiving  an  office 
of  *' honor  and  profit"  under  the  crown.  If  he  were 
minded  to  decrease  the  revenues,  he  was  granted  a 
sinecure  where  his  income  depended  upon  the  amount  of 
money  which  was  appropriated  and  passed  through  the 
treasury.  If  he  hungered  after  social  honors,  obedience 
might  bring  him  a  baronetcy  or  even  a  peerage,  while 
important  nobles  in  his  party  flattered  him  with  their 
attentions.^  The  ministry,  and  frequently  even  the 
sovereign  in  person,  took  a  part  in  the  canvass,  which  at 
times  amounted  to  absolute  bribery.  Such  was  the  situa- 
tion under  William  and  we  must  now  ascertain  whether 
any  changes  occurred  in  the  conduct  of  elections  under 
Anne. 

As  soon  as  it  was  legally  possible,  the  queen  issued 
writs  for  a  new  parliament,  and  the  contest  was  on.  The 
new  ministry  was  Tory,  but  it  was  soon  apparent  that  its 
members  were  not  united  in  their  efforts,  as  only  a  bare 
majority  desired  a  decisive  victory  for  the  Tories  and 
worked  enthusiastically  towards  that  end.^  On  account 
of  such  divided  counsels,  it  has  never  been  entirely  clear 
what  part  Anne  played  in  this  and  succeeding  elections. 
One  authority  believes  that  she  was  the  first  sovereign 
who  ceased  to  meddle  in  elections.^  Such  a  statement  is 
in  perfect  accord  with  the  usual  conception  of  the  queen, 

1  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  20;  Lecky,  I.  435;  House  of  Lords  MSS,  (n.  s.), 
V.  559. 

2  The  Marlboroughs  and  Godolphin,  and  particularly  the  duchess,  feared 
the  effect  upon  the  war  if  the  Tories  grew  too  strong. 

8  E.  Porritt,  Unreformed  House  of  Commons,  I.  407. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  79 

and  if  it  refers  only  to  her  personal  work,  it  is  doubtless 
true.  Being  a  woman,  she  could  not  be  as  active  as  a  man 
in  political  affairs  in  the  early  eighteenth  century,  how- 
ever much  she  may  have  desired  to  go  on  an  electioneer- 
ing tour  as  had  her  immediate  predecessor/ 

Yet  it  is  a  fundamental  error  to  imagine  Anne  as  being 
entirely  passive  in  elections.  The  concluding  sentence  of 
her  address  to  parliament  in  closing  the  session  is  an 
exhortation  to  all  High  Church  adherents.  ''I  shall  be 
very  careful  to  preserve  and  maintain  the  Act  of  Tolera- 
tion, and  to  set  the  minds  of  all  my  people  at  quiet ;  my 
own  principles  must  keep  me  entirely  firm  to  the  interests 
and  religion  of  the  Church  of  England,  and  will  incline 
me  to  countenance  those  which  have  the  truest  zeal  to 
support  it.'"  The  activity  of  the  court  in  the  election 
may,  in  the  main,  be  justly  assumed  as  an  expression  of 
the  sovereign's  attitude. 

Of  this  work  we  are  left  in  no  doubt,  as  two  contempo- 
raries so  far  agree  with  a  third  as  to  quote  him  verhatim. 
The  election  resulted  as  it  did  ''owing  to  the  countenance 
and  encouragement  receiv'd  from  the  Court. "^  "The 
Queen,"  observed  Burnet,  ''did  not  openly  interpose  in 
the  elections,  but  her  informations  to  the  Tories  appear- 
ing plainly,  all  people  took  it  for  granted  that  she  wished 
they  might  be  in  the  majority ;  this  wrought  on  the  incon- 
stancy and  servility  that  is  natural  to  multitudes." 
According  to  Archdeacon  Coxe,  "The  Tories,  by  the 
influence  of  the  Crown  and  their  own  exertions,  secured 
a  considerable  majority."* 

1  Women  began  to  take  considerable  interest  in  politics.  The  duchess, 
Lady  Montagu,  Mrs.  Masham,  Mary  Astell,  and  the  Duchess  of  Somerset 
were  only  the  most  prominent.  Hervey,  Letter  BooTcs,  I.  passim;  Eemusat, 
I.  149;  Ashton,  Social  Life,  I.  171.     See  also  Journal  to  Stella. 

2  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  25. 

3  Boyer,  p.  32 ;  Oldmixon,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  IV.  292 ;  Chamberlen,  p.  59. 

*  Coxe,  I.  101 ;   Coxe  Papers,  XV.  23.     Interesting  information  on  this 


80  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

To  be  efficacious,  it  is  not  essential  that  political  in- 
fluence be  exerted  directly.  One  method  by  which  the 
court  exercised  pressure  indirectly  was  through  the 
clergy.  Anne's  popularity  among  them  was  already 
large,  because  she  was  such  a  zealous  High  Church  advo- 
cate. Thus  the  lower  clergy  were  strongly  on  the  Tory 
side,  and  as  political  campaigners  in  the  rural  areas,  they 
were  in  a  class  by  themselves,  so  that  the  outcome  of  the 
election  may  be  attributed  largely  to  the  queen's  popu- 
larity and  the  interest  of  the  clergy.^  Burnet  gives  more 
influence  to  the  weight  of  taxation,  which  drove  all  but 
the  commercial  classes  towards  the  Tories.  The  latter, 
moreover,  had  come  out  openly  in  favor  of  the  war,^ 
taking  away  from  the  Whigs  their  trump,  card  with  which 
they  had  planned  to  win  the  election. 

Not  all  the  ministers  were  willing  to  follow  the  example 
of  the  Marlboroughs  and  allow  the  election  to  take  care  of 
itself.  Nottingham  worked  every  possible  moment  for 
the  Tories.  Nowhere  is  this  so  clear  as  in  the  case  of 
''Jack"  Howe,  the  vociferous,  irrepressible  member  who 
had  formerly  represented  Gloucestershire,  but  had  been 
defeated  in  the  previous  election  by  a  close  vote.  Al- 
though fearing  the  strength  of  the  Whigs  in  his  home 
county,  the  Tories  felt  it  a  duty  to  secure  his  election. 
Consequently,  they  placed  him  in  nomination  in  Glouces- 
tershire, Gloucester  City,  and  Newton  in  Lancashire. 
He  was  elected  for  the  county,  despite  the  attempts  of  the 

election  may  be  found  in  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  f.  102, 
Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28889,  f.  36. 

iLeadam,  25.  The  Newcastle  Papers  (Add.  MSS.,  32686,  f.  4)  describe 
the  attitude  of  some  of  the  clergy.  Archbishop  Sharp  refused  to  use  his 
influence  in  the  election,  even  at  the  kindly  suggestion  of  Lady  Russell. 
Sharp,  I.  122-4.  His  great  interest  is  manifest  in  his  letter -in  the  Hatton- 
Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29584,  ff.  93-4. 

i  Rouse  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  vi;  Wyon,  I.  128;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  40. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  81 

Whigs  to  ''vote"  a  number  of  vagabonds  through  the 
influence  of  a  large  and  noisy  mob.^ 

Although  Nottingham's  main  interest  may  have  been 
in  securing  Howe's  election,  he  was  doing  his  utmost  in 
other  places.  At  the  polls  for  Northamptonshire  and  for 
Higham  Ferrers  his  representatives  were  most  active,^ 
while  they  were  exceptionally  alert  in  the  elections  in  the 
Cinque  Ports.^  At  Norwich,  his  agent  was  Humphrey 
Prideaux,  who  boasted  that  the  success  of  the  Tory  candi- 
date was  due  to  his  own  unaided  efforts.*  In  Sussex,  in 
Lancashire,  and  in  Leicestershire,  the  "dismal"  Secre- 
tary was  planning  to  overthrow  the  Whigs,^  and  in  many 
cases  he  succeeded.  In  Cheshire,  in  particular,  the  Tories 
rejoiced  because  they  had  the  "greatest  poll  that  ever 
was  in  this  county  in  the  memory  of  man,  and  being 
carried  by  such  a  majority  is  a  great  addition  to  our 
joy."« 

In  Yorkshire,  Liverpool,  Coventry,  Maidstone,  and 
Stamford,  Nottingham's  agents  were  found  diligently 
engaged.^  In  the  west  and  southwest  of  England  he  had 
the  able  co-operation  of  Sir  Edward  Seymour,  who 
labored  incessantly  against  the  Whigs  with  their  com- 
mercial instincts  and  Low  Church  proclivities.  Even 
thus  early  in  the  reign,  Seymour  displayed  considerable 
animus    against    Marlborough    and    Godolphin,    which 

1  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  78,  140.  On  the  face  of  the 
returns  Sir  John  Guise  had  twenty-four  majority,  but  in  the  contest  they 
counted  only  freeholders  and  Howe  won  by  122.  Stepney  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  7076,  f.  81.    See  also  C.  J.,  XIV.  6. 

2  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  29568,  f.  114.  See  also  the  Earl  of 
Winchelsea  and  Nottingham  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  23-5. 

3  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  93,  102-4. 

4  lb.,  f.  115. 

5  lb.,  ff.  70,  117. 

6  lb.,  f.  122. 

7  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29584,  f .  94 ;  Nottingham  Papers, 
Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  86,  93,  104-6,  117,  129. 


82  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

probably  did  much  to  increase  his  industry.^  Sir  Chris- 
topher Musgrave,  Viscount  Hatton,  and  Lord  Weymouth 
also  were  enthusiastically  devoted  to  High  Church  in- 
terests and  worked  in  conjunction  with  both  Nottingham 
and  Seymour.^  Thomas  Coke,  as  well,  was  active  in  this 
canvass  for  a  ''true  Church  of  England  Parliament.'" 
His  main  interest  lay  in  Derby  and  Leicester.  John 
Ellis,  assistant  secretary  of  state,  was  another  who  was 
absorbed  in  the  details  of  the  election.*  Whig  politicians 
were  busy  earlier  than  usual  in  this  section,  but  the 
Tories  more  than  held  their  own  in  the  pollings. 

Although  there  was  the  usual  amount  of  treating  and 
trickery,®  the  complaints  are  much  less  common  than  in 
the  previous  elections.  Throughout  the  realm  the  poll- 
ings were  nevertheless  very  spirited  and  rioting  was  not 
uncommon.^  The  results  were  probably  closer  than  they 
had  been  ten  months  before,  although  it  is  difficult  to 
obtain  satisfactory  data.^ 

With  a  slight  majority  on  the  face  of  the  returns,  it 
was  easy  for  the  Tories,  by  their  decisions  in  contro- 
verted elections,  to  increase  their  margin  until  it  was 
perfectly  safe,  although  the  Last  Determinations  Act  of 
1696  presented  some  obstacles.  They  contested  the  elec- 
tions so  openly  as  to  show  that  the  "party  was  resolv'd 

1  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  f .  79. 

2/6.,  ff.  39,  47,  103,  115,  125;  Portl  MSS.,  IV.  42-4. 

8  Coke  MSS.,  III.  14.    See  also  ib.,  III.  3-34,  passim. 

4  Ellis  Papers,  Add  MSS.,  28889,  ff.  36-40;  ib.,  Add.  MSS.,  28890,  f.  337. 

5C.  J.,  XIV.  6,  12,  149;  XV.  37.  Coke  provided  "three  runlets  of  ale" 
for  his  constituents,  and  was  asked  to  procure  a  ' '  patent  for  a  free  school. ' ' 
Coke  MSS.,  III.  5-7. 

8C.  J.,  XIV,  6-13;  Morrison  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  465;  Coxe  Papers, 
XV.  23;  Luttrell,  V.  159;  Wilson,  Defoe,  II.  14. 

7  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXIX.  427,  441.  Vryberge's  letter  to  Heinsius, 
19  August,  1702,  is  found  in  Rijks  Archief,  26A  See  also  Luttrell,  V.  192- 
205.  As  soon  as  the  pollings  were  over  in  England,  Seafield,  Secretary  of 
State  for  Scotland,  hurried  away  to  his  post  to  influence  the  elections  there. 
Boyer,  p.  53. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  83 

on  anything  that  might  serve  their  ends,'"  and  ''that  they 
rather  chose  themselves  than  that  they  were  chosen  by 
the  people,"  so  that  the  Commons  were  ''more  in  the 
interest  of  the  ministers  than  that  of  their  sovereign  or 
country."^  At  least  thirty  elections  were  violently  con- 
tested. The  poll  at  Hindon  was  proven  notoriously 
corrupt  f  by  hook  or  crook,  John  Howe  was  seated  from 
Gloucestershire.  The  ministry  had  its  way  at  East  Eet- 
ford,*  as  well  as  at  other  places,  where  "the  most  bare- 
faced partiality  was  discovered  .  .  .  in  .  .  .  decisions 
upon  controverted  elections. '  '^ 

Before  these  elections  could  be  brought  before  the 
lower  house,  the  latter  had  to  organize.  Meeting  late  in 
the  year  after  repeated  prorogations,  the  Commons 
immediately  proceeded  unanimously  to  re-elect"  Harley 
as  speaker,  since  both  Whigs  and  Tories  had  so  much 
respect  for  his  ability  as  to  prefer  him  to  all  other  candi- 
dates. Thus,  by  means  direct  and  indirect,  through  the 
pollings,  the  election  of  a  speaker  of  their  own  persuasion, 
and  the  controverted  election  petitions,  the  Tories  gained 
a  working  majority  in  the  Commons.'^  The  High  Church 
attitude  of  the  commoners  coincided  with  Anne's  own 
desire,  and  she  was  now  able  to  remodel  her  ministry  to 
suit  her  own  wishes.  Had  the  plans  of  such  men  as  Eoch- 
ester,  Nottingham,  Seymour,  and  Howe  been  either  mod- 
erate or  well  considered,  they  might  have  secured  their 

1  Burnet,  V.  48  and  Note. 

2  Oldfield,  Pari.  Hist.,  p.  376.  He  makes  the  usual  error  of  separating  tlie 
queen  from  her  ministers,  when  their  policy  was  the  same — ardently  Tory. 

^  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  Intro.,  xvii;  ib.,  202;  Burnet,  V.  46; 
C.  J.,  XIV.  13,  48. 

4  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7078,  ff.  76,  181;  C.  J.,  XIV.  49-51.  The 
Commons  spent  a  great  amount  of  time  upon  these  elections. 

5  Wilson,  Defoe,  II.  14. 

6  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7076,  f.  165;  Cunningham,  I.  311. 

7  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  39,  40,  47,  79 ;  Ellis  Papers, 
Add.  MSS.,  28890,  f.  337. 


84  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

aims  with  little  difficulty,  but  reasonableness  and  tact 
were  wofully  lacking  in  this  group,  and  impetuosity  and 
desire  for  revenge  soon  got  them  into  considerable  diffi- 
culties: first,  with  their  constituencies;  then,  with  the 
House  of  Lords ;  and  last  of  all,  with  the  queen. 

Anne's  speech  to  both  houses  in  opening  the  new  ses- 
sion resembled  her  previous  addresses.  She  called  atten- 
tion to  the  shortage  in  the  revenues,  despite  the  £100,000 
' '  I  promised  to  the  last  parliament, ' '  which  had  not  been 
sufficient  to  supply  the  '*  deficiency. "  Lastly,  she  made 
the  usual  bid  for  public  support,  particularly  for  that  of 
the  devoted  Anglicans :  *' And  as  I  am  resolved,"  she  said, 
'^to  defend  and  maintain  the  church  as  by  law  established, 
and  to  protect  you  in  full  enjoyment  of  your  rights  and 
liberties ;  so  I  rely  upon  your  care  to  me. '  '^ 

The  rough  draft  of  this  speech  was  thoroughly  dis- 
cussed by  various  members  of  the  ministry.  Nottingham 
apparently  had  much  less  to  do  with  its  preparation^  than 
with  the  address  the  queen  had  delivered  in  dissolving 
parliament  in  July.  The  preliminary  copy  of  it  seems 
to  have  been  drawn  up  by  Godolphin  and  Anne,  and  sent 
to  the  speaker  for  corrections  and  suggestions.^  The 
document  was  returned  over  a  week  later  to  Godolphin, 
as  requested.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  draft  of 
the  speech  was  sent  to  Harley  with  the  queen's  knowl- 
edge, and  possibly  even  at  her  suggestion,  since  more 
than  nine  weeks  before,  he  had  begun  his  secret  visits  to 
the  queen,  who  soon  became  very  fond  of  him. 

This  new  parliament  faced  a  serious  foreign  war  with 
Louis  XIV  to  decide  the  questions  of  colonial  and  dynastic 

1  Ty.  Hist,  VI.  47, 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add  MSS.,  29588,  f.  356;  Cal.  S.  P.  Bom.,  1702-3, 
p.  164;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Bk.,  CIV.  67. 

3  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  47-8.  ' '  The  Queen  appoints  half  after  five  tomorrow 
at  her  backstairs.  You  will  please  send  in  your  name. ' '  Godolphin 's  letter 
to  Harley,  July  7,  1702,  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  43. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  85 

supremacy.  The  matters  relative  to  the  war  were  party 
quarrels  rather  than  disputes  between  the  two  houses. 
The  Tories,  in  the  main,  had  not  been  anxious  for  Eng- 
land to  enter  the  land  war  as  a  principal,  feeling  that  she 
had  fewer  reasons  for  active  war  against  Louis  XIV  than 
had  either  Holland  or  the  Empire.  The  Highfliers,  in 
particular,  held  this  view  and  it  seems  to  have  been  the 
fundamental  difficulty  which  brought  on  their  conflict 
with  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and  the  queen  ;^  for  to  the 
lord  treasurer  and  the  general,  the  vigorous  conduct  of 
the  war  was  the  one  important  issue  before  parliament. 
Even  the  Whigs  were  not  as  enthusiastically  favorable 
to  the  war  as  they  had  been  a  few  months  before,  owing 
partly  to  the  heavy  war  taxes  and  partly  to  the  fact  that 
they  had  lost  one  of  their  great  leaders,  the  second  Earl 
of  Sunderland,  who  had  died  at  the  conclusion  of  the 
elections. 

However,  the  Tories  held  a  position,  the  weakness  and 
inconsistency  of  which  soon  became  visible.  Unless  Eng- 
land entered  the  conflict  as  a  principal,  Holland  would 
not,  and  without  English  subsidies,  Austria  could  not 
<50-operate.  No  one  knew  this  better  than  Louis  XIV. 
Besides,  England  was  now  thoroughly  embarked  in  the 
war,  and  considerable  success  had  been  achieved  by  Marl- 
borough and  Rooke^  before  the  end  of  the  year.  With 
each  victory  obtained  by  the  allies,  the  Tory  party  lost 
popular  support,  and  their  moderate  members  drifted 
slowly  toward  the  more  patriotic  Whigs,  while  the  High 
Church  zealots  tended  to  form  a  group  of  irreconcilables. 
But  this  was  not  the  only  reason  they  gradually  lost 
public  favor. 

In  the  autumn  of  1702,  the  Tories  came  into  power, 

1  Eijks  Archief,  26*,  L 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  AprU  21;  Keid,  p.  162. 

2  For  his  achievements  see  his  Journal;  Evelyn,  Diary,  III.  397;  Boyer, 
p.  32;  Sismondi,  Hist.  Frangais,  XXVI.  357-8. 


86  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

filled  with  a  determination  to  advance  the  cause  of  the 
church  and  improve  the  position  of  their  own  party. 
They  saw  an  opportunity  to  accomplish  both  purposes  at 
the  same  time.  The  Corporation  and  Test  Acts  provided 
that  practically  all  officials,  civil  and  military,  before 
entering  upon  the  performance  of  their  duties,  must  con- 
form to  the  Anglican  Church,  and  publicly  partake  of  the 
sacrament  according  to  its  rites.  The  more  conscientious 
and  radical  Dissenters  could  not  do  this,  but  those  with 
more  easy  consciences  had  early  circumvented  the  plain 
intent  of  the  law  by  taking  the  sacrament  once  a  year  at 
an  Anglican  Church,  and  after  that,  attending  such  non- 
conformist services  as  met  their  approval.  Such  officials 
became  known  as  *' occasional  conformers,"  and  the 
practice,  as  *' occasional  conformity."^ 

The  ardent  High  Churchmen  saw  in  this  custom  a 
travesty  upon  religion,^  and  were  greatly  angered  because 
the  vast  majority  of  these  men  were  Whigs.  If  they 
could  be  kept  from  office,  there  would  be  just  so  many 
more  positions  to  distribute  among  the  faithful  Tories. 
Thus  the  latter  would  be  able  not  only  to  build  up  their 
party  through  patronage,  but  at  the  same  time  to  weaken 
both  the  Whigs  and  the  Dissenters  also,  whom  they 
cordially  hated.  All  this  they  expected  to  accomplish  by 
the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  which  was  introduced 
into  the  Commons  early  in  the  session  and  passed  without 
difficulty.* 

The  bill  provided  that  not  only  the  magistrates  of  cor- 
porations but  also  *'all  the  inferior  officers  or  freemen 

1  Life  of  Calamy,  I.  143. 

2  The  entire  gamut  of  arguments  may  be  found  in  such  pamphlets  as 
Moderation  Still  a  Virtue,  The  Mash  of  Moderation  Pulled  Off  the  Foul 
Face  of  Occasional  Conformity,  Moderation  Truly  Stated,  A  View  of  the 
Present  Controversy,  and  many  other  tracts  of  the  years  1703-1705. 

8  Burnet  says  it  passed  by  a  great  majority. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  87 

who  were  found  to  have  any  interest  in  elections, '  '^  must 
conform  under  severe  penalties,  and  it  was  meant,  on  the 
face  of  it,  to  weaken  the  Whigs.  Naturally,  the  House  of 
Lords  was  greatly  alarmed  and  one  hundred  and  thirty 
members  assembled,  ''the  greatest  number  that  had  ever 
been  together. ' '  The  Whigs  were  much  the  stronger  and 
they  amended  the  bill  by  reducing  the  fines  attached. 
To  these  alterations  the  Commons  refused  to  assent,  and 
after  the  popular  interest  had  risen  to  fever  heat,  the 
bill  went  to  a  conference,  for  which  both  sides  had 
marshaled  their  supporters,  so  that  the  Star  Chamber, 
in  which  the  Lords  sat  at  this  time,  *'was  the  most 
crowded  .  .  .  that  had  ever  been  known. '  '^  They  failed 
to  agree,  and  as  the  Lords  voted  after  this  meeting,  the 
excitement  was  intense.  It  was  not  only  a  test  of  strength 
between  Whigs  and  Tories,  between  High  and  Low 
Church,  it  was  more;  it  was  a  struggle  between  the 
Commons  and  the  Lords.  The  court  exerted  all  its 
influence  in  favor  of  the  measure.  Prince  George  was  an 
occasional  conformer,  who  partook  of  the  sacrament  to 
qualify  as  lord  high  admiral,  but  continued  his  private 
Lutheran  chapel.^  Yet  he  attended  the  Lords  at  the 
behest  of  his  wife  and  voted  for  the  bill.  Much  to  the 
surprise  of  the  Highfliers,  many  spiritual  lords  opposed 
the  measure,  Burnet  among  the  number. 

On  three  different  portions  of  the  bill,  the  majority 
against  it  was  only  one,  but  in  each  case  a  different  man 
gave  the  deciding  vote.*    The  Commons  refused  to  yield 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  63-4. 

2  Burnet,  V.  53,  108-9. 

3  Hearne,  I.  172.  The  prince  was  an  alien  and  Godolphin  was  worried 
lest  the  biU  might  put  hrm  in  an  embarrassing  position.  So  Granville  waited 
on  Anne  to  ascertain  if  she  thought  it  advisable  to  include  in  the  bill  a 
clause  exempting  her  consort  from  its  provisions.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  51. 

*Parl.  Debates  (Turlock),  III.  332;  Evelyn,  Diary,  IV.  398.  Several  of 
the  bishops  had  been  appointed  by  William,  who  thought  they  should  labor 


88  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

and  the  measure  was  lost,  leaving  the  Tories  furious 
against  Dissenters  and  bishops  alike.  However,  the  bill 
refused  to  remain  dead,  but  came  back  later  to  haunt  the 
Whigs. 

Indeed,  in  the  next  session,  another  was  introduced  in 
the  Commons,  as  such  men  as  Seymour,  Bromley,  and 
Rochester  would  never  lose  an  opportunity  to  gain  popu- 
larity by  professing  zeal  for  the  church.^  In  the  mean- 
time, the  temper  of  the  people  had  changed  and  Anne's 
zeal  for  the  measure  had  cooled.^  In  concluding  her  ad- 
dress on  opening  the  second  session  of  her  first  parlia- 
ment, she  said:  ''Let  me  therefore  desire  you  all,  that 
you  carefully  avoid  any  heats  or  divisions  that  may  dis- 
appoint me  of  that  satisfaction  [harmony],  and  give 
encouragement  to  the  common  enemies  of  our  church  and 
state.'"  Nevertheless,  the  queen's  ideas  of  the  merits 
of  the  bill  remained  as  before.  ''I  shall  not  have  the 
worse  opinion  of  the  lords  that  are  for  it;  for  though  I 
should  have  been  very  glad,  if  it  had  not  been  brought 
into  the  Commons,  because  I  would  not  have  any  pretense 
for  quarrelling,  I  can't  help  thinking,  now  it  is  as  good  as 
past  .  .  .  the  Lords  too,  ...  I  see  nothing  like  persecu- 
tion in  this  bill. '  '*  Doubtless,  she  feared  the  consequence 
of  strife  between  the  houses,  when  England  was  at  death- 
grips  with  France.  Moreover,  Anne  had  been  made 
aware  of  the  great  opposition  of  the  commercial  classes 
to  the  bill;  whereas  the  defection  of  the  bishops  and  the 

for  a  reconciliation  with  the  Dissenters.  Burnet  asserts  that  the  five  peers 
were  created  to  carry  this  measure.  Other  Side,  p.  194,  See  Defoe's  Beview, 
II.  No.  28. 

iRemusat,  I.  148;  Newcastle  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  33084,  f.  172. 

2  Epistol.  Cor.  of  Dr.  Atteriury,  III.  132;  Burnet,  V.  109, 

3  Par?.  Hist.,  VI.  151,  155-8;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  157-9, 
297-9. 

i  Conduct,  p.  154;  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29568,  f.  151; 
Thomas,  p.  132. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  89 

curtain  lectures  of  Burnet  may  have  proved  to  the  queen 
that  her  duty  was  to  conciliate  the  non-conformists,^ 
whose  power  was  increasing. 

Despite  Anne's  plainly  expressed  desire  that  the  strife 
over  occasional  conformity  should  cease,  the  Tory  leaders 
persisted,  although  they  softened  down  considerably  the 
provisions  of  the  second  bill.  On  the  previous  attempt, 
it  passed  the  Commons  by  a  large  majority,  practically 
without  discussion.  This  time  it  was  fairly  debated,  but 
the  vote  was  still  strongly  in  its  favor;  it  was  sent  up 
to  the  peers,  and  a  tiresome  debate  ensued.  Each  side 
was  reasonably  confident,  particularly  the  Highfliers.^ 
The  court  was  not  so  zealous  as  before  in  bringing  up 
supporters;  Prince  George,  with  his  wife's  consent,  not 
only  failed  to  attend,  but  even  neglected  to  send  his 
proxy.^  The  motion  for  a  second  reading  was  lost  71  to 
59,  and  23  peers  formally  dissented,  among  them  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin.* 

The  queen's  attitude  was  so  tactful  that  she  lost 
neither  Whig  nor  Tory  support  by  her  husband's  action. 
Yet  the  extreme  Highfliers  were  thoroughly  enraged  and 
more  determined  than  ever.  They  took  the  bit  firmly  in 
their  teeth  and  tried  to  run  away  with  Anne  and  her 
moderate  ministers.  The  queen  was  now  thoroughly 
convinced  of  the  inherent  selfishness  of  the  more  ardent 
supporters  of  the  bill,  and  later  her  influence  was  un- 

1  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  401 ;  Thomson,  I.  408-11. 

2  Add.  MSS.,  9712,  f.  53;  Newcastle  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  33084,  f.  172; 
Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28891,  f.  263. 

3  Luttrell,  V.  369.  Anne  said :  ' '  Mr.  Bromley  will  be  disappointed,  for 
the  Prince  does  not  intend  to  go  to  the  House,  when  the  bill  of  occasional 
conformity  is  brought  in;  but  at  the  same  time  I  think  him  very  much  in 
the  right  not  to  vote  in  it."  She  was  broad-minded  enough  to  tolerate 
George's  Low  Church  ideas. 

*Parl.  Hist.,  VI.  171;  Hatton-Fineh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29568,  f.  151. 
In  the  vote  there  were  29  proxies,  17  for,  and  12  against,  the  bill. 


90  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

equivocally  thrown  in  the  scales  against  them,  largely 
on  account  of  their  ungenerous  and  tactless  behavior. 
They  refused  to  take  their  defeat  philosophically,  but 
immediately  began  crying  that  the  church  was  in  danger, 
an  accusation  which  the  queen  considered  a  personal 
insult  and  a  direct  reflection  upon  her  administration, 
especially  since  they  further  insisted  that  her  ministry 
and  the  bishops  were  little  better  than  fanatics. 

These  peers  were  close  to  the  truth  when  they  charged 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough  with  double-dealing,  inas- 
much as  both  secretly  opposed  the  bill,  while  voting  in  its 
f avor.^  Anne,  though  unquestionably  desiring  legislation 
against  Dissenters,  was  yet  unwilling  to  countenance  such 
disaffection  from  the  Tories.  Defoe's  satirical  pamphlet, 
The  Shortest  Way  with  the  Dissenters,  made  these  men 
angry  when  the  hoax  was  made  known,  but  Anne  stood 
between  them  and  their  victim.-  Her  sympathy  for 
Defoe  marked  the  first  step  in  her  gradual  drift  toward 
the  Whigs.  Her  feeling  relative  to  the  factiousness  of 
Rochester,  Nottingham,  and  others  is  well  set  forth  in 
her  speech  closing  the  session.  Sorrow  is  shown  for  the 
failure  of  the  Tories  to  follow  her  advice,  as  well  as  a 
determination  to  insist  upon  her  own  views.  ' '  I  am  not 
discouraged,"  she  said,  ''from  persisting  in  the  same 
earnest  desire  that  you  would  go  down  into  your  several 
counties  so  disposed  to  moderation  and  unity,  as  becomes 
all  those  which  are  joined  together  in  the  same  religion 
and  interest.'"  The  effect  of  this  address  upon  the 
people  was  considerable,  but  upon  the  persistent  High- 

1  Consult  the  Parliamentary  History  (VI.  170)  for  the  votes  and  the 
Portland  MSS.  (IV.  155)  for  Godolphin 's  letter  to  Harley.  See  also 
Wharton  'e  Memoirs,  p.  40 ;  J.  Stoughton,  Beligion  in  England,  p.  30. 

2  Portl  MSS.,  IV.  68.  At  first  Anne  was  not  in  favor  of  releasing  Defoe. 
Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f.  44. 

3  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  336. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  91 

fliers  and  Jacobites  it  was  entirely  lost.  They  were  still 
resolved  upon  extreme  measures  at  the  earliest  oppor- 
tunity and  rejoiced  that  ample  time  was  given  them 
between  the  sessions  to  prepare  their  plans, 

Anne's  speech  at  the  opening  of  the  next  session  re- 
iterated her  desire  for  concord  between  the  warring 
factions,  and  she  coupled  with  it  an  earnest  appeal  for 
the  sympathetic  co-operation  of  both  houses.  Even  this 
failed  to  change  in  the  slightest  the  determination  of 
Jersey,  Nottingham,  and  Buckingham,  as  they  were  reso- 
lute in  their  war  against  occasional  conformists,  who 
communicated  with  the  Anglican  Church  in  order  to 
profit  by  holding  public  offices.  Almost  as  soon  as  par- 
liament opened,  therefore,  leave  was  given  to  bring  in 
another  bill  to  prevent  occasional  conformity.^  Its  sup- 
porters knew  that  the  Lords  would  never  pass  the 
measure  on  its  own  merits,  so  they  decided  to  append  it 
to  some  vital  bill.  Probably  the  most  important  act 
before  parliament  was  the  four-shilling  land  tax,  which 
brought  in  the  greatest  revenue  to  the  government  of 
any  tax  levied,^  and  was  necessary  for  the  continuation 
of  the  war.  Since  its  passage  was  of  such  moment,  the 
Tories  decided  to  ''tack"  their  bill  to  it.  Accordingly, 
William  Bromley,  after  a  lengthy  speech  in  its  favor, 
moved  that  it  be  tacked  to  the  land  tax  bill.^ 

The  issue  was  now  squarely  drawn  between  the  two 
houses;  it  not  only  raised  the  question  of  the  power  of 
the  Lords  over  revenue  measures,  but  was  in  direct  oppo- 
sition to  their  resolution  passed  two  years  before  at  the 
recommendation  of  Halifax.    He  had  foreseen  the  proba- 

1  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS,  (B.  M.),  222,  f.  225;  FranTcland-Bussell- 
Astley  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  168;  Luttrell,  V.  486;  Burton,  T.  89, 

2  It  produced  about  £4,000,000.    See  Py.  Hist.,  V.  App.  xix. 

3  Pi/.  Hist.,  VI.  360;  Chamberlen,  p.  174;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.), 
VI.  229. 


92  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

bility  of  a  'Hack"  upon  the  first  introduction  of  this  bill, 
and  moved  'Hhat  the  annexing  any  clause  to  a  money  bill 
was  contrary  to  the  constitution  .  .  .  and  the  usage  of 
Parliament. '  '^ 

'* Tacking"  was  not  such  an  exceptional  procedure, 
since  in  the  reign  of  William  alone  at  least  three  attempts 
were  made  to  interfere  with  the  financial  powers  of  par- 
liament. "With  this  experience  fresh  in  mind,  both  parties 
awaited  with  the  keenest  interest  the  outcome  of  Brom- 
ley's motion,  because  a  quarrel  between  the  houses  would 
have  been  fatal  to  administrative  efficiency  during  the 
war.  It  was  really  a  critical  moment  in  English  history, 
as  both  the  friends  and  foes  of  the  bill  expected  it  to 
pass.  The  lower  house  realized  the  danger,  however,  and 
hesitated  to  assume  responsibility  for  an  open  breach 
with  the  Lords,  so  after  a  long  and  spirited  debate  the 
Commons  themselves  defeated^  the  *'tack"  251  to  134, 
and  a  disagreeable  quarrel  between  the  houses  was 
averted.  The  result  appears,  on  the  face  of  it,  as  a  splen- 
did illustration  of  the  influence  of  the  court  and  of  the 
strength  of  such  moderate  Tories  as  Harley  and  St.  John, 
whom  the  excessive  aggressiveness  of  the  extreme  Tories 
had  offended.^ 

However,  the  Highfliers  were  not  at  the  end  of  their 
resources ;  they  now  passed  the  original  bill  through  the 
Commons  and  sent  it  up  to  the  Lords  without  the  * '  tack. ' ' 
For  the  third  time,  the  contest  was  close,  but  not  so  close 
as  before,  since  a  greater  number  realized  the  truth  in 
Lord  Mohun's  statement  that  ''if  they  passed  the  bill, 
they  had  as  good  tack  the  pretended  Prince  of  Wales  to 

1  Life  of  Calamy,  I.  465 ;  Memoirs  of  Halifax,  p,  89 ;  Chamberlen,  p.  67. 

2  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  362 ;  Luttrell,  V.  492 ;  CoJce  MSS.,  III.  53. 

3  Seventeen  of  the  eighteen  members  from  the  Cinque  Ports  voted  against 
it.  See  Oldmixon,  IV.  346;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  364;  Somers'  Tracts,  XII. 
469-76;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  64-5;  Coxe,  I.  249. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  93 

it,"^  and  the  motion  to  read  it  a  second  time  was  lost  71 
to  50,^  although  it  came  up  again  a  few  years  later. 

The  queen  was  piqued  at  the  crude  methods  of  the 
''tackers"  and  gave  unmistakable  expression  to  her  dis- 
pleasure. A  few  moderate  Tories  feared  an  alliance 
between  the  Highfliers  and  the  radical  Whigs,  which 
might  drive  the  ministry  from  office.  The  equally  adroit 
and  mysterious  Defoe  assured  Harley  that  such  a  "con- 
federacy" had  been  broached  between  the  two  factions. 
He  even  suggested  that  the  ministry  might  use  the  im- 
moderate hatred  of  the  High  Church  Tories  for  the  Dis- 
senters to  discredit  the  Highfliers,  not  only  with  the 
people  but  with  Anne  as  well,  and  it  is  at  least  probable 
that  the  leading  ministers  did  utilize  the  bill  for  their 
own  purpose.®  At  any  rate,  the  Tory  zealots,  expecting 
to  show  the  queen  their  real  strength  through  the  ' '  tack, ' ' 
lost  instead  the  support  of  able  leaders  in  their  own 
party,  who  became  more  closely  allied  with  the  junto  as 
time  went  on.*  In  this  struggle  of  the  houses  over  reli- 
gion, the  Whigs  had  won,  and  the  Highfliers  had  lost  the 
active  assistance  of  their  best  friend,  the  queen,  who  was 
forced  to  turn  to  the  moderate  Tories  and  Whigs  for 
support. 

There  were  two  principles  at  stake  in  this  contest  over 
occasional  conformity — that  of  religious  toleration  and 

1  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  27.  Calamy  thought  that  the  measure  -would  have 
been  disastrous  to  England.  Two  short  pamphlets,  A  Brief  Account  of  the 
Tack  (1705?)  and  The  Character  of  a  "Taclcer"  and  "Anti-T acker" 
(1705),  give  a  splendid  conception  of  the  feeling  against  the  "tackers." 
The  description  of  the  "taeker"  is  almost  humorous.  See  also  Defoe's 
Beview,  May  12,  1705. 

2  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  368. 

sPortl.  MSS.,  IV.  148.  See  also  on  this  point  Bath  MSS.,  I.  64;  Defoe's 
Review,  III.  177;  Harrop,  BolingtroTce,  p.  29;  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet, 
p.  413. 

*  Faults  on  Both  Sides,  p.  27 ;  James,  III.  275. 


94  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

that  of  the  power  of  the  Commons  over  taxation.  Event- 
ually, the  rights  of  Dissenters  were  left  unchanged,  and 
the  right  of  the  Commons  to  take  the  lead  in  matters  of 
taxation  was  reaffirmed.  In  another  sense,  the  failure 
of  the  High  Church  Tories  lessened  the  influence  of  the 
church  in  politics  and  strengthened  for  the  moment  the 
queen's  prerogative,  although  it  eventually  threw  Anne 
more  and  more  into  the  power  of  the  Whigs,  who  grad- 
ually gained  ground  until  by  the  summer  of  1705  the 
ministry  was  Whig  in  fact,  if  not  in  name. 

The  contest  between  the  houses  over  religion  was  not 
the  only  one  during  this  parliament,  as  they  had  clashed 
early  over  a  question  of  jurisdiction,  and  this  time  the 
Commons  were  the  aggressors  throughout.  In  William's 
reign  the  latter  had  displayed  an  arrogance  not  fre- 
quently seen  in  a  representative  body,  when  they  cast 
into  jail  certain  Kentish  petitioners,  who  had  aroused 
their  wrath  by  suggesting,  with  war  so  imminent,  that  the 
Commons  should  turn  from  loyal  addresses  to  a  consid- 
eration of  bills  of  supply.  Early  in  Anne's  reign,  the 
Commons  displayed  the  same  factious  disposition  in 
regard  to  Scottish  affairs.  Since  the  time  of  the  Tudors, 
Scotland  had  been  a  fertile  field  for  plots  against  Eng- 
land. Under  the  Stuart  kings  such  plots  were  numerous 
enough,  but  they  grew  apace  after  1688,  as  a  large  portion 
of  the  Scots  were  kindly  disposed  towards  James  II  and 
his  sons,  and  the  foremost  Scottish  statesmen  intrigued 
almost  openly  in  favor  of  the  Chevalier.  The  avarice  of 
other  time-serving  Scots,  and  their  willingness  to  serve 
any  party  or  master  who  paid  them  well  increased  the 
number  of  plots,  but  numerous  as  they  were  in  reality, 
the  imagination  of  English  officials  multiplied  them. 

Simon  Eraser  stands  as  one  of  the  unprincipled  rascals 
of  history.  Early  in  the  reign  he  had  come  from  France 
with  a  forged  letter,  purporting  to  be  from  St.  Germain, 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  95 

and  presumably  addressed  to  Athol,  Scottish  privy  seal/ 
The  Duke  of  Queensberry,  the  queen's  commissioner  in 
Scotland,  in  haste  to  take  advantage  of  the  suspicion  thus 
cast  on  his  dreaded  rival,  at  once  sent  the  queen  word  of 
the  conspiracy.  In  the  meantime,  several  supposed 
traitors  were  seized  in  England,  the  most  important  of 
whom  was  Sir  John  Maclean,  equally  famous  as  a  High- 
land chieftain  and  Jacobite.  The  queen's  fears  were 
increased  by  Queensberry 's  message,  and  in  a  speech 
before  parliament,  she  promptly  called  attention  to  the 
danger,  promising  to  lay  the  evidence  before  them  as 
soon  as  possible.^ 

The  Whig  peers  rejoiced  at  this  opportunity  to  dis- 
play their  enthusiasm  for  the  Protestant  succession,  and 
vie  with  the  Tory  commoners  in  securing  the  queen's 
good  will.  Immediately,  a  select  committee  was  appointed 
to  examine  the  prisoners.  This  plan,  if  pushed  to  its 
logical  conclusion,  would  supersede  the  ordinary  legal 
procedure,  and  the  Commons  strenuously  objected,  but 
before  they  could  take  action,  Anne  intimated  that 
Maclean's  examination  was  too  technical  a  point  for  this 
committee  to  handle,  and  the  peers  agreed.  Yet  the  lower 
house  persisted  and  embodied  their  grievance  in  an  ad- 
dress to  the  queen.  The  peers  replied,  only  to  be  criti- 
cized, and  the  case  dragged  on  and  the  recriminations 
might  have  taken  even  more  the  form  of  an  endurance 
contest,  had  not  the  queen  cooled  their  ardor  by  a  tactful 

1  Add.  MSS.,  vols.  31249  to  31253,  passim;  Annals  (1703),  p.  189;  Lock- 
hart's  Memoirs,  pp.  76-87;  Burnet,  V.  96;  Caveat  against  the  Whigs,  pp. 
46-62. 

2  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  172-4.  The  contemporary  evidence  of  this  plot  is  exten- 
sive. Add.  MSS.,  20311;  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29587,  ff. 
124-56;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34526,  f.  80B;  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.), 
CLXXX.  93-6,  407-47;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  I.  66,  III.  104;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Sec. 
Letter  Books,  CIV.  385,  sq.;  Add.  MSS.,  9712,  f.  55;  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.), 
IV.  25. 


96  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

address  to  the  Lords.  ''I  hope,"  she  said,  ''none  of  my 
subjects  have  any  desire  to  lessen  my  prerogative,  since 
I  have  no  thought  of  making  use  of  it  but  for  their  pro- 
tection and  advantage.  I  look  upon  it  as  a  great  mis- 
fortune, when  any  misunderstandings  happen  between 
the  two  houses."^  This  insinuation  was  not  intended 
entirely  for  the  upper  house,  and  its  meaning  could  not 
have  been  lost  upon  the  Commons.  The  power  of  the 
crown  would  have  suffered  if  this  committee  of  the  Lords 
had  passed  on  the  case.  When  the  Commons  urged  Anne 
to  take  complete  charge  of  the  case,  she  replied  through 
the  lord  steward  ''that  the  examination  relating  to  Sir 
John  Maclean  is  a  matter  of  nicety  and  great  importance, 
that  it  will  be  inconvenient  to  take  it  out  of  the  method 
of  examination  it  is  now  in,  and  she  will,  in  a  short  time, 
communicate  the  same  to  this  House.""  The  outcome  of 
the  struggle  was  indecisive,  but  the  Lords  are  usually 
thought  to  have  gained  popularity  by  their  publication 
of  the  precedents  in  the  case. 

However,  this  struggle  was  neither  so  bitter,  nor  so 
important,  nor  its  bearing  on  the  powers  and  privileges 
of  the  house  so  direct  as  the  celebrated  Aylesbury  case. 
December  26,  1700,  William  III  issued  writs  for  a  par- 
liamentary election.  At  the  poll  in  Aylesbury,  Ashby 
presented  himself  to  the  constables  as  a  duly  qualified 
voter,^  but  they  refused  to  allow  him  to  vote,  despite  the 
fact  that  he  had  previously  exercised  the  privilege  un- 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  224;  Coke,  III.  161,  170;  Luttrell,  V.  372.  To  one  inter- 
ested in  English  constitutional  history,  the  quarrel  is  important.  Each 
house  searched  for  precedents  and  the  results  are  found  in  the  Parliamentary 
History,  VI.  172,  338.    The  Lords'  report  is  particularly  well  written. 

2  Add.  MSS.,  22263,  f .  60. 

8  Burnet  suspected  that  a  corrupt  bargain  had  been  made  with  the  con- 
stables by  one  of  the  candidates.  Cf.  The  Life  and  Beign  of  her  late 
Excellent  Majesty,  Queen  Anne,  p.  230.  Burnet,  V.  114;  Defoe,  Legion's 
Humble  Address, 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PAELIAMENT  97 

questioned.  Thereupon,  Ashby  sued  White,  one  of  the 
constables,  for  damages,  and  was  granted  a  verdict  of  £5 
at  the  county  assizes.  Appeal  was  taken  to  the  Queen's 
Bench,  where  the  verdict  was  reversed  by  a  divided  court, 
Chief  Justice  Holt  dissenting,  on  the  ground  that  in  cases 
involving  the  right  of  suffrage  and  elections,  the  Com- 
mons had  exclusive  jurisdiction.  Forthwith  the  case  was 
brought  before  the  High  Court  of  Parliament  on  a  writ 
of  error.  This  tribunal,  the  highest  court  of  appeals  in 
England — in  reality  nothing  more  than  the  peers  sitting 
in  their  judicial  capacity — reversed  the  decision  of  the 
Queen's  Bench.^ 

Once  more  the  Commons  were  alarmed  about  so  great 
an  assumption  of  power  by  the  peers,  and  again  Anne 
had  to  act  as  peacemaker,  as  the  lower  house  immediately 
made  its  feelings  known.  Little  could  then  be  accom- 
plished, as  parliament  was  soon  prorogued  and  both  sides 
stopped  for  breath.  In  the  interim,  Ashby  proceeded  to 
execute  judgment,  and  five  other  aggrieved  voters 
brought  suits  against  the  constables.  The  Commons  saw 
one  of  its  historical  privileges  in  danger  of  invasion — its 
most  prized  right  of  deciding  all  matters  with  reference 
to  parliamentary  elections  and  membership  in  the  Com- 
mons— and  in  their  wrath  they  committed  Ashby  and  his 
associates  to  Newgate. 

The  Lords  could  not  long  remain  silent  under  such  a 
challenge.  At  first  all  they  could  do  was  to  encourage 
Ashby  to  ask  the  Court  of  Queen's  Bench  for  a  writ  of 
habeas  corpus.'^    In  keeping  with  its  former  stand,  this 

iLuttrell,  V.  380;  Hallam,  Const.  Eist.  (1880  ed,),  III.  264;  State  Trials, 
XIV.  695-888.  The  Lords  also  sent  a  copy  of  their  decision  to  the  sheriffs 
who  should  communicate  them  to  their  respective  boroughs.  Py.  Hist., 
VI.  228. 

2  Burnet,  V,  188.  Ashby  seems  to  have  been  a  hostler,  and  had  a  hard 
time  keeping  out  of  the  rank  of  pauper  during  the  trial.  Wharton  was 
supposed  to  be  backing  him.    76.,  V.  190;  Wyon,  I.  318. 


98  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tribunal  refused  to  grant  the  writ  against  the  commit- 
ment of  the  Commons,^  Chief  Justice  Holt  once  more  dis- 
senting. Angered  by  this  decision,  Ashby's  supporters 
threatened  to  do  the  most  obvious  thing  left  them — carry 
the  case  before  the  Lords  on  a  writ  of  error.  The  Com- 
mons at  once  became  excited  and  petitioned  the  queen 
against  the  writ.  Eeceiving  little  satisfaction,  their  fears 
got  the  better  of  their  discretion,  and  they  ordered  that 
the  * 'Aylesbury  men  might  be  discharged  from  their  im- 
prisonment .  .  .  and  taken  into  custody  of  the  sergeant- 
at-arms,"  of  the  Commons.  The  situation  was  a  delicate 
one,  particularly  for  Anne.  On  the  one  hand,  the  Lords 
were  struggling  to  secure  to  the  individual  a  property 
interest  in  his  vote,  on  the  other,  the  Commons  were 
standing  for  their  accustomed  right  of  passing  upon  the 
qualifications  of  their  own  members. 

Despite  the  fact  that  the  legality  of  the  whole  matter 
was  in  doubt,  it  was  now  laid  before  the  queen  for  adjudi- 
cation. If  she  favored  granting  the  writ,  she  openly 
alienated  the  men  of  the  lower  house,  who  presumably 
represented  the  popular  mind;  if  she  refused  to  consent 
to  the  writ,  she  would  appear  ungrateful  to  the  house 
that  was  carrying  out  her  wishes  in  legislative  affairs. 
The  arguments  of  the  best  legal  minds  may  have  con- 
vinced her  that  this  writ  of  error  was  in  reality  a  ''writ 
of  right"  and  could  not  be  refused.^  At  any  rate,  she 
begged  for  a  few  days  to  consider  the  matter,  and  this 
element  of  time  saved  the  whole  situation,  as  she  saw  to 

1  Howell,  state  Trials,  XIV.  840;  Hallam,  Const.  Hist.,  III.  265. 

2  Coke,  III,  194.  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  385;  .  .  .  Representation  and  Address  of 
the  .  .  .  Lords  Spiritual  and  Temporal  .  .  .  ,  presented  to  Her  Majesty 
(1704).  The  best  brief  account  of  the  case  is  given  by  H.  E.  Shipman,  The 
E-ouse  of  Commons  and  Disputed  Elections,  A.  H.  Assn.  Beports  (1914), 
I.  174-6.  Contemporary  statements  of  the  case  are  found  in  Hatton-Finch 
Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29568,  ff.  153-4;  Sloane  MSS.  (B.  M.),  3066;  Py.  Hist., 
VT.  431;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  259-62. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  99 

it  that  parliament  had  practically  finished  its  work  when 
she  arrived  at  a  decision. 

Anne's  answers  to  the  addresses  showered  upon  her 
by  both  houses  are  proof  of  her  tact  in  handling  the  diffi- 
cult situation.  * '  I  should  have  granted  the  writs  of  error 
desired  in  this  address, ' '  she  finally  replied  to  the  Lords, 
''but  finding  an  absolute  necessity  of  putting  an  imme- 
diate end  to  this  session,  I  am  sensible  there  could  have 
been  no  further  proceeding  upon  the  matter. '  '^  With  the 
prorogation  the  Aylesbury  men  under  the  charge  of  the 
sergeant-at-arms  were  released ;  the  peers  had  gained  for 
their  day  a  practical  victory,  though  the  legal  question 
still  remained  undecided.  The  real  advantage  seems  to 
rest  with  the  Commons,  as  their  control  over  all  matters 
concerning  elections  has  never  since  been  successfully 
questioned.  On  account  of  the  steadily  growing  power 
of  the  Commons  the  matter  soon  ceased  to  be  of  political 
importance. 

This  celebrated  case  of  Ashby  vs.  White  was,  however, 
more  than  a  quarrel  between  the  houses,  it  was  really  a 
test  of  the  relative  strength  of  Whig  and  Tory,  and  this 
fact  partly  accounts  for  Anne 's  extremely  judicious  atti- 
tude. In  the  three  contests  between  the  two  houses  and 
the  two  parties  as  exemplified  in  their  different  positions 
on  the  questions  of  war — occasional  conformity,  the 
**tack,"  and  the  elections — party  struggles  stand  out  in 
bold  relief,  and  indicate  clearly  the  growing  political  self- 
consciousness  of  both  Whig  and  Tory.  On  the  other 
hand,  these  controversies  display  the  serious  attempts  of 
the  queen  to  stand  above  and  between  parties,  a  policy 
so  difficult  that  it  soon  brought  her  into  direct  opposition 
to  that  faction,  the  religious  inclinations  of  which  re- 
sembled her  own.  Yet,  despite  her  extreme  piety,  she 
could,  and  did  forget  her  devotion  to  the  church,  the 

1  Fy.  Hist.,  VT.  436. 


100  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

moment  she  felt  that  her  prerogative  was  attacked,  or 
her  individual  rights  assailed. 

Not  only  had  the  Highfliers  dared  to  attack  her  pre- 
rogative and  her  affection  for  the  church,  but  by  their 
activity  they  stirred  deeply  her  personal  feelings.  At 
her  request,  a  bill  was  introduced  into  parliament  by  the 
impetuous,  and  grateful  ''Jack"  Howe,  granting  a  pen- 
sion of  £100,000  to  the  prince  in  case  he  outlived  the 
queen.^  While  this  bill  was  passing  through  the  Com- 
mons, an  amendment  was  added  which  excepted  the  prince 
from  the  operation  of  a  law  prohibiting  all  foreigners, 
even  though  naturalized,  from  holding  office  under  the 
crown.  The  ostensible  reason  for  this  amendment  was 
the  fear  that  future  sovereigns  might  interpret  the  afore- 
said act  to  the  detriment  of  the  prince.  The  Lords,  how- 
ever, looked  upon  it  as  a  "tack"  to  a  money  bill  and  it 
was  only  after  the  most  determined  pressure  on  Anne's 
part,  combined  with  dextrous  management  by  the  min- 
istry under  the  leadership  of  Godolphin  and  Harley,  that 
the  bill  finally  passed  the  Lords  by  a  majority  of  four.^ 
The  queen  was  greatly  displeased  at  the  disrespect  shown 
her  husband  and  never  forgave  three^  of  the  seven  Lords 
who  protested. 

Anne's  resentment  against  the  Whig  lords  could  wait, 
however,  as  they  were  out  of  office;  but  not  so  with  the 
Tories  still  in  her  councils.  The  first  member  of  the 
ministry  to  feel  the  force  of  her  wrath  was  her  uncle, 
Rochester — the  real  leader  of  the  Tories.     Presuming 

1  Boyer,  p.  36. 

2  1,.  J.,  Jan.  1,  1703;  Eijks  Arehief,  26*,  Jan.  23,  1703;  Luttrell,  V.  259; 
Fortl.  MSS.,  IV.  57;  Coxe,  I.  104;  Marlb.  MSS.,  53.  In  the  committee  of 
the  whole  in  the  Commons,  a  considerable  number  wished  to  reduce  the 
allowance  to  £50,000. 

3  Somers,  Wharton,  and  Sunderland.  Anne 's  wrath  was  momentarily 
directed  against  Burnet,  also,  because  he  protested.  Clarke  and  Foxcroft, 
Burnet,  p.  400.    Cf.  Coxe  Papers,  XLI.  13. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  101 

upon  his  kinship  and  the  queen's  approval  of  his  High 
Church  beliefs,  he  fully  expected  to  be  at  her  right  hand 
in  the  government,  and  the  astute  Dutch  representative 
at  London  feared  lest  he  be  appointed  lord  treasurer.^ 
In  truth,  Rochester  felt  certain  of  being  chosen  as  head 
of  the  ministry,  and  was  greatly  disappointed  when 
Godolphin  was  selected  instead.  His  pique  was  meas- 
urably increased  when  his  favorite  daughter.  Lady 
Dalkeith,  was  passed  over  in  favor  of  Marlborough's 
daughters  in  choosing  ladies  of  the  bedchamber,^  and  his 
temper  once  more  gained  the  better  of  him.  Yet  Anne 
had  been  kind  to  him ;  and  for  a  time  he  was  deep  in  her 
confidence.  Not  content  with  these  marks  of  favor,  he 
objected  to  her  moderate  policy  in  changing  the  ministry, 
in  which  attitude  he  was  supported  by  the  High  Church 
adherents.  Hypocritical  as  ever,  he  sought  to  ingratiate 
himself  with  his  niece  while  absenting  himself  from  his 
post  of  duty  and  intriguing  against  other  members  of 
the  ministry.* 

Rochester's  inclinations  alarmed  both  Marlborough 
and  Godolphin,  who  wished  to  work  in  harmony  with 
him.  After  some  difficulty,  they  prevailed  upon  the  queen 
to  order  him  to  leave  for  Ireland,  that  they  might  get  him 
out  of  the  way.*  When  Anne's  message  reached  Roch- 
ester, he  hesitated  for  several  days,  then  angrily  waited 
upon  her  and  asked  to  be  excused  from  office.  Greatly 
to  his  surprise,  she  calmly  accepted  his  resignation,  and, 

1  Coxe,  I.  235. 

2  Conduct,  pp.  131-5.     Cf.  Other  Side,  pp.  167-9. 

3  L 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  21  April,  1702,  Eijks  Archief,  26^-.  Span- 
heim's  dispatches  to  Berlin  show  the  same  thing.  Von  Noorden,  I.  201.  In 
October,  1703,  Rochester  presented  Anne  with  a  copy  of  his  father's  History 
of  the  Behellion,  which  was  dedicated  to  her  as  a  granddaughter  of  the 
author.     Luttrell,  V.  351. 

*T.  Salmon,  Mod.  Eist.,  I.  23;  Cal.  S.  P.  Bom.  (1702-3),  p.  251;  Portl. 
MSS.,  IV.  39. 


102  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

to  his  consternation,  quietly  made  known  her  desire  to 
see  him  no  more  at  her  cabinet  council,  saying  that  it 
was  not  reasonable  he  ''should  come  to  the  council  only 
when  he  pleased.'"  Her  general  demeanor  made  him 
furious,  and  henceforth  he  was  to  be  found  in  the  ranks 
of  her  Majesty's  opposition.  Anne  had  not  only  dis- 
missed, but  disgraced  him;  partly  because  of  the  oppo- 
sition of  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  and  partly  on 
account  of  his  stand  relative  to  the  pension  she  recom- 
mended for  Marlborough;^  but  more  particularly,  it 
would  seem,  as  a  result  of  his  presumptuous  and  insolent 
attitude  towards  herself,  personally. 

Rochester's  expulsion  was  only  the  beginning  of  the 
schism  in  the  Tory  party  and  the  queen's  first  move 
against  her  high  Tory  ministers.  Nottingham  had  been 
intimate  in  his  relations  with  Rochester,  and  he,  together 
with  Seymour,  Buckingham,  Hedges,  and  Jersey,  kept 
up  their  opposition  to  Marlborough  and  insisted  upon 
displacing  Whig  officials  by  zealous  Tories.  In  1703, 
Nottingham  opposed  sending  aid  to  the  distressed  Ceven- 
nois,  who,  on  account  of  their  heresy,  were  being  so 
bitterly  persecuted  by  Louis  XIV.^  Similarly,  he  gave 
trouble  over  negotiations  with  Portugal,  maintaining  that 
it  was  dishonorable  for  England  to  strike  her  enemies  in 
another  king's  ports.  He  had  also  been  one  of  the  fore- 
most champions  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  and 
an  inveterate  enemy  of  the  Dissenters.  In  general,  he 
was  exceedingly  annoying  to  the  ministry  on  account  of 
his  obstructive  tactics;*  although,  despite  this  factious 
opposition  to  court  measures,  Anne  had  been  favorably 

1  Conduct,  p.  141;  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXIX.  304;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS., 
7075,  f.  13. 

2  Parliament's  refusal  to  reward  Marlborough  as  she  wished  was  a  sensi- 
tive point  with  the  Queen.    See  Other  Side,  pp.  205-6. 

8Wyon,  I.  208;  Lecky,  I.  34;  H.  Belloc,  Lingard's  Hist.,  XI.  82-3. 
*  Timberland,  II.  35-72,  passim. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  103 

disposed  towards  him.  Before  she  had  been  queen  two 
months,  she  appointed  him  secretary  of  state,  in  which 
position  he  was  equally  active  and  inefficient.^  In  Feb- 
ruary, 1703,  he  had  the  honor  of  bearing  her  message  to 
the  Lords,  requesting  them  to  dispatch  their  business 
speedily  that  she  might  end  the  session.  A  year  later,  at 
her  command,  he  laid  before  the  peers  several  depositions 
relating  to  the  Scottish  plot.  In  April,  1704,  it  was 
rumored  that  the  dismal  earl  was  to  receive  the  Garter.^ 
Like  Rochester,  however,  Nottingham  became  too  im- 
perious in  his  treatment  of  the  queen,  who  was  becoming 
alarmed  lest  the  High  Church  Tories  might  carry  things 
too  far.  He  waited  upon  the  lord  treasurer  and  insisted 
upon  the  removal  of  the  remaining  Whigs  from  high 
offices.  He  received  no  satisfaction  from  Godolphin,  so 
wisely  waiting  until  Marlborough  had  sailed  for  Hol- 
land, he  called  upon  Anne  in  person,  and  threatened  to 
resign  if  she  did  not  dismiss  Somerset  and  Devonshire 
from  the  Privy  Council,  or  at  least  neglect  in  the  future 
to  summon  them.  He  probably  had  news  of  intended 
ministerial  changes  which  would  greatly  weaken  his  posi- 
tion, else  he  would  not  have  been  so  overbearing.  Al- 
though Anne  liked  him  personally,  she  never  gave  in  to 
a  threat,  and  she  advised  him  to  think  the  matter  over.' 
This  he  agreed  to  do,  but  when  he  learned  that  his  com- 
rades, Jersey  and  Seymour,  were  certain  to  be  dismissed, 
he  resigned.  The  appointment  of  his  successor  occa- 
sioned some  difficulty,  as  a  month  elapsed  before  Harley 
was  selected  in  his  place.  This  promotion  is  one  of  the 
significant  political  events  of  the  reign,  as  the  introduc- 

1  Like  his  successor,  Nottingham  was  a  politician  rather  than  a  diplomat. 
Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588-9,  passim.  See  also  Bath  MSS.,  I. 
63 ;  Defoe,  Conduct  of  Parties,  p.  8 ;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34513, 
f.  164. 

2  Luttrell,  V.  271,  371-2,  385,  410. 

3  Coke  MSS.,  III.  35;  Burnet,  V.  139;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  86. 


104  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tion  of  Harley  and  two  of  his  colleagues,  St.  John  and 
Mansell,  into  the  ministry,  meant  the  end  for  a  while  of 
all  factious  opposition  to  the  queen  in  that  body,  which 
still  remained  moderately  Tory. 

Anne's  patience  with  the  Highfliers  was  entirely  ex- 
hausted. Their  opposition  to  the  Occasional  Conformity 
Bill,  the  "tack,"  and  the  Aylesbury  case  made  their 
presence  in  the  ministry  unbearable.  For  nearly  three 
years  she  had  struggled  to  carry  on  her  government  with 
the  consent  of  the  high  Tories.  Consistent  with  her  own 
prerogative,  she  had  done  everything  to  conciliate  them, 
but  in  vain.  She  had  hoped  to  reign  and  govern  by  means 
of  a  composite  ministry,  made  up  mainly  of  Tories,  but 
this  was  found  impracticable,  since  the  Highfliers  refused 
to  work  in  harmony  with  either  Whigs  or  moderate 
Tories.  When  the  usual  arguments  proved  powerless  to 
shake  the  queen's  determination,  they  resorted  to  threats 
and  intimidation.  Thus  challenged,  Anne  had  no  choice 
but  to  pick  up  the  gauntlet ;  their  leaders  were  dismissed 
one  by  one,  and  as  soon  as  possible  she  caused  writs  to 
be  issued  for  a  new  election. 

In  these  years  Anne  had  faced  a  series  of  violent  party 
struggles  over  war,  religion,  and  jurisdiction  between 
the  two  houses.  In  each  contest,  she  had  conducted  affairs 
with  moderation,  tact,  and  political  sagacity,  constantly 
appealing  to  the  public,  whose  sympathy  she  had  gained 
early  in  the  reign.  Despite  the  immoderate  rivalry 
between  Lords  and  Commons,  the  intense  bitterness 
between  Whig  and  Tory,  and  the  hatred  between  Dis- 
senter and  Anglican,  she  contrived  to  prevent  any  open 
break,  and  ruled  with  the  aid  of  the  moderates  of  both 
factions.  Supported  by  Marlborough  as  general,  Godol- 
phin  as  first  minister,  and  Harley  as  speaker,  she  suc- 
ceeded in  gaining  large  grants  of  money  for  carrying  on 
the  war,  which  under  the  Duke  of  Marlborough's  able 


THE  QUEEN  AND  PARLIAMENT  105 

leadership  redounded  greatly  to  the  honor  of  the  king- 
dom and  increased  her  prestige  abroad  as  well  as  at 
home.  Dearer  to  the  queen's  heart  than  the  war,  was  the 
union  with  Scotland,  which  had  now  reached  a  critical 
stage,  but  with  all  chances  apparently  in  favor  of  its 
consummation. 

Thus,  at  the  end  of  her  first  parliament,  Anne  had 
triumphed  over  the  political  factions  which  had  threat- 
ened to  deprive  her  of  ministers  who  would  do  her  bid- 
ding. The  security  of  the  Protestant  succession  seemed 
assured,  while  at  the  same  time  her  general  had  won  the 
glorious  victory  at  Blenheim  and  Gibraltar  had  been 
captured,  so  that  her  kingdom  once  more  ranked  with 
the  leading  states  of  Europe. 


r 


CHAPTER  III 

THE  ELECTION  OF  1705 

The  queen  had  become  weary  of  the  jealousy  between  the 
two  houses,  and  the  rivalry  of  the  Whigs  and  Tories. 
Thus  in  proroguing  parliament  in  April,  1704,  she  begged 
in  vain  that  they  might  forget  their  quarrels,  *'as  the 
most  effectual  means  imaginable  to  disappoint  the  ambi- 
tions of  our  enemies  and  reduce  them  to  an  honourable 
and  lasting  peace. '  '^  The  factiousness  of  the  Highfliers 
continued  unabated  and  she  was  forced  to  dismiss  some 
of  them  from  the  ministry  to  lessen  the  strife  in  the  en- 
suing session  of  parliament.  Of  their  gradual  loss  of 
public  support  the  Tory  zealots  were  as  oblivious  as  of 
the  increase  in  the  queen's  popularity  through  the  success 
of  her  armies  and  navy. 

Although  she  had  been  received  with  great  acclaim  at 
her  accession,^  Anne's  popularity  had  slowly  declined  on 
account  of  the  Jacobite  intrigues  and  the  heavy  war 
taxes.  In  the  autumn  of  1704,  the  English  were  rejoicing 
at  the  victory  of  the  great  duke  at  Blenheim — the  first 
decisive  battle  the  English  had  won  against  their  old 
hereditary  enemy  since  Agincourt,  as  well  as  the  first 
great  military  advantage  over  Louis  XIV.  English 
patriotism  now  burst  forth  anew,  and  many  must  have 
contrasted  Anne's  vigorous  foreign  policy  with  the  sub- 
servience which  her  father  and  uncle  had  shown  towards 
France.    Aware  of  her  growing  power,  she  expressed  her 

1  Py.  Hist,  VI.  336. 

2  S.  p.  Dom.,  Anne,  H.  62-4;  HI.  34-5. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  107 

appreciation  of  the  popular  manifestations  in  her  favor, 
by  a  speech  opening  parliament  in  October.  Assuring 
her  subjects  that  her  greatest  desire  was  to  promote  their 
welfare,  she  asked  the  houses  to  be  even  more  liberal 
than  before  in  voting  military  supplies,  at  the  same  time 
maintaining  that  she  was  willing  to  make  personal  sac- 
rifices *'for  the  best  advantage  of  the  public  service." 
She  was  still  desirous  of  healing  the  wounds  made  by  the 
disputes  of  the  houses  and  the  change  of  ministry,  and 
appealed  again  to  their  patriotism,  entreating  them  to 
stifle  this  last  hope  of  Louis  XIV.  "My  inclinations  are 
to  be  kind  and  indulgent  to  you  all,"  she  said,  '*I  hope 
.  .  .  that  there  will  be  no  contention  but  who  shall  most 
promote  the  public  welfare.  Such  a  temper  cannot  fail 
of  securing  your  reputation  both  at  home  and  abroad."* 
Such  excellent  advice  was  wasted;  the  Highfliers  per- 
sisted in  supporting  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  the 
defeat  of  which  at  the  same  time  increased  Anne's  resent- 
ment and  feeling  of  personal  power.  When  Scottish 
affairs  were  under  discussion,  she  attended  the  debates  in 
the  Lords  in  the  hope  that  her  presence  might  strengthen 
the  ministerial  policy  concerning  Scotland.  We  have 
seen  that  when  the  Aylesbury  case  threatened  to  disrupt 
parliament,  she  had  quietly  prorogued  it,  but  not  without 
thanks  for  its  liberal  war  grants,  which  she  hoped  might 
soon  bring  a  peace  both  favorable  and  lasting.  **I  con- 
clude, therefore,  with  exhorting  you  all  to  peace  and 
union,"  she  repeated,  "which  are  always  commendable, 
but  more  particularly  necessary  at  this  time,  when,  the 
whole  kingdom  being  shortly  to  proceed  to  new  elections, 
it  ought  to  be  the  chief  care  of  everybody,  especially  of 
such  as  are  in  public  stations,  to  carry  themselves  with 
the  greatest  prudence  and  moderation."^ 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  355-6. 

2  II).,  437. 


108  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

During  the  summer  of  1705,  the  queen  found  it  neces- 
sary to  fill  some  vacant  dioceses,  to  which  she  appointed 
moderate  men,  hoping  that  these  bishops  might  help 
check  the  zeal  of  the  Highfliers  both  in  parliament  and 
in  the  ensuing  elections.  For  similar  reasons,  she  deemed 
it  advisable  to  remove  Buckingham  and  appoint  the  Duke 
of  Newcastle  in  his  stead.  She  further  gave  places  to 
the  moderates  by  admitting  the  Earl  of  Peterborough, 
the  Earl  of  Kent,  the  new  lord  chamberlain,  and  the  Earl 
of  Cholmondeley  to  the  Privy  Council.  Others  of  her  sup- 
porters were  also  rewarded  by  appointments  in  the 
military  service  or  promotions  to  the  peerage.^  As  a 
result,  she  had  secured,  by  the  close  of  March,  1705, 
a  ministry  personally  acceptable  to  her.  Godolphin 
rested  secure  in  her  confidence,  and,  aided  by  the  new 
ministers,  attempted  to  administer  the  government  in 
accordance  with  her  wishes.  This  he  could  not  hope  to 
do  with  the  Tories  controlling  the  Commons.  According 
to  law,  the  next  election  must  occur  before  the  close  of 
the  year,  so  the  ministry  now  sought  to  choose  a  new 
House  of  Commons  which  would  favor  the  vigorous 
prosecution  of  the  war. 

The  Tory  strength  in  parliament  had  been  shown  in 
the  contests  between  the  two  houses,  in  which  they  lost 
something  of  public  favor,  but  the  *'tack"  was  a  fatal 
Tory  blunder.^  However,  even  with  the  growing  Tory 
unpopularity,  the  power  and  influence  of  church  was 
so  great  that  the  Whigs  could  not  expect  to  defeat  their 
opponents,  except  by  skilful  management.  Naturally, 
the  Tories  could  count  on  the  clergy  for  some  effective 
work,  and  the  Whigs  could  balance  their  ascendancy  and 
their  harangues  only  by  an  active  canvass,  supplemented 
by  a  liberal  use  of  money.    Of  the  necessity  of  such  large 

1  Annals  (1705),  p.  7;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  439;  Cokayne,  Peerage,  IV.  357. 

2  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  34. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  109 

expenditures,  the  Whig  leaders  were  well  aware,  as  they 
found  their  rivals  already  active.  Consequently,  they 
made  early  preparations  for  the  contest.^ 

Few  elections  in  the  early  eighteenth  century  were  so 
bitterly  contested  as  was  this.^  The  Tories  felt  them- 
selves slipping,  through  the  loss  of  the  queen 's  favor,  and 
went  to  their  pollings  determined  to  retrieve  what  they 
had  lost  through  her  hostility,  by  gaining  a  still  larger 
majority  in  the  Commons.  On  the  other  hand,  the  Whigs 
had  tasted  the  sweets  of  political  power  and  were  deter- 
mined to  increase  their  influence.  ''Feuds  were  scarce 
ever  higher,  nor  greater  interest  made,"  wrote  Eoger 
Coke,  "all  the  distinctions  of  parties  were  not  confined 
to  High  and  Low  Church  only,  but  tackers,  sneekers  and 
what  not  were  continually  trumped  up. ' "  "  The  elections 
were  disputed  with  equal  industry,  and  more  than  ordi- 
nary heat  and  animosity  by  the  High  and  Loiv  Church 
Party."^ 

To  regain  their  influence,  the  Tories  depended  as 
formerly  upon  family  influence,  active  electioneering,  and 
the  support  of  the  lesser  clergy.  Even  their  opponents, 
apparently,  do  not  accuse  them  of  bribery  or  corruption. 
However,  they  did  make  the  most  of  family  ties  and 

1  Godolphin-Osborne  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28041,  f .  5 ;  Ellis  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  28892,  f.  411.  In  September,  1703,  Bromley  began  preparations  for 
this  election.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  67.  Early  in  1705,  Sir  Thomas  Coke  wrote 
a  campaign  letter  in  behalf  of  two  candidates  for  the  borough  of  Derby. 
A  month  later,  he  learned  that  the  Whig  candidate  had  the  advantage  of 
being  already  on  the  ground.  Colce  MSS.,  III.  54-5.  Another  of  Harley's 
friends  was  laying  his  plans  a  year  before  the  dissolution.  Portl.  MSS., 
IV.  84,  125.  See  also  Fortescue  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  II.  8-13;  Kenyon  MSS. 
(H.  M.  C),  434;  Preface  to  Defoe's  Beview,  II. 

2  8.  P.  For.,  German  States,  CLXI.  539;  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV. 
94,  CCXLIV.  59;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  179-86;  Boyer,  178;  Coke  MSS.,  III.  58- 
61;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  VI.  rxii;  Defoe,  Beview,  II,  preface.  Cf. 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  177. 

3  Coke,  III.  208;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  200. 

4Chamberlen,  p.  188;  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCXLIV.  58-9;  Boyer,  p.  178. 


110  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

raised  an  incessant  cry  that  the  church  was  in  danger^ 
from  the  non-conformists,  whose  strength  had  been 
shown  in  the  defeat  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill. 
In  this  fight  against  the  Dissenters,  they  enlisted  the 
support  not  only  of  the  zealous  vicars  and  curates,  but 
likewise  of  the  Jacobites,  and  even  of  the  papists.  From 
one  end  of  England  to  the  other,  went  forth  the  appeal 
to  stand  by  the  church  against  the  forces  of  atheism  and 
republicanism;  to  save  the  queen  from  the  hands  of  the 
ungodly  Whigs,  who  were  drawing  closer  and  closer  to 
her  and  would  soon  enslave  her.^  These  arguments  were 
not  without  effect,  although  they  failed  entirely  in  the 
larger  towns,  where  devotion  to  the  church  did  not  run 
so  high.^  The  most  efficient  Tory  canvassers  were  the 
country  clergy,  whose  influence  over  their  poorer  parish- 
ioners still  remained  greater  than  that  of  the  Whig  poli- 
ticians, although  their  methods  were  not  always  above 
reproach.* 

The  dispute  over  religious  matters  gave  the  Tories  and 
Whigs  alike  an  added  opportunity  to  make  use  of  the 
press  in  this  election.  Pamphlets  of  all  kinds  were  turned 
out  at  a  rapid  rate,  and  '  *  the  lampoons  fly  as  thick  as  hail 
in  order  to  influence  the  approaching  elections.'"*  The 
topic  most  favored  by  each  party  was  the  Occasional  Con- 
formity Bill  and  the  ''tack,"  and  some  of  the  tracts  are 
not  only  ingenuous  but  entertaining.    Among  these  the 

1  Kenyan  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  434;  Ailesbury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  188- 
9;  Fortescue  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  I.  16-7;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  125;  Coke  MSS., 
III.  54-70;  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893,  f.  137;  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  f. 
411;  Fy.  Eist.,  VL  440;  Eemusat,  I.  159;  Oldmixon,  IV.  356. 

2  Chamberlen,  p.  188;  Sharp,  I.  133. 

8  Papists,  non-jurors,  and  Jacobites  were  the  main  support  of  the 
"tackers."  Defoe's  Beview,  II.  No.  33.  See  also  Oldfield,  Pari.  Hist,  I. 
377. 

4  Hearne,  I.  22-3;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  214;  Defoe,  Review,  II.  Nos.  36-7. 

5  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  31.  One  of  the  most  noted  tracts  was  A  Memorial 
of  the  Church  of  England,  hj  James  Drake,    See  Lecky,  I.  61. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  111 

best  were  the  work  of  Hoadly,  Defoe,  Leslie,  Tutchin, 
and  Toland.  Defoe,  however,  was  more  than  a  pam- 
phleteer; already  he  had  begun  his  Review,  which  was 
extensively  read,  and  exerted  a  great  influence  on  the 
elections  in  favor  of  the  ministry,  with  which  Defoe  had 
become  in  secret  actively  allied.^  John  Dyer's  News 
Letter  was  also  widely  circulated  at  the  time.  The  Tories 
made  some  use  of  the  Paris  Gazette,'^  but  the  advantage 
lay  clearly  with  the  ministry  in  its  use  of  the  London 
Gazette,  The  Postman,  and  Defoe's  Review. 

The  great  weapon  in  the  Whig  arsenal  was  the  un- 
friendly attitude  of  the  Tories  towards  the  queen,  as 
shown  in  the  ''tack"  and  the  bill  on  occasional  con- 
formity, thus  making  capital  of  the  well-known  loyalty 
of  the  people  for  their  sovereign,  while  at  the  same  time 
insisting  upon  the  rights  of  the  Commons  over  taxation. 
Despite  some  Tory  pamphlets,  their  arguments  were 
favorably  received  by  the  voters.^  The  Whig  nobles  were 
also  exceptionally  active  throughout  the  canvass.  Somer- 
set and  Wharton  interested  themselves  especially  in  the 
pollings,  and  the  peers  in  general  did  ''more  in  electing 
this  Parliament  than  ever,"*  a  resolution  of  the  House 
of  Commons  to  the  contrary  notwithstanding. 

1  See  the  account  of  his  1100-mile  electioneering  tour  in  Portl.  MSB., 
IV.  269-72.  Strangely  enough,  Defoe  was  offended  at  the  practice  of  print- 
ing the  names  of  parliamentary  candidates  on  small  sheets  and  handing 
them  about.    Beview,  II.  No.  32. 

2  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893,  f.  137;  Burnet,  V.  218;  Py.  Hist.,  VI. 
440. 

3  Chamberlen,  p.  188;  A  Memorial  of  the  Church  of  England  acted  as  a 
boomerang  to  the  Tories,  for  it  proved  that  in  their  exasperation,  they  did 
not  spare  even  the  queen,  much  less  her  favorite  ministers.  See  Tindal,  IV. 
184,  and  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  35.  Toland  answered  it  in  a  Memorial  of  the 
State  of  England. 

4  From  Dyer's  News  Letter  in  Portl.  MSS.,  TV.  190.  At  Lewes  the  sheriff 
threatened  to  "adjourn  the  Court,"  if  Somerset  and  his  companions  did 
not  leave.     They  left  and  the  poll  continued.     lb.,   185;    Egerton  MSS. 


112  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Many  noblemen  chose  to  interfere  by  less  direct  meth- 
ods, and  placed  their  money  where  it  would  do  the  great- 
est good,  thus  causing  the  Tories  to  complain  of  the  large 
sums  used  by  the  Whigs  to  corrupt  voters.  That  revered 
old  Tory,  John  Evelyn,  in  one  of  the  last  entries  in  his 
diary,  wrote  of  the  ''most  extravagant  expense  to  de- 
bauch and  corrupt  votes  for  Parliamentary  members," 
adding  significantly:  '*I  sent  my  grandson  with  his  party 
to  my  freeholders  to  vote  for  Mr.  Harvey,"^  showing 
that  he  still  retained  a  hearty  interest  in  elections.  Elec- 
tion petitions  explicitly  charge  bribery  in  at  least  fifteen 
constituencies,  involving  more  than  a  score  of  seats.^ 
Some  excellent  examples  of  petty  bribery  are  found  in 
the  Bedwin  election.  At  first  the  electorate  demanded 
£6  apiece  for  their  votes,  but  eventually  compromised  on 
£5,  if  certain  that  their  debts,  varying  from  Is.  4d.  to 
£3  lis.,  were  paid  for  them.  Some  received  the  £5  di- 
rectly, but  in  several  cases  the  same  sum  was  given  to 
their  wives  ostensibly  for  spinning  wool  at  20s.  per 
pound.'    Petty  bribery  at  the  pollings  at  Huntington  was 

(B.  M.),  929,  f.  72;  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  417;  Hearne,  I.  117; 
C.  J.,  XV.  15. 

1  Diary,  III.  407.  Harvey  was  a  stanch  Tory  and  Evelyn  was  very  angry 
because  of  his  defeat.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  199. 

2  C.  J.,  XV.  8-18,  passim. 

3  Aileshury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  191.  Each  man  on  the  receipt  of  the  £5 
gave  his  bond,  which  was  to  be  returned  to  him  a  fortnight  after  the  elec- 
tion if  he  had  voted  as  he  promised.  After  the  Whig  candidates  had  bribed 
the  electorate,  sixteen  of  them  decided  to  desert  to  the  Tories,  but  they 
were  kept  prisoners,  plied  with  wine,  and  taken  to  the  polls  before  their 
guards  were  removed.  Pollexfen,  a  London  merchant,  seems  to  have  been 
the  leading  Whig  candidate,  and  had  the  voters  well  in  hand.  He  secured 
Charles  Withers,  later  returned  for  Whitchurch,  to  stand  for  the  borough 
along  with  himself,  but  when  he  would  not  pay  more  than  £4  as  a  bribe  to 
each  of  the  voters,  Pollexfen  gave  him  up  as  hopeless,  and  got  Admiral  Sir 
George  Byng  to  stand.  Sir  George  was  more  liberal  and  willingly  con- 
tributed £5  to  £10  to  each  voter.  Apparently,  the  voters  invited  rich  mer- 
chants to  stand  for  the  borough.    lb.,  pp.  193-4. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  113 

so  extensive  that  one  of  the  election  managers  was  taken 
in  custody  by  the  House  of  Commons/  At  Lestwithiel, 
the  bailiff,  a  publican,  was  offered  **50  Guineas  and  a 
Bell,"  while  £5  was  the  usual  price  for  the  doubtful 
members  of  the  electorate  of  twenty-four.  At  Oak- 
hampton,  the  petitioner  boasted  that  he  would  spend 
£2,000  to  win  the  poll.^  At  Marlborough,  bribery  was  in 
the  main  less  direct,  although  Somerset's  agent  was 
''about  paying  SOU.  debts  for  Solomon  Clarke,  and  offers 
as  much  to  Flurry  Bowshire."  The  Mayor  of  the  town 
not  only  demanded  an  enormous  amount  of  food  and 
drink  for  his  annual  feast,  but  together  with  one  *'Tom 
Smith"  forced  the  candidates  to  buy  his  products  at 
extortionate  prices.^  Wharton,  the  Whig  leader,  is  said 
to  have  spent  £12,000  upon  his  elections.*  "Mr.  Diston 
spares  no  pains  or  costs,"  wrote  one  man,  ''I  am  sure 
if  you  give  £500  for  a  common  councilman  Diston  will  out- 
bribe  you  on  all  occasions."^  Eobert  Pitt  paid  £100  to 
secure  one  vote  of  the  ten  at  notorious  Old  Sarum  for  his 
candidate,  who  even  then  nearly  lost  his  seat  through  a 
double  return.*  Defoe  complained  that  in  spite  of  the 
acts  recently  passed  to  prevent  bribery  and  corruption 
at  elections,  ''never  was  treating,  bribing,  buying  of 
voices,  freedoms  and  freeholds,  and  all  the  corrupt  prac- 
tices in  the  world,  so  open  and  barefaced. ' " 
The  making  of  "faggot  voters"  was  another  efficient 

1  The  bribes  varied  from  a  guinea  to  £15.    C.  J.,  XV.  104. 

2  C.  J.,  XV.  92-4,  72-3. 

3  Ailesiury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  195-6.  Bribery  was  almost  open  in  the 
election  at  Neweastle-under-Lyme.     C.  J.,  XV.  178. 

iD.  N.  B.,  art.  on  "Wharton."     See  also  Hearne,  I.  117;  C.  J.,  XV.  15. 

5Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  176.  Diston  had  probably  spent  £300  in  laAvsuits  and 
bribes  since  the  last  election. 

ePortescue  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  I.  17;  see  also  C.  J.,  XV.  60-1. 

7  Defoe 's  Beview,  II.  No.  32.  The  law  in  question  was  2  &  3  Anne,  e.  13. 
Many  of  the  petitions  in  controverted  elections  complain  of  "threats, 
promises,  bribes,  treats,"  or  "treating,  bribery,  menaces."    C.  J.,  XV.  10. 


114  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

method  of  gaining  elections,  as  large  landholders  might 
by  splitting  freeholds  control  a  considerable  number  of 
votes.  Complaints  from  the  Tories  against  this  way  of 
winning  elections  are  frequent,  and  Tory  defeats  in  Hert- 
fordshire, Cheshire,  Essex,  and  Colchester  were  laid  to 
this  trick.  In  the  first  two  pollings,  all  four  unsuccessful 
Tory  candidates  polled  a  larger  number  of  votes  than 
the  victorious  ones  in  1702.^  The  "Whig  victory  at  Rich- 
mond was  gained,  according  to  the  petitioner,  partly  '*by 
splitting  of  votes,  and  houses,  and  lands,,  to  multiply 
votes,"  and  at  Lestwithiel  ''deeds  passed  a  freehold  to 
26  persons."^  Other  sources  also  afford  us  instances  of 
this  practice,  which  seems  to  grow  more  prevalent  in 
early  eighteenth-century  elections. 

So  extensive  an  employment  of  money  in  this  election 
reminds  one  somewhat  of  the  election  of  1698,  when  the 
two  East  India  companies  competed  against  each  other 
for  the  favor  of  the  electorate.  As  in  that  canvass,  so  in 
this,  the  commercial  element  put  forth  a  great  deal  of 
effort.  Many  wealthy  merchants  were  themselves  candi- 
dates for  seats,  and  in  Wiltshire  ''17  strangers  are  like 
to  be  chosen,  not  one  of  them  having  a  foot  of  ground  in 
that  county,'"  while  the  same  complaints  were  made 
about  the  pollings  at  Norwich,  Bedwin,  Marlborough,  and 
other  places.* 

Whatever  the  influence  of  religion;  however  effective 
the  money  of  the  Whigs  and  the  violence  of  the  rabble, 
the  most  frequent  complaint  was  against  the  chicanery  of 

iPortl.  MSS.,  IV.  188;  The  Bepullican  Bullies,  p.  5;  C.  J.,  XV.  135. 
In  Essex,  405  freeholders  were  made.  Cohe  MSS.,  III.  61.  Eobert  Pitt 
made  one  faggot  voter  at  Old  Sarum.    Fortescue  MSS.,  I.  16. 

2  C.  J.,  XV.  15,  92. 

8  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  188. 

*C.  J.,  XV.  56;  Atterbury,  Advice  to  the  Freeholders  of  England; 
C.  Davenant,  Balance  of  Power;  Bolingbroke,  Letter  to  Windham;  Oldfield, 
Pari  Hist,  I.  377. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  115 

the  returning  officer,  as  more  than  a  score  of  the  petitions 
claimed  unfair  returns  or  the  polling  of  illegal  votes. 
These  complaints  bring  to  light  the  manifold  qualifica- 
tions among  the  borough  electorates,  which  were  only 
slightly  removed  from  immemorial  custom  by  the  Last 
Determinations  Act  of  1696.  The  situation  at  Leicester 
was  exceedingly  sordid:  six  men  seem  to  have  voted 
twice ;  twenty-eight  were  either  not  on  the  poll  books  or 
their  landlord  paid  their  parish  dues ;  twenty  either  lived 
in  hospitals,  or  had  their  rent  paid  or  received  weekly  col- 
lections ;  eleven  were  not  found  in  the  books,  and  no  one 
in  the  borough  knew  of  them ;  sixty-four  were  eventually 
disqualified  by  the  committee  on  elections  because  they 
had  been  made  free  at  the  expense  of  the  candidates ;  and 
fifty-four  ** faggot"  voters  were  made  freemen  at  the 
expense  of  the  sitting  members.^  The  question  of  who 
should  be  permitted  to  vote  was  also  raised  with  some 
justice  at  St.  Albans,  Norwich,  Agmondisham,  and 
Hertford.^ 

Despite  the  part  played  by  religious  animosity,  bribery, 
and  election  tricks,  the  Dissenters  were  without  doubt 
the  most  important  single  factor  in  the  election,  as  they 
had  become  alarmed  at  the  progress  of  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill,  and  its  narrow  escape  from  passage. 
With  them  were  joined  the  Low  Churchmen  who  favored 
a  liberal  ecclesiastical  policy.  Evelyn  realized  that  this 
combination  was  invincible,  and  such  bribery  as  the 
Tories  might  have  attempted  would  have  borne  little  fruit 
with  this  group.' 

1  C.  J.,  XV.  135.  The  Carte  MSS.  (CXXV.  94)  contain  additional  in- 
formation about  the  wholesale  treating  of  the  electors  in  this  election. 

2  C.  J.,  XV.  37-56,  passim. 

s  Evelyn,  Diary,  III.  408 ;  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  f .  276.  See 
also  Defoe's  reports  in  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  153,  175;  Hearne,  I.  49.  In  his 
Beview,  Defoe  never  lost  an  opportunity  to  attack  the  "tackers"  as  un- 
patriotic, and  urged  the  voters  to  defeat  them.     See  volume  II.  Nos.  25-33, 


116  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

The  Quakers,  too,  played  a  more  important  part  in  this 
election  than  in  any  since  1701,  when  Spencer  Cowper's 
trial  aroused  such  great  interest.  Their  great  leader, 
William  Penn,  had  gained  very  considerable  influence  in 
political  affairs,  after  convincing  the  ministry  that  there 
were  ''40,000  Quaking  Freeholders  in  England."^  Har- 
ley  was  Penn's  close  friend,  and,  by  their  united  efforts, 
the  Quakers  joined  the  rest  of  the  non-conformists,  and 
their  close  co-operation  brought  victory  to  the  Whigs  in 
several  places.  Dyer's  News  Letter  recounts  that  at 
''Brentford  several  hundred  of  them  polled  against 
Smithson  and  Lake  as  they  have  done  against  the 
Church's  interest  all  England  over."^ 

In  spite  of  frequent  gains  by  Dissenters  and  Low 
Churchmen,  the  Highfliers  labored  valiantly  and  suc- 
ceeded in  many  places,  such  as  Oxford  and  Cambridge 
Universities,  in  returning  "tackers,"  while  one  member 
for  Warwickshire  was  a  "tacker";^  but  this  was  so  in- 
frequent as  to  be  the  cause  of  considerable  comment  by 
those  who  kept  track  of  election  results. 

A  difficult  point  to  determine  with  regard  to  the  elec- 
tions of  this  reign  is  the  part  played  by  the  court,  and  yet 
it  is  extremely  important  to  know  to  what  extent  parlia- 

Lady  Marlborough  also  made  war  on  the  Highfliers  in  her  electioneering. 
C.  J.,  XV.  38.    See  also  Aileshury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  190. 

1  Hearne,  I.  68.  The  importance  of  Penn  and  the  Quakers  is  to  some 
extent  indicated  by  the  fact  that  some  weeks  after  the  election,  Penn  mar- 
ried a  Quaker  "heiress  of  £30,000  fortune"  to  a  watchmaker's  son  in  the 
presence  of  "three  Dukes,  among  them  the  Duke  of  Ormond,  eight  Lords, 
seven  foreign  envoys,  and  abundance  of  other  gentry."  lb.,  I.  212.  An- 
other William  Penn  was  a  candidate  at  Bramber,  but  after  petitioning 
against  "bribery,  treating,"  etc.,  withdrew  his  petition.     C.  J.,  XV.  13,  56. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  188,  190.  They  were  particularly  active  in  Bucking- 
hamshire and  Essex. 

3  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893,  f.  114;  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCXLIV, 
58;  Burnet,  V.  223;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  188-90.  In  all  at  least  70  "tackers" 
were  chosen.     Cf.  Defoe's  Review,  II.  No.  31. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  117 

ment  was  packed.  Cooke  believed  that  the  court  re- 
mained neutral  in  1705,  but  exactly  what  he  meant  is  not 
clear  from  the  context.  If  he  referred  to  Anne 's  personal 
activity,  he  was  probably  correct  in  his  surmise,  although 
he  failed  to  notice  that  she  had  made  known  her  feelings 
against  the  'Hackers"  and  her  agents  were  at  no  loss 
how  to  proceed.  He  probably  relied  upon  Burnet,  who 
wrongly  stated  that  ''the  Court  acted  with  such  caution 
and  coldness  that  the  Whigs  had  very  little  strength  given 
them  by  the  ministers  in  managing  elections ;  they  seemed 
rather  to  look  on  indifferent  spectators."^  The  bishop 
flatly  contradicts  himself,  because  he  also  noted  that  the 
queen  "spoke  to  me  with  relation  to  the  elections.  She 
said  we  saw  she  trusted  to  us ;  and  in  particular  she  spoke 
severely  of  Mr.  Fox,"^  candidate  for  Salisbury.  This 
hint  set  Burnet  energetically  to  work  against  Fox,  but 
without  success.  Similar  suggestions  also  impelled  the 
Duchess  of  Marlborough  to  oppose  the  "tackers"  at  St. 
Albans.^ 

In  some  instances  the  part  played  by  the  court  was 
more  direct.  At  Oxford  the  ministry  had  the  poll  put 
off  a  week,  * '  in  which  time  Godolphin  got  twenty  votes, '  * 
wrote  Thomas  Carte.  "He  sent  on  purpose  to  the  Isle 
of  Wight  for  one  vote,  and  as  far  as  Wales  and  Cumber- 
land for  others.  Windsor  went  to  Lincoln  for  one  vote 
and  I  rode  one  hundred  miles  in  two  days.  The  Queen 
sent  her  own,  and  my  Lord  Keeper  his  chaplain  to  vote 
against  him  [Windsor]  as  did  all  the  London  clergy 
also,"*  but  in  vain.    Since  the  queen  took  an  active  in- 

1  Burnet,  V.  223 ;  Tindal,  IV.  183. 

2  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  417.  Fox  was  Paymaster  of  the  Forces 
in  Ireland,  and  was  said  to  be  the  fiance  of  Eochester's  daughter. 

3  C.  J.,  XV.  38.  See  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  VI.  xxii;  Priv.  Cor., 
I.  35. 

4  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCXLIV.  58;  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893, 
f.  114. 


118  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

terest  in  the  canvass,  the  rest  of  the  court  might  be 
expected  to  follow  her  example.  ''It  is  well  known  which 
side  the  court  took,"  wrote  Roger  Coke,  ''which  he  may 
be  morally  sure  will  never  encourage  tacking  of  bills  nor 
those  who  adhere  to  such  designs."^  Besides,  Bishop 
Trelawny  practically  acknowledged  that  Godolphin  and 
he  were  "to  model  the  elections  in  our  county  for  the 
next  (to  make  it  a  court)  Parliament.'"  Other  important 
political  leaders  had  no  doubt  of  the  activity  of  the  minis- 
ters. Before  the  elections  began,  Somers  accurately  fore- 
told the  action  of  the  court.^  Godolphin  took  a  great  inter- 
est in  the  election  of  his  son,  Francis,  and  Harley  wrote  to 
Sir  Humphrey  Gower,  asking  him  to  use  his  influence  in 
favor  of  young  Godolphin.*  The  lord  treasurer  was  also 
much  concerned  about  the  Woodstock  election.  "This 
battle,"  he  wrote  to  Harley,  "vexed  me  very  much. 
What  good  will  it  do  to  have  Lord  Marlborough  beat  the 
French  abroad  if  the  French  at  home  must  beat  him. '  "* 

Not  only  Godolphin  then,  but  Harley,  as  well,  at- 
tempted to  influence  the  elections.  One  candidate  wrote 
to  the  speaker  of  his  invitation  to  stand  for  Hereford 
"and  doubted  not  to  carry  it  if  honored  with  Harley 's 
support";  another  courtier  promised  the  speaker  to  sup- 
port the  ministerial  candidates  at  Cheshire,  with  the 
implied  understanding  that  he  was  to  be  rewarded  by 
Godolphin.*   All  three  candidates  were  successful.    Prob- 

1  Coke,  III.  208.  For  other  evidence  of  Anne's  activity,  see  Clarke  and 
Foxcrof t,  Burnet,  p.  419 ;  C.  J.,  XV.  38. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  102.    See  also  Oldfield,  Pari.  Hist.,  I.  376;  Coxe,  I.  346. 
» Shrewsi.  Cor.,  p.  647.     He  believed  Anne  would  throw  her  influence 

against  the  Tories.    See  also  Eemusat,  I.  159. 

*  Portl.  MSS.,  TV.  179.  Defoe  complained  because  Godolphin  would  not 
urge  the  bishop  to  set  up  his  son,  who  could  have  beaten  Seymour  at  Exeter. 
7b.,  IV.  214. 

6  16.,  IV.  180. 

« Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  170,  173;  Coke  MSS.,  III.  61-2. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  119 

ably  the  most  typical  letter  to  Harley  at  this  time  is  that 
of  Sir  Rowland  Gwynne,  the  perennial  office  seeker,  who 
promised  everything  and  accepted  anything  rather  than 
be  out  of  office.^  It  does  not  appear  that  Harley  took  up 
Gwynne 's  candidacy,  as  the  latter  was  not  elected  for 
Brecon,  for  which  he  stood,  where  Harley 's  recommen- 
dation would  have  been  equivalent  to  an  election.  The  fact 
that  Gwynne  applied  to  the  ministry  at  all,  would  show 
that  he  thought  that  the  court  was  interfering  in  elec- 
tions.^ Harley 's  firmest  friend,  St.  John,  was  also  active. 
Harley  had  assumed  that  he  was  busy  with  his  own 
elections.  ''I  did  all  I  was  able  to  serve  the  Lord  Duke 
in  that  of  Woodstock;  my  own  gave  me  no  trouble,"  St. 
John  reported.  ''Harcourt's  election  I  could  not  in- 
fluence, and  there  is  so  much  merit  in  being  against  the 
'tack,'  whatever  some  wise  men  may  think,  that  Nevil 
was  not  to  be  opposed.'" 

The  ministry  thus  appears  to  have  been  very  active  in 
the  election,  and  Harley  seems  to  have  been  particularly 
energetic.  Some  Tories  bitterly  denounced  this  court 
influence.  **We  have  here,  the  most  alarming  proof 
imaginable  of  the  influence  of  ministers  over  elections," 
said  one  Tory  writer.  '  *  When  they  would  have  Tories  re- 
turned, we  returned  Tories ;  when  they  would  have  Whigs 
returned,  we  returned  Whigs ;  so  that  in  fact,  the  court  is 
rather  represented  than  the  people.    What  wonder  then, 

1 "  I  have  offered  my  services  to  the  county  of  Brecon.  If  I  am  not 
chosen  there  perhaps  I  may  be  elsewhere,  and  if  I  am  I  will  heartily  join 
with  my  Lord  Duke,  my  Lord  Treasurer,  and  you,  in  whatever  measures  you 
take  to  serve  her  Majesty  to  the  utmost  of  my  power.  But  if  I  am  not 
chosen,  I  should  be  much  obliged  to  you  and  them,  if  you  will  obtain  for 
me  some  employment  abroad  wherein  I  may  serve  her  Majesty  and  live  with 
reputation."    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  181.    See  also  ib.,  TV.  175-273,  passim. 

2  It  is  highly  improbable  that  Harley  helped  Gwynne,  as  he  was  looked 
upon  as  Eochester's  representative  and  Seymour's  successor  in  his  "West- 
ern Empire."    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  175. 

8  Ih.,  180,  269. 


120  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

that  supplies  are  always  granted,  and  that  grievances  are 
never  redressed.'"  The  court,  indeed,  had  all  the  ad- 
vantage in  carrying  on  the  elections,  as  they  had  in  their 
gift  the  patronage  of  the  crown,  as  well  as  a  more  plenti- 
ful supply  of  ready  money  than  the  Tories. 

More  visible  influences  were  at  work  in  the  form  of 
rioting.  The  violence  employed  on  both  sides  seemed 
*' scandalous, "  even  to  the  sophisticated  Defoe,  who  was 
horrified  at  the  ''infinite  briberies,  forgeries,  perjuries, 
and  all  manner  of  debaucheries"  of  the  principles  of 
elections,  while  he  stood  aghast  at  "all  sorts  of  violences, 
tumults,  riots,  and  breaches  of  the  peace"  and  threat- 
ened to  publish  the  ''black  history  of  the  election  to 
C  [oven]  try,  "^  which  was  probably  the  most  violent  in 
1705.  A  state  of  civil  war  existed  and  civil  authority  was 
temporarily  in  abeyance.  At  times  parties  of  several 
hundred  fought  furiously  in  the  streets;  many  were 
"horsed,"  and  when  any  wished  to  poll  for  Bridgman  or 
Hopkins  their  opponents  "were  ready  to  eat  them." 
All  freemen  had  the  right  to  vote,  but  this  reign  of  terror 
kept  the  timid  from  the  polls.  Besides,  there  was  no  list 
of  freemen,  no  one  was  sworn  at  the  polls,  no  books  were 
kept,  and  a  scrutiny  was  impossible.  After  the  election, 
about  one  hundred  and  fifty  "persons  of  the  Whig  party 
were  indicted  and  tried  .  .  .  for  a  riot  ...  at  the  elec- 
tions."^ The  case  had  been  brought  before  the  bar  of 
the  Commons,  which  declared  that  there  had  been  a 
"notorious  riot  and  tumult  .  .  .  and  other  illegal  prac- 
tices in  contempt  of  the  civil  authority,  and  in  violation 
of  the  freedom  of  elections."* 

1  other  Side,  p.  246. 

2  Review,  II,  preface.    See  also  Minto,  Life  of  Defoe,  pp.  63-4. 
sHearne,  I.  28;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  188,  320;  Defoe,  Beview,  II.  Nos.  29, 

34,  40;  C.  J.,  XV.  22,  276-8. 

4  Luttrell,  VI.   135.     It  is  interesting  to  compare  Professor  Silliman  's 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  121 

The  Chester  riots  show  that  conditions  at  Coventry- 
were  not  so  exceptional.  ''The  cry  of  the  whiggish 
rabble  at  the  election  for  the  county  of  Chester  .  .  .  was 
*  down  with  the  Church  and  the  Bishops ' ;  and  when  sixty 
of  the  clergy  headed  by  the  Dean  came  to  poll  they  said 
Hell  was  broke  loose,  and  they  were  the  Devil's  black- 
guard ;  they  abused  the  Bishop,  though  on  account  of  his 
peaceful  temper  he  did  not  intermeddle  in  the  election 
and  to  complete  their  outrage  broke  the  windows  of  the 
cathedral  and  another  church. '  '^  To  gain  time,  the  Whigs 
compelled  the  clergy  to  take  the  oaths  of  allegiance  and 
supremacy  separately  and  many  of  them  went  away 
without  voting.  Freemen  were  created  especially  for 
this  election,  as  all  the  candidates  received  votes  far  in 
excess  of  those  in  1702.^ 

The  Leicester  polling  was  a  strenuous  affair  if  we  are 
to  believe  one  complainant.  ''The  petitioner  brought 
several  people  in  a  tumultuous  manner  with  sledge- 
hammers, bars  of  iron  and  other  instruments,  and  broke 
down  the  partition  built  in  court  to  keep  the  rabble  from 
annoying  the  magistrates  and  officers  that  took  the  poll 
and  when  the  justices  then  met  commanded  them  in  the 
Queen's  name  to  keep  the  peace,  he  ordered  them  never- 
theless to  go  on ;  which  obstructed  the  poll  and  occasioned 
great  disorders  and  delays,  and  brought  on  the  poll  to 
nights  when  by  the  constable  and  others,  .  .  .  the  great- 
est violence  imaginable  were  committed  against  Mr. 
Winstanley's  voters."^  On  polling  day  Salisbury  was  a 
pandemonium.  "The  Bishop  [Burnet]  and  his  steward 
were  hustled  by  the  clergy  and  the  mob ;  his  friends  were 

account  of  an  election  in  Coventry  just  a  century  later,  1805,  when  similar 
rioting  took  place.    Silliman's  Journal,  I.  114-8. 

1  Dyer's  News  Letter,  29  May,  1705,  printed  in  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  189. 

2  The  Bepuilican  Bullies,  p.  5. 

3  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV.  94. 


122  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

maltreated;  the  Dukes  of  Bolton  and  Somerset  received 
'strange  insults.'  '"  At  Calne,  *'a  great  tumult"  oc- 
curred, '  *  to  the  hindrance  of  such  as  would  have  voted  for 
the  petitioners. ' " 

What  with  violence,  bribery,  treating,  or  appealing  to 
the  voters  to  stand  against  the  *'tackers,"  the  court  was 
able  to  bring  about  a  working  majority  in  the  Commons.^ 
To  some  extent  this  was  due  to  the  real  success  of  Marl- 
borough, and  the  doubtful  victory  of  Rooke,  because  it 
proved  that  the  masses  would  not  refuse  to  support  a 
war  which  brought  victory  over  Louis  XIV.  They  could 
not  forget  the  glories  of  Blenheim  if  they  would,  and 
could  scarcely  refrain  from  attributing  disloyalty  to 
those  Tories  who  did  not  openly  favor  the  continuation 
of  a  war  to  humble  France.  On  the  other  hand,  the 
Whigs  were  supported  by  the  financial  and  commercial 
interests,  not  alone  because  of  their  religious  toleration, 
but  because  they  championed  the  war. 

The  significance  of  this  election  lies  in  the  great 
activity  of  Anne  and  the  ministry,  the  increased  employ- 
ment of  open  corruption  and  violence,  and  the  influence 
of  religious  and  economic  as  well  as  political  questions 
in  bringing  about  an  overturn  of  the  presumptuous  High- 
fliers, who  had  dared  to  reflect  even  upon  the  queen  her- 
self. In  one  sense,  it  was  a  victory  for  the  war  party;  in 
another,  it  was  for  Anne  a  personal  triumph,  although 
the  increasing  strength  of  the  Whigs  in  Parliament 
augured  ill  for  her  peace  of  mind  in  the  future. 

The  first  duty  of  a  newly  elected  house  is  to  choose  a 
speaker.    Though  usually  an  easy  task,  on  this  occasion 

1  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  417.  See  also  A.  A.  Locke,  Seymour 
Family,  p.  159. 

2  C.  J.,  XV.  9. 

8  See  Chamberlen,  p.  188;  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  34;  Annals  (1705),  pp. 
14-18. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  123 

it  involved  one  of  the  bitterest  contests  for  the  speaker- 
ship of  which  we  have  any  account.  Harley  had  served 
three  parliaments  in  that  capacity  and  had  made  an  en- 
viable record.  Even  after  his  appointment  as  secretary 
of  state,  some  thought  it  perfectly  good  form  for  him  to 
hold  both  offices,  so  he  might  have  secured  a  re-election 
if  he  had  chosen.  With  his  usual  good  judgment,  how- 
ever, he  thought  it  advisable  to  decline  the  office,  inasmuch 
as  his  new  duties  were  heavy  and  somewhat  strange  to 
him/ 

Extraordinary  efforts  were  made  at  once  to  get  out  as 
many  men  as  possible  at  the  opening  of  the  session,  for 
the  speakership  had  not  yet  become  non-partisan  and  the 
selection  of  speaker  gave  the  successful  party  a  decided 
advantage.  The  high  efficiency  of  party  organization, 
before  party  ''whips"  were  developed,^  is  shown  by  the 
attendance  of  more  than  450  of  the  513  members  who  had 
been  elected.^  Such  an  attendance  is  perhaps  the  record 
before  the  union,  as  many  men  elected  to  parliament 
never  attended,  a  considerable  number  had  died  since  the 
end  of  the  pollings,  and  others  were  prevented  from  at- 
tending by  indisposition  or  business.  An  attendance  of 
400  was  rare  indeed,  while  450  was  very  exceptional,  and 
faintly  indicates  how  much  the  choice  of  speaker  aroused 
public  interest. 

As  soon  as  it  was  ascertained  that  Harley  would  not 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  TV.  215,  248.  Holding  the  speakership  and  a  portfolio 
was  not  exceptional.  Strangely  enough,  Smith  held  the  chancellorship  of 
the  exchequer  and  the  speakership  for  several  months  in  1708.  76.,  II.  193. 
Cf.  James,  III.  270. 

2Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28052,  f.  110;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  34521,  ff.  63-4;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  78.  There  was  a  "meeting  of  a  great 
number  of  loyal  Church  Parliament  men  at  the  Fountain  Tavern  ...  to 
consider  their  strength  for  the  choice  of  Mr.  Bromley  to  be  Speaker." 
Hearne,  I.  58.    See  Kent,  pp.  93-7. 

8  Evelyn,  Diary,  III.  408;  Tindal,  IV.  183;  C.  J.,  XV.  5.  Cf.  Eanke, 
V.  290. 


124  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

be  a  candidate  for  the  presiding  office  of  the  ''bear 
garden"  (to  use  his  own  expression),  the  court  suggested 
Solicitor-General  Harcourt  as  a  man  who  would  be  satis- 
factory to  both  the  violent  and  moderate  Tories,  but  the 
Highfliers  would  not  support  him/  Profiting  by  their 
non-conciliatory  attitude,  the  ministry  made  a  bid  for 
Whig  support  by  nominating  John  Smith,  a  moderate 
Whig,  as  their  choice  for  speaker.  The  Tories  planned 
to  support  William  Bromley,  a  vehement  Highflier  and 
the  father  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill.  The  issue 
was  now  clearly  drawn,  as  such  a  choice  ended  all  hopes 
of  accommodation  between  the  ministry  and  the  Tories, 
for  the  ensuing  contest  was  a  decisive  test  of  strength 
between  the  court  and  Whigs  on  one  side  and  the  High 
Church  Tories  on  the  other.^  Both  jockeyed  for  position; 
both  anxiously  awaited  the  first  meeting  of  parliament. 
No  one  on  either  side  was  more  active  or  effective  in  this 
fight  than  Harley,  who  was  able  to  conciliate  a  consider- 
able number  of  moderate  Tories  and  win  their  votes  for 
Smith.  Moreover,  the  queen  in  person  interfered  by 
writing  to  Lady  Bathurst  to  persuade  her  son  to  vote  for 
Mr.  Smith.^  Each  side  seemed  supremely  confident*  and 
talked  with  equal  virulence,  if  not  with  equal  eloquence. 
For  an  hour  and  a  half  they  wrangled,  their  arguments 

1  W.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Roiert  Walpole,  II.  6;  Hearne,  I.  51. 

2Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  215;  Burnet,  V.  228;  A.  I.  Dasent,  Speakers  of  House, 
p.  240,  At  first  the  Whigs  laughed  at  Bromley 's  nomination.  Hearne,  I.  58. 
Cf.  Annals  (1705),  p.  180.  Vernon  considered  it  a  crisis  in  state  affairs. 
James,  III.  270. 

3  Strickland,  XII.  122;   Coke,  III.  64.     Godolphin  and   Harley  were  in- 
close co-operation.    Bath  MSS.,  I.  78.    In  1692,  Bromley  had  printed  a  book 
of  travels,  in  which  he  expressed  violent  Jacobite  sympathies.     Harley  re- 
printed it  now  and  it  aided  materially  in  defeating  its  author.     Burnet, 
V.  229. 

*  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  197.  Bromley's  supporters  claimed  250,  but  Craggs 
felt  certain  of  only  * '  200  at  the  most  .  .  .  ,  if  those  in  the  Queen 's  service 
be  firm  to  Mr.  Smith."  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  44.  The  ministry  was  even 
less  confident. 


I 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  125 

getting  more  and  more  heated  as  the  minutes  progressed. 
*'No  affair  of  this  sort  had  ever  been  carried  with  such 
heat  on  both  sides,  "^  but  at  last,  to  the  relief  of  all,  the 
vote  was  taken  and  Smith  won,  248  to  205. 

The  result^  was  a  victory  for  the  ministry  and  the 
queen,  indicating  also  the  great  influence  the  court  played 
in  deciding  close  political  contests.  It  definitely  settled 
the  fate  of  the  'Hackers,"  who  had  opposed  the  wishes  of 
Anne  and  her  ministers,  while  it  marks  the  beginnings  of 
Whig  influence  with  the  queen,  an  influence  which  was 
gradually  to  increase  "until  their  own  sense  of  self- 
security  brought  disaster.  Both  in  the  defeat  of  the 
''tack"  and  in  Smith's  election,  the  Whigs  saved  Anne 
and  the  ministry  from  a  bad  fall,  and  like  all  politicians, 
they  soon  demanded  their  price.  Their  importunities 
gradually  caused  changes  in  the  ministry,  which  grew 
increasingly  Whiggish,  as  the  ministerial  leaders  and  the 
junto  were  drawn  closer  together. 

After  the  queen  had  gone  through  the  formality  of 
accepting  the  new  speaker,  to  whom  she  later  presented 
a  "purse  of  1,000  guineas  as  a  token  of  her  satisfaction 
of  his  choice, ' "  she  delivered  her  address  to  both  houses, 
calling  upon  them  to  support  the  war  vigorously,  and 
bring  about  a  union  with  Scotland.  Though  making  the 
usual  appeal  for  public  support,  Anne  displayed  real 
spirit  when  she  spoke  of  the  "tackers."  "There  are 
some  amongst  us,  who  endeavour  to  foment  animosities, ' ' 
she  complained,  "but  I  persuade  myself,  they  will  be 
found  very  few,  when  you  appear  to  assist  me  in  dis- 
countenancing and  defeating  such  practices  ...  we  may 
be  certain,  that  they,  who  go  about  to  insinuate  such 

1  Tindal,  IV.  183-4.    See  also  Hearne,  I.  59-72,  passim. 

2  Twelfth  Report  (H.  M.  C),  V.  183;  Godolphin-Osborne  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  28041,  f.  6. 

3  Hearne,  I.  61. 


126  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

things  of  this  nature,  must  be  mine  and  the  kingdom  *s 
enemies,  and  can  only  mean  to  cover  designs,  which  they 
dare  not  publicly  own."^  Such  expressions  display  her 
resentment  against  those  who  had  scorned  her  preroga- 
tive and  injured  her  pride.  The  bitterness  she  felt 
against  the  men  who  had  dared  intimate  that  the  church 
was  in  danger  under  her  rule,  she  skilfully  turned  against 
them  by  branding  them  as  disloyal.  In  this  way  she 
gained  popular  support  for  the  things  she  wished  to  do, 
since  the  influence  of  Anne's  speeches  upon  the  country 
must  have  been  considerable.^ 

Anne's  speech  was  but  a  part  of  the  ministerial  pro- 
gram of  carrying  the  fight  to  the  Tories.  The  selection 
of  a  speaker  having  shown  them  how  slender  was  their 
majority,  they  began  at  once  to  increase  it  by  deciding 
controverted  elections.  For  obvious  reasons,  the  number 
of  disputed  returns  was  greater  than  usual,  and  petitions 
involving  the  right  to  at  least  sixty-five  seats  were  pre- 
sented during  this  parliament.^  The  choice  of  a  suitable 
chairman  for  the  committee  on  elections  was  of  super- 
lative importance  to  both  parties,  but  after  a  hard 
struggle,  the  ministry  prevailed*  by  the  slender  majority 
of  sixteen,  and  proceeded  immediately  to  the  trial  of 
election  petitions. 

The  St.  Albans  case  probably  aroused  the  greatest  in- 
terest. ''On  Wednesday  we  sat  up  till  three  in  the  morn- 
ing upon  the  St.  Albans  election, ' '  wrote  Harley  to  Marl- 
borough, ''and  this  night  I  suppose  we'll  finish  it  about 
the  same  hour."    Eventually  it  was  decided  in  favor  of 

iP?/.  Hist.,  VI.  452;  Coke,  III.  276.  Anne  tactfully  assumed  that  the 
large  attendance  was  due  to  their  great  respect  for  her. 

2  Defoe 's  Challenge  of  Peace  emphasizes  the  fact  that  the  whole  nation 
was  "particularly  attentive"  to  what  she  said. 

8  C.  J.,  XV.  8-526,  passim.  Seventeen  were  to  be  heard  before  Christmas. 
See  Luttrell,  V,  607-9;  Defoe,  Legion's  Humble  Address. 

4  Hearne,  I.  70. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  127 

the  Duchess  of  Marlborough's  candidate/  The  Hertford 
election  also  went  in  favor  of  the  court  by  a  majority  of 
two,^  although  not  all  the  double  returns  were  decided  in 
that  way.  The  case  of  Leicester  "was  referred  to  a  com- 
mittee who  resolved  that  Winstanley  .  .  .  was  not  duly 
elected,  for  which  there  was  a  thanksgiving  in  all  the 
Conventicles  in  and  about  Leycester;  but  it  being  pro- 
posed to  the  whole  house,  a  majority  dissented  from  the 
said  resolution  .  .  .  and  declared  Mr.  Winstanley  duly 
elected  to  the  great  mortification  of  the  Presbyterians 
and  the  friends  of  the  knavish  and  rebellious  crew.'" 
The  Coventry  election  was  set  aside  on  account  of  mani- 
fest violence.  From  the  Bedwin  depositions  it  is  clear 
that  £5  was  a  customary  bribe  and  a  £10  proffer  unusual, 
and  that  tenders  of  money  were  accepted  as  a  matter  of 
course  by  a  large  proportion  of  the  borough  electorate.* 
When  an  election  was  declared  void,  or  a  candidate 
died,  or  a  member  was  elected  by  two  or  more  constitu- 
encies, a  by-election  was  necessary,  and  their  number  was 
by  no  means  negligible,  as  during  the  parliament  fifty- 
six  seats  were  vacated."  Consequently,  both  parties  paid 
scrupulous  attention  to  these  by-elections.  One  of  the 
most  interesting  of  them  was  that  at  Marlborough  where 
Lord  Bruce  spent  a  large  sum  to  elect  his  candidate,  but 

iCoxe  Papers,  XVII.  213;  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  49;  Hearne,  I.  81,  87,  99. 
The  first  reference  gives  the  vote  198  to  126,  but  the  Commons  Journal 
(XV.  39.)  gives  199  to  142.  Much  foul  practice  characterized  the  activities 
of  both  Whigs  and  Tories,  but  no  adequate  proof  could  be  adduced  against 
Lady  Marlborough.    See  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  273. 

2  Cowper's  Diary,  p.  18;  C.  J.,  XV,  55.    The  vote  was  199  to  197. 

3  Hearne,  I.  182.  See  also  C.  J.,  XV.  137;  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV. 
94;  Luttrell,  VI.  11,  14. 

iAilesbury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  190-5.  See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV. 
199-269. 

6  Of  these  by-elections,  43  were  due  to  deaths,  8  to  candidates '  choosing 
to  serve  another  constituency,  3  to  promotions  to  the  peerage,  2  because  the 
candidate  had  accepted  a  position  of  honor  and  profit  from  the  queen. 
C.  J.,  XV.  26-616,  passim. 


128  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

without  success,  although  he  was  able  to  gain  for  him 
the  seat  at  Bedwin  made  vacant  by  Sir  George  Byng.^ 
The  Chippenham  election  was  attended  with  so  much 
violence  as  to  arouse  the  indignation  of  Bishop  Burnet.^ 
As  long  as  the  composition  of  the  House  of  Commons 
remained  undecided,  it  was  impolitic  to  make  further 
changes  in  the  ministry,  but  immediately  the  elections 
were  over,  certain  alterations  were  set  on  foot,  which 
affected  the  zealous  High  Churchmen  first  of  all.  Roch- 
ester, Seymour,  Nottingham,  and  Jersey  had  been  dis- 
missed before  the  elections.  Even  Buckingham,  of  whom 
Anne  was  formerly  so  considerate,  had  been  put  aside 
before  the  canvass  was  over.  In  spite  of  these  changes, 
the  ministry  was  not  as  united  as  its  important  members 
desired,  and  the  Highfliers  were  thoroughly  alarmed  lest 
the  ministry  should  become  thoroughly  Whig  on  account 
of  the  queen's  resentment  against  them.^  The  minis- 
terial policy,  however,  was  to  change  the  personnel  of  the 
cabinet  council  slowly  in  favor  of  moderation,  and  the 
next  important  official  upon  whom  the  wrath  of  the  queen 
and  her  advisers  fell  was  Sir  Nathan  Wright,  the  lord 
keeper,  whose  only  merit  for  the  position  had  been  his 
devout  High  Church  attitude.  He  was  notoriously  in- 
efficient, probably  corrupt,  and  the  laughing-stock  of  both 
parties,*  but  his  religiosity  appealed  to  the  queen,  who 
was  unwilling  to  dismiss  on  slight  grounds  any  minister 

1  Aileslury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  195-6;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  445. 

2  H.  C.  Foxcroft,  Supplement  to  Burnet,  p.  513. 

3  A  year  earlier,  Dr.  Davenant,  the  pamphleteer,  learned  ' '  that  the 
struggle  now  is,  not  whether  the  Whigs  have  any  weight  and  credit,  but 
whether  they  have  all  or  no."  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  154.  Defoe  said  that 
the  ministry  was  termed  Whig  by  1705.  Conduct  of  Parties,  p.  8.  Indeed, 
there  was  some  question  at  the  time  whether  Anne  might  not  attempt  a 
dissolution  to  secure  a  Whig  parliament.  J.  Ilervey,  Letter  Books,  I.  199; 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  84.    Cf.  Oldmixon,  III.  330. 

4  Wright  became  very  rich  while  in  office.  Burnet,  V.  225.  See  also  the 
House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  VI.  xvii,  260-1;  Hearne,  I.  53-6. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  129 

who  had  come  into  office  during  her  reign.  The  Duchess 
of  Marlborough  claimed  some  credit  for  this  dismissal, 
but  Harley's  subtle  suggestions,  coupled  with  Cowper's 
ability,  made  it  easier  for  Anne  to  consent  to  his  appoint- 
ment as  lord  keeper  a  fortnight  before  parliament  met.^ 

Thus  the  Whigs  gained  another  strong,  but  moderate 
member  of  the  ministry.  A  third  Whig,  the  Earl  of  Kent, 
was  already  in  the  council,  but  the  junto  were  still  dis- 
satisfied. Indeed,  they  wished  one  of  their  own  number 
among  the  queen's  advisers,  and  had  urged  upon  Marl- 
borough the  claims  of  Sunderland  at  the  time  of  Notting- 
ham's dismissal,  eighteen  months  before.  Even  though 
the  Whigs  set  forth  Sunderland's  merits,  which  the 
duchess  had  voiced  so  often  and  so  long,  the  duke  realized 
that  his  son-in-law  could  not  then  fill  a  place  in  the  cabi- 
net. To  Marlborough,  Harley's  presence  in  the  ministry 
was  imperative,  since  he  alone  excelled  in  the  arts  of 
political  manipulation,  by  which  majorities  were  main- 
tained.^ Another  reason  why  Sunderland  did  not  find  a 
place  in  Anne's  councils  arose  from  her  unconquerable 
aversion  to  him,  so  he  was  passed  over  in  favor  of  Harley. 

The  junto  kept  urging  Sunderland's  cause  in  season 
and  out  of  season.  Marlborough  still  held  out  against 
them,  as  well  as  the  duchess,  but  when  he  gave  in,  Anne 
remained  immovable  as  ever.  After  many  importunities, 
she  did  agree  to  send  him  on  a  foreign  mission.  Godol- 
phin  insisting  upon  the  Whig  demands,  she  promised  him 
any  good  place  that  did  not  involve  close  personal  rela- 

1  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  27-8;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  64;  Macaulay,  p.  2935; 
Priv.  Cor.,  I.  8.  Cowper's  appointment  was  one  of  the  most  important 
changes  in  the  ministry. 

2  Wyon  suggests  (I.  380)  that  the  duchess  wanted  Seymour's  position  as 
comptroller  of  the  household  for  Sunderland;  apparently  he  is  wrong,  as 
the  plan  was  to  make  the  earl  leading  secretary,  or  at  least  second  to  Harley. 
After  Harley's  appointment,  it  was  reported  that  Anne  had  dismissed 
Secretary  Hedges.     Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  f£.  316,  386. 


130  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tions  with  the  sovereign.  The  junto  indignantly  rejected 
this  offer  and  the  lord  treasurer  told  Anne  he  must  resign 
unless  she  yielded.  Still  she  remained  obdurate,  and  it 
took  all  of  Marlborough's  infinite  patience  and  prestige, 
together  with  certain  assurances  given  by  Godolphin,  to 
secure  Sunderland's  appointment  as  secretary  of  state. 
By  this  time  experience  had  proved  that  the  moderate 
administration  lacked  cohesion,  and  within  a  few  months, 
other  religious  zealots  were  laid  aside.  Of  the  appointive 
members  of  the  Board  of  Trade,  Weymouth  resigned, 
and  three  others  were  removed,  including  Matthew  Prior, 
John  Pollexfen,^  and  William  B  lath  way  t — probably  its 
most  active  member.  They  were  succeeded  by  the  Earl 
of  Stamford,  Lord  Herbert  of  Cherbury,  Robert  Monck- 
ton  (a  friend  of  Harley),  and  John  Pulteney.  Lord 
Derby  succeeded  Lord  Gower  as  chancellor  for  the  Duchy 
of  Lancaster.^  Solicitor-General  Harcourt  was  the  lead- 
ing lawyer  among  the  Tories,  but  withal  a  moderate. 
Anne  was  willing  that  he  should  become  speaker,  but  that 
project  having  failed,  he  was  promoted  to  attorney- 
general,  displacing  Sir  Edward  Northey.  Sir  James 
Montagu,  a  brother  of  Halifax,  became  solicitor-general, 
and  Spencer  Compton  succeeded  Edward  Nicholas  as 
''Treasurer  and  Receiver-General  to  Prince  George  of 
Denmark,  and  Paymaster  to  her  Majesty's  pensioners." 
Numerous  promotions  were  made  in  the  army,  and  also 
in  the  church.  Cowper's  merit  soon  brought  him  the 
office  of  lord  chancellor;  Abingdon  gave  way  to  George 
Churchill  as  lord  lieutenant  of  the  Tower,  and  Sir  George 
Rooke  was  dismissed  from  the  Privy  Council.^ 

1  Annals  (1707),  p.  288;  Anglice  Notitia  (1704),  p.  636;  Luttrell,  VI.  112. 

zLuttrell,  VI.  46,  53,  163.  It  was  said  that  Somers  would  replace  Or- 
mond  as  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland.  Hearne,  I.  56.  See  also  Bath  MSS., 
I.  96;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  272. 

8  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXXI.  359;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  8;  Leadam,  p.  124;  Hearne, 
I.  51. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  131 

The  Whigs  were  equally  favored  in  promotions  in  the 
peerage,  by  which  they  sought  to  minimize  the  influence  of 
earlier  Tory  creations.  During  the  years  1705  and  1706, 
ten  peers  were  promoted,  and  one  eldest  son  called  to 
the  Lords.  Three  influential  politicians,  Godolphin, 
Cowper,  and  Sir  Thomas  Pelham,  were  created  peers. 
Among  the  promotions  were  Argyle,  Kent,  Montagu, 
Wharton,  Bedford,  and  Poulett,^  whose  presence  in  the 
upper  house  strengthened  the  queen  and  her  ministers  in 
their  control  of  that  chamber. 

To  what  extent  these  offices  and  promotions  were 
rewards  for  services  performed  or  expected,  it  is  difficult 
to  conjecture.  That  they  were  so  in  no  inconsiderable 
degree  is  attested  by  Shrewsbury's  again  refusing  to  join 
the  ministry  even  at  Marlborough's  earnest  solicitation, 
although  he  was  willing  to  give  the  duke  his  proxy,^  for 
he  knew  that  joining  the  ministry  meant  voting  in  accord- 
ance with  the  wishes  of  the  queen  and  her  ministers, 
which  he  was  then  unwilling  to  do.  After  the  failure  of 
the  'Hack,"  Godolphin  wrote:  *'I  shall  never  think  any 
man  fit  to  continue  in  his  employment  who  gave  his  vote 
for  the  'tack,'  "*  '*Mr.  Wright,  Eecorder  of  the  city  of 
Oxford  is  out  of  favour  ...  at  Court,"  wrote  Hearne, 
*  *  because  he  did  not  appear  for  Mr.  Carter  last  election. '  '* 
Sir  Thomas  Hanmer  voiced  a  similar  resentment  by  say- 
ing that  ''when  he  saw  some  men  turned  out  of  their 
places  for  not  voting  as  they  were  bid,  he  could  not  help 

iSloane  MSS.  (B.  M.),  3065,  f.  72;  Luttrell,  VI.  113;  Annals  (1706), 
p.  397. 

2  Shrewsb.  Cor.,  pp.  658,  661.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  296. 

3  Leadam,  p.  66.  Godolphin  complained  earlier  that  the  government 
would  go  to  pieces,  ' '  with  no  friends  to  support  it,  but  some  few  in  places. ' ' 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  74. 

4  Hearne,  I.  160.  Colonel  Dobyn  encountered  difficulties  because  he  op- 
posed the  ministerial  candidates  at  St.  Albans.  76.,  I.  122;  Portl.  MSS., 
IV.  116. 


132  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

thinking  that  others  were  kept  in  because  they  had  voted 
as  they  were  bid."^  The  presence  of  the  same  influence 
is  shown  by  Argyle's  letter  to  Somers,  complaining 
bitterly  that  some  of  the  court  had  voted  against  the  min- 
istry, and  he  wished  them  dismissed,  though  one  of  his 
relatives  was  among  the  number.  Other  Whigs  agreed 
that  such  courtiers  should  be  turned  out,  but  only  after 
the  close  of  parliament.^  The  real  feelings  of  contempo- 
raries is  more  effectually  presented  in  the  pamphlet, 
Faults  on  Both  Sides,  which  laments  that  the  court  is 
acquiring  '*a  new  sort  of  power  ...  by  giving  .  .  . 
honours,  profitable  places,  and  pensions.'" 

Although  many  replies  were  made  to  this  tract,  not  one 
really  attempts  to  answer  this  criticism  of  the  ministry. 
An  analysis  of  the  votes  for  speaker  shows  that  only 
fifteen  or  sixteen  of  the  queen's  servants  voted  for  Brom- 
ley. Among  these  was  George  Clarke,  secretary  to  the 
prince  and  second  secretary  to  the  board  of  admiralty, 
who  two  days  later  found  himself  without  a  position.* 
The  ministry  knew  that  the  choice  of  a  speaker  depended 
entirely  upon  the  way  the  office  holders  voted,  so  all  the 
power  of  the  ministers  was  used  in  convincing  them  that 
John  Smith  was  the  only  man  for  whom  they  could  vote 
with  safety.  When  the  election  was  over,  Davenant 
wrote  Harley's  henchman,  Erasmus  Lewis,  *Hhere  were 
only  five  persons  in  civil  employments,  who  divided 
against  Mr.  Smith,  viz:  Lord  Cheney,  Sir  John  Bland, 

1  Hearne,  I.  134-5.  Coxe  in  the  Coxe  Papers  (VI,  132)  suggests  the 
same  thing. 

^Bardwicke  State  Papers,  II.  465-6.    Cf.  Other  Side,  p.  261. 

8  See  Defoe,  Freeholder's  Plea;  Swift,  A  New  Way  of  Selling  Places  at 
Court;  Py.  Hist,  XIII.  90;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  559;  Lecky, 
I.  435. 

4  Portl  MSS.,  IV,  268.  One  ' '  of  these  that  voted  for  Mr.  Bromley  is 
G.  Clarke  for  which  he  is  turned  out  of  his  places,  and  this  is  what  all  must 
expect  that  vote  honestly  and  conscientiously."     Hearne,  I.  60. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  133 

Mr.  Morley,  Mr.  Comers,  the  Equerry,  and  Mr. 
Clark.'" 

The  geographical  distribution  of  the  ''queen's  ser- 
vants" also  indicates  the  existence  of  a  definite  relation 
between  government  offices  and  voting.  A  contemporary 
said  that  they  numbered  one  hundred  and  twenty-six,  of 
whom  seventeen  represented  Cornish  boroughs ;  fourteen 
hailed  from  the  towns  of  Hampshire ;  whereas  the  Cinque 
Ports  and  Wilts  were  represented  by  six  each.  It  seems 
that  the  area  of  rotten  boroughs  was  as  much  over- 
represented  in  preferments  as  in  parliament,  since 
Buckinghamshire  and  Yorkshire  had  but  five  each  of 
these  placemen,  and  Wales  only  three,  including  Harley 
and  Mansell.^ 

It  becomes  apparent,  then,  that  the  queen  and  her  min- 
isters made  extensive  use  of  their  appointive  power  to 
gain  the  support  of  members  of  parliament,  and  that  once 
these  representatives  of  the  people  accepted  an  office  of 
honor  or  profit  under  the  crown,  they  became  the  agents 
of  the  ministry,  and  were  expected  to  support  the  court 
in  every  measure  of  importance.  Upon  their  failure  to 
do  so,  they  might  be,  and  usually  were,  summarily  dis- 
missed. Furthermore,  the  patronage  was  used  not  only 
to  influence  the  stand  of  politicians  during  the  progress 
of  elections,  but  also  as  a  means  to  attract  rising  talent 
into  the  ranks  of  the  party,  by  furnishing  them  a  means 
of  livelihood  so  that  they  might  devote  their  whole  atten- 
tion to  politics. 

If  it  were  not  the  custom  to  reward  faithful  political 

lAdd.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  44;  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  197,  XLV.  147.  Appar- 
ently the  names  are  given,  that  official  attention  may  be  visited  upon  them. 
The  equerry  no  longer  held  his  place  in  1708.  Anglice  Notitia  (1708),  p. 
617.  Two  of  Prince  George's  grooms  of  the  bedchamber  were  dismissed 
partly  on  account  of  their  political  activity.  Samuel  Masham  succeeded 
one  of  them.    Marll).  MSS.,  53.     See  also  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  269. 

2  A  List  of  Gentlemen  that  are  in  Offices,  Employments,  etc. 


134  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

servants  by  preferments  and  peerages,  it  would  be  diffi- 
cult to  account  for  the  opposition  which  developed  against 
the  bill  which  required  any  member  of  parliament  accept- 
ing an  office  under  the  crown  to  vacate  his  seat  in  the 
Commons,  because,  after  resigning,  the  fortunate  man 
might  appeal  to  his  constituents  for  re-election.  More- 
over, it  was  not  the  politicians  alone  who  objected  so 
strenuously  to  such  a  law,  because  the  queen  herself 
asked  her  friends  to  vote  against  it/  She  realized  that 
it  would  limit  her  power  over  members  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  as  many  who  accepted  office  under  the  crown 
would  be  replaced  in  parliament  by  more  independent 
men,  who  would  oppose,  rather  than  favor,  ministerial 
measures. 

The  cry  against  such  abuses  of  the  patronage  had  been 
rife  since  the  increase  of  the  power  of  parliament  after 
the  Revolution.  The  feeling  was  widespread  that  the 
sovereign  should  be  prevented  from  keeping  the  same 
parliament  indefinitely.  The  Mutiny  Bill  and  the  finan- 
cial necessities  of  the  crown  made  frequent  sessions 
imperative,  but  once  the  king  had  secured  a  House  of 
Commons  to  his  liking,  he  might  retain  its  services  in- 
definitely by  such  corrupt  means  as  he  chose.  During 
William's  reign,  strenuous  endeavors  had  been  made  on 
several  occasions  to  make  the  members  of  parliament 
more  representative  of  the  constituencies  and  less  sub- 
ject to  court  influence,  but  except  for  the  Triennial  Act, 
all  such  efforts  were  fruitless  and  corruption  increased 
apace  during  the  early  years  of  the  next  reign.  Anne, 
however,  saw  fully  as  much  need  for  retaining  her  politi- 
cal influence  as  had  William,  but  the  reform  movement 
was  stronger.  That  part  of  the  Act  of  Settlement  dis- 
qualifying those  who  had  "an  office  or  place  of  profit 
under  the  king,"  had  been  repealed  before  it  could  go 

1  Anne  twice  requested  Dr.  Sharp  to  oppose  the  bill.    Sharp,  I.  299. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  135 

into  effect,^  and  thus  the  way  was  cleared  for  passing 
some  law  incapacitating  the  host  of  placemen  who  sat  in 
the  Commons,  or  at  least,  making  it  more  difficult  for 
them  to  secure  seats. 

As  early  as  1702,  people  were  saying  that  the  High- 
fliers planned  to  strike  at  the  power  of  the  Whigs  by  re- 
quiring a  large  income  from  land  as  a  qualification  for 
sitting  in  parliament.^  Within  a  short  time,  the  matter 
was  well  under  way,  but  gradually  disappeared  from 
notice,^  while  the  two  houses  quarreled  over  other  ques- 
tions. Two  years  later,  the  Tories  in  the  lower  house 
passed  a  bill  excluding  from  the  Commons  all  persons 
holding  any  office  created  since  February,  1684,  or  that 
would  be  provided  for  in  the  future.  The  Lords  amended 
it,  and  the  bill  was  lost  because  the  Commons  refused  to 
consent  to  the  changes.  Then  the  Tories  introduced 
another  bill  excluding  from  parliament  those  who  re- 
ceived any  income  from  the  public  taxes,  but  that  failed 
even  in  the  lower  house.* 

Reform  could  not  long  be  delayed.  These  abortive 
bills  and  the  repeal  of  the  ''revolutionary  exclusion" 
clause  of  the  Act  of  Settlement  brought  about  the  passage 
of  an  act  two  years  later,  which  incapacitated  three  gen- 
eral classes  from  becoming  members  of  parliament :  those 
accepting  any  office  created  since  October,  1705;  those 
holding  pensions  from  the  crown  during  pleasure;  cer- 
tain specified  officials,  such  as  colonial  governors,  com- 
missioners of  prizes,  etc.  Any  member  of  parliament 
accepting  an  office  of  profit  under  the  crown  must  resign 

1  Anson,  The  Law  and  Custom  of  the  Constitution  (4th  ed.),  I.  83. 

2  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  200-1;  L.  J.,  XVII.  277,  300;  Kijks 
Archief,  26^,  Jan.  3,  1703 ;  C.  J.,  XIV.  277. 

3  S.  P.  Dom,,  Anne,  II.  29.  See  also  Porritt,  Unreformed  House  of 
Commons,  I.  206. 

*  Chamberlen,  p.  186;  Luttrell,  V.  508-18,  passim. 


136  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

his  seat,  but  he  might  stand  for  re-election/  The  Whig 
leaders  opposed  the  measure  because  it  would  exclude 
traders  and  contractors  from  the  Commons  and  lessen 
the  influence  of  the  commercial  classes  upon  whom  they 
depended  for  financial  support  inside  and  outside  of 
parliament.^  One  strong  opponent  of  the  bill  hoped  that 
Anne  might  veto  it  if  it  passed,  while  Godolphin  was 
using  all  his  influence  against  it  because  he  did  not  wish 
the  Tories  to  obtain  such  an  advantage.^ 

It  is  clear,  therefore,  that  courtiers  were  required  to 
support  the  queen's  measures  as  set  forth  by  her  minis- 
ters. For  minor  appointments  Anne  was  not  always 
responsible.  In  any  important  change,  however,  she  was 
consulted,  although  she  had  no  desire  to  have  her  name 
mentioned  in  the  matter.  In  most  instances  both  Godol- 
phin and  Marlborough  found  her  mind  made  up,  and  they 
soon  became  aware  that  Harley  could  more  easily  gain 
her  to  their  wishes  than  any  other  man  at  court.*  St. 
John  testified  that  in  granting  commissions  in  his  depart- 
ment, Anne  frequently  gave  the  directions  herself,  a  plan 
which  was  also  employed  before  he  came  to  the  War 
Office,®  and  was  probably  in  use  in  other  departments. 
If  so,  it  shows  that  the  queen  was  to  some  degree  indi- 
vidually responsible  for  a  large  number  of  appointments, 
and  candidates  personally  obnoxious  to  her  had  difficulty 
in  securing  important  places,  even  when  political  expe- 
diency suggested  their  appointment. 

Early  in  the  reign,  Anne  forbade  her  courtiers  to  traffic 

1  6  Anne,  c.  41.    See  also  Anson,  op.  cit.,  I,  83,  and  4  &  5  Anne,  c.  20. 

2  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  II.  29^;  Cowper,  Diary,  pp.  11-2. 

■sCowper,  Diary,  p.  10;  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  f. 
280.     See  also  Chamberlen,  p.  307, 

*  A  letter  from  Godolphin  to  Harley  contains  some  indications  of  this 
as  early  as  May,  1702.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  39. 

5  7&.,  219. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  137 

in  court  places  under  penalty  of  her  displeasure/  Some- 
what later,  she  refused  to  sign  the  commission  of  one 
' '  D 'Offarell, "  as  major  general,  because  she  wished  more 
information  about  the  case.^  Cowper  soon  noted  that  at 
cabinet  council  meetings  she  took  a  particular  interest 
in  all  appointments.  On  one  occasion  she  selected  an 
English  judge  and  a  chief  baron  for  Ireland ;  on  another, 
she  was  asked  to  sanction  the  appointment  of  two  deputy 
lieutenants  of  the  Tower.^  Indeed,  her  steady  insistence 
upon  having  her  way  must  have  been  trying  to  the  party 
leaders. 

Three  motives  prompted  Anne's  actions.  It  pleased 
her  vanity ;  it  kept  her  closely  in  touch  with  state  affairs ; 
last,  but  not  least,  it  gave  her  an  opportunity  to  reward 
her  friends  and  punish  her  enemies.  Such  premiums 
upon  compliance  with  the  wishes  of  the  queen  and  her 
ministers,  and  penalties  upon  obstinate  refusals,  had 
much  influence  in  carrying  out  ministerial  policies.  Her 
attitude  in  the  entire  matter  is  manifest  in  her  conduct 
towards  the  Pretender  and  the  Hanoverians. 

In  her  struggle  against  James  II  and  later  against 
William  III,  she  had,  as  princess,  been  supported  by  the 
Marlboroughs.  With  the  death  of  her  father  and  her 
own  accession,  it  might  be  expected  that  her  attitude 
toward  the  Pretender  would  be  influenced  by  the  Duchess 
of  Marlborough.  In  consequence,  her  position  was  most 
embarrassing.  The  Pretender  was  her  brother,  and  by 
hereditary  right  the  throne  belonged  to  him.  Yet  he  was 
being  reared  as  a  Catholic,*  and  his  followers  were  in 

1  Luttrell,  V.  193. 

2  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  f .  357. 

3  Strickland,  XII.  125-34 ;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VIII.  22.  Once  she  ordered 
Cowper  to  bring  the  roll  of  the  sheriffs  to  the  council  meeting.  See  his 
Diary,  pp.  5-25,  passim.  Later  she  wrote  that  two  officials  who  "had  done 
wrong  in  Parliament"  must  be  removed.     Marll).  MSS.,  p.  53, 

*  Anne 's  opposition  to  his  Catholicism  is  unquestioned.     See  Thomas,  pp. 


138  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

spirit  traitors  to  the  crown/  On  the  other  hand,  she  was 
the  sovereign  through  an  act  of  parliament,  which  had 
guaranteed  the  succession.  Just  before  her  accession, 
she  wrote  Lady  Marlborough:  ''I  am  not  apt  to  believe 
all  the  reports  one  hears,  so  I  cannot  give  in  to  the  opinion 
that  there  are  many  Jacobites  in  England  but  I'm  as 
well  satisfied  as  you  can  be  that  those  that  are  so  are  as 
much  enemies  as  the  Papists,  and  I  am  very  sensible 
these  people  will  always  have  designs  against  me;  for 
as  long  as  the  young  man  [Pretender]  in  France  lives 
(which  by  the  course  of  nature  will  be  longer  than  me) 
nobody  can  doubt  but  there  will  be  plots  against  my 
crown  and  life;  you  may  be  sure  I'll  take  as  much  care 
of  both  as  I  can,  and  I  should  be  very  glad  to  know  what 
care  [you]  .  .  .  would  have  me  take  of  myself  and  .  .  . 
would  have  me  do."  Of  these  lines,  the  duchess  wrote, 
'*It  is  plain  she  does  not  intend  to  put  herself  in  the  hands 
of  the  Jacobites,  and  I  never  could  observe  that  she  had 
any  scruples  about  wearing  the  crown,  nor  any  inclination 
towards  those  that  were  in  that  interest,  if  she  believed 
them  so,  tho'  she  always  loved  the  Tories,  because  she 
believed  they  would  be  for  her  against  her  brother,  and 
I  believe  to  the  last  that  Mrs.  Masham's  ministers  never 
ventured  further  .  .  ,  than  to  persuade  her  that  it  was 
best  for  the  Protestant  religion  for  him  to  come  after 
her  death. "^  Later,  Anne  acknowledged  ''that  she  was 
not  sure  the  Prince  of  Wales  was  her  brother,  and  that 
it  was  not  practicable  for  him  to  come  here  without  ruin 
to  religion  and  the  country."^  Her  independence  is 
plainly  indicated,  and  the  duchess  recognized  that  here, 

85,  91;  Eemusat,  I.  286;  Stoughton,  Beligion  in  England,  p.  6.  See  her 
speech  before  parliament  at  its  dissolution  in  3702;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  25. 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  76.    See  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  53. 

2  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52. 

3  From  Blenheim  Papers,  printed  in  Beid,  p.  107. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  139 

at  least,  was  a  question  which  even  Anne's  most  intimate 
friends  dared  not  raise  with  impunity. 

The  case  was  the  same  with  reference  to  her  legal  suc- 
cessors. It  was  unfortunate  that  she  disliked  all  the 
members  of  the  Hanoverian  family.  It  is  even  pathetic 
that  she,  like  her  Tudor  prototype,  should  feel  such 
repugnance  even  at  the  mention  of  her  successor's  name, 
while  her  soul  revolted  at  the  very  idea  of  bringing  him 
to  England.  But  her  convictions  were  absolutely  fixed. 
"But  those  of  the  Whigs  .  .  .  little  knew  how  imprac- 
ticable the  project  of  [the]  invitation  was,  and  that  the 
attempt  would  have  only  served  to  make  the  Queen  dis- 
card her  ministry,  to  the  ruin  of  the  common  cause  of 
these  kingdoms  and  of  all  Europe."  So  wrote  the 
duchess,  and  added,  "I  have  often  tried  her  Majesty 
upon  this  subject;  and  when  I  found  that  she  would  not 
hear  of  the  successor's  coming  over,  had  pressed  her 
that  she  would  at  least  invite  hither  the  young  Prince 
OF  Hanover  who  was  not  to  be  her  immediate  successor, 
and  that  she  would  let  him  live  here  as  her  son,  but  her 
Majesty  would  listen  to  no  proposal  of  this  kind  in  any 
shape  whatsoever."^ 

Had  Anne  consented  to  this  wise  suggestion,  she  would 
have  saved  herself  as  well  as  her  statesmen  endless 
worry,  for  as  long  as  she  failed  to  come  out  enthusiasti- 
cally for  the  Electress  Sophia  and  her  descendants,  she 
encouraged  the  faction  at  St.  Germain  and  the  Jacobites 
in  believing  that  she  was  willing  to  have  her  half  brother 
succeed  her.  Moreover,  it  misled  the  French,  who  felt 
that  Anne's  tenderness  for  the  Chevalier  might  lead  her 
at  any  time  to  make  peace.^    Such  a  fear  certainly  lay  in 

1  Conduct,  p.  ]50;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIII,  197.  Miss  Strickland  says  that 
Sarah  poisoned  Anne's  mind  against  the  Electress  Sophia,  but  fails  to  cite 
any  evidence.     Queens,  XII.  120,  131-2. 

2  Louis  XIV  and  his  ambassadors  failed  to  understand  Anne 's  feelings. 


140  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

the  minds  of  some  of  the  Dutch  statesmen,  and  caused 
even  the  better  informed  English  ministers  no  little  dis- 
quietude, as  they  were  unable  to  complete  arrangements 
for  carrying  out  the  Act  of  Settlement  or  take  any  pre- 
cautions against  a  revolutionary  uprising  at  Anne's 
death  for  several  years  after  her  accession.  Further- 
more, it  gave  disgruntled  Highfliers  an  unexampled  op- 
portunity of  annoying  the  queen  and  her  advisers,  because 
she  was  obsessed  with  the  idea  that  by  some  trick,  one 
of  the  political  parties  would  get  an  address  through  one 
or  both  houses  to  invite  over  the  Protestant  heir,  or  that 
uninvited,  Sophia  or  one  of  her  grandchildren  would,  by 
the  connivance  of  some  influential  Whig  or  Tory,  come 
to  London. 

English  political  intrigues  had  reached  Hanover  and 
disturbed  their  quiet,  dividing  the  court  into  two  factions. 
Sophia  was  perhaps  slightly  Tory  in  her  sympathies, 
although  she  tried  to  keep  the  balance  even  between  the 
disturbers.  Her  son,  the  elector,  was  openly  Whig,  and 
Anne  had  for  him  a  ''great  aversion."^  The  queen's 
alarm  was  not  diminished  by  a  letter  from  the  aged  but 
still  charming  electress,  who  was  somewhat  at  odds  with 
the  elector.  Having  been  repeatedly  solicited  by  some 
officious  personages^  to  come  to  England,  Sophia  took  full 
cognizance  of  their  communications,  and  wrote  to  Anne, 
''that  the  message  came  from  such  as  were  enemies  to 

as  they  were  ready  to  guarantee  the  security  of  her  throne,  if  she  should 
take  measures  to  have  the  Prince  of  Wales  succeed  her.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV. 
259;  Klopp  (X.  6)  believed  that  Anne  grew  nearer  to  the  Pretender  after 
Prince  George's  death. 

1  Seward 's  Anecdotes,  II.  294,  quoted  from  Toland  's  Travels  in  Prussia 
(1703);  Macpherson,  II.  178-9;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52. 

2  Notably  Eochester,  Gwynne,  Hutton,  Edward  Howe,  and  Scott.  For  the 
diplomatic  aspects  of  this  perplexing  question,  see  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  34521,  f.  61,  passim;  S.  P.  For.,  German  States,  CLXII.  passim; 
Hanoverian  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  passim;  Coxe  Papers,  XIX. 
163-4,  171;  XXTII.  152,  197;  Sharp,  I.  271-2. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  141 

her  family.  That  she  would  never  hearken  to  such  a 
proposal,  but  when  it  came  from  the  Queen  .  .  .  her- 
self."^ 

The  plain  implication  was  that  the  electress  expected 
an  invitation  from  the  queen.  Instead  of  reassuring 
Anne  that  she  had  nothing  to  fear  from  the  Hanoverian 
family,  this  message  increased  her  apprehensions,  show- 
ing her  to  what  ends  the  disaffected  in  England  were 
likely  to  go  in  embarrassing  her.  Her  fears  were  not 
groundless.  Two  days  after  Sophia's  letter  was  read 
before  the  council,  Anne  wrote  in  haste  to  Marlborough : 
**The  disagreeable  proposal  of  bringing  some  of  the 
House  of  Hanover  into  England  (which  I  have  been 
afraid  of  so  long)  is  now  very  near  being  brought  into 
both  Houses  of  Parliament,  which  gives  me  a  great  deal 
of  uneasiness,  for  I  am  of  a  temper  always  to  fear  the 
worst.  There  has  been  assurances  given  that  Mr.  Shutes 
[the  Hanoverian  envoy]  should  have  instructions  to  dis- 
courage the  proposition,  but  as  yet,  he  has  said  nothing 
of  them,  which  makes  me  fear  there  may  be  some  altera- 
tion in  their  resolution  in  the  Court  of  Hanover.  I  shall 
depend  upon  your  friendship  and  kindness  to  set  them 
right  in  notions  of  things  here,  and  if  they  will  be  quiet, 
I  may  do  so,  too,  or  else  I  must  expect  to  meet  with  a 
great  many  mortifications. '  '^ 

The  zealous  High  Churchmen,  disgruntled  by  their 
defeat  on  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill  and  the  ''tack," 
sought  revenge  by  taking  up  the  question  of  the  succes- 
sion. They  knew  that  the  Whigs  were  anxious  to  have 
the  electress  or  one  of  her  descendants  in  England,  as  a 
guarantee  against  the  Pretender,  an  arrangement  to 
which   Anne   would   never   consent.     The    Tories    felt, 

1  Cowper,  Diary,  11  November,  1705;  Manchester,  Court  and  Society, 
II.  214.  / 

2  Marlh.  MSS.,  p.  52. 


142  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

therefore,  that  if  they  raised  this  question,  the  Whigs 
would  be  in  a  dilemma.  If  the  Whigs  favored  the  meas- 
ure, they  would  certainly  alienate  Anne ;  if  they  opposed 
it,  they  would  lose  support  in  Hanover/  Naturally 
enough,  the  Tories  hoped  to  discredit  their  adversaries 
and  gain  the  ear  of  the  queen.  As  early  as  1704,  Roch- 
ester had  suggested  such  a  maneuver,  but  it  was  not 
until  the  following  year  that  Haversham  moved  in  the 
Lords  that  the  electress  should  be  invited  over  as  the 
heir  apparent.  The  issue  was  now  clear  and  the  Whigs 
must  get  out  of  the  difficulty  as  best  they  could,  because 
such  leading  Tories  as  Buckingham,  Rochester,  Notting- 
ham— all  of  them  until  recently  Anne's  favorites — were 
certain  to  give  the  resolution  their  enthusiastic  support.^ 

Although  Anne  might  consider  as  a  personal  affront 
the  actions  of  those  statesmen  who  had  so  recently  voted 
for  Bromley  as  speaker,  she  was  affected  in  a  still  more 
vital  way  by  the  problem  of  the  succession,  which  had 
both  personal  and  religious  aspects  that  came  very  close 
to  her  heart.  Already  the  Tories  had  touched  her  to  the 
quick  when  they  had  insinuated  that  the  church  was  in 
danger,  and  she  paid  her  compliments  to  them  imme- 
diately afterwards. 

The  Tories  thus  learned  how^  easy  it  was  to  annoy  her, 
and  shortly  after  the  session  opened,  the  disgruntled 
''tackers"  continued  their  assault  upon  the  ministry. 
The  Whigs  were  worried,  as  was  the  queen.  The  latter 
conceived  that  her  attendance  upon  the  debates  might 
mitigate  the  rancor  of  the  speakers,  so  she  was  present 
incognito   in   the   Lords   during  the   discussion.^     Her 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34521,  ff.  43-4;  Macpherson,  I.  690, 

2  Sharp,  I,  307-8;  House  of  Lords  MSS.,  VI.  (n.  s.),  xxii.-xxiv.; 
Hearne,  I.  82,  90;  Memoirs  of  Halifax,  pp.  132-6;  Annals  (1705),  p.  195; 
Bagot  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  341;  Marlborough  himself  thought  of  inviting 
over  the  electoral  prince,  it  seems.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV,  490, 

3  Burnet,  V.  182;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  VI.  ii. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  143 

presence  may  have  calmed  somewhat  the  more  audacious 
debaters,  though  Haversham,  the  most  voluble  of  the  high 
Tories,  and  Buckingham  spoke  in  a  brutal  fashion,  insist- 
ing that  there  was  no  real  guarantee  for  the  Protestant 
succession,  if  the  Pretender  could  reach  England  in  three 
days,  while  it  took  a  Hanoverian  as  many  weeks.  Buck- 
ingham even  insinuated  that  Anne  might  survive  her 
faculties  and  *'be  like  a  child  in  the  hands  of  others.'" 
These  hot-headed  Tories  did  not  reckon  on  the  Stuart 
queen's  spirit,  which  had  become  thoroughly  aroused. 
She  had  already  begun  to  rally  around  her  some  stanch 
and  influential  supporters.  Not  only  had  she  called  upon 
Marlborough,  but  the  Archbishop  of  York  as  well.  **A 
message  had  been  sent  by  the  Queen,"  he  wrote  in  his 
diary,  *'to  order  me  to  wait  on  her  at  five  o'clock..  .  . 
her  business  was  to  tell  me  that  she  had  heard  that  a 
motion  would  be  made  in  our  house  to  send  for  the 
Princess  of  Hanover,  in  pursuance  of  what  my  Lord 
Rochester  had  threatened  in  a  speech  the  last  Parliament, 
and  to  persuade  me  to  use  my  interest  with  my  friends 
not  to  come  into  the  motion."  Nor  did  she  let  him  go 
until  he  had  given  his  promise  to  oppose  the  plan,  which 
was  ** nothing  but  a  pique  to  her  Majesty."  At  her  re- 
quest, the  archbishop  called  upon  Rochester  to  induce 
him  to  abandon  the  obnoxious  motion,  but  he  refused, 
insisting  that  the  motion  was  reasonable,  if,  he  added 
significantly,  ^' we  really  meant  that  the  House  of  Hanover 
should  succeed  after  the  Queen's  death."  Sharp  did  his 
best  to  check  the  plans  of  the  Highfliers,  but  a  few  days 
later,  Anne  sent  for  him  again,  because  "she  had  heard 
the  business  of  the  heir  of  Hanover  would  be  moved  in 
both  houses  and  therefore  she  desired  me  to  take  occa- 
sion ...  to  tell  everybody  my  sense  of  it. '  '^ 

1  Py.  Hist,  VI,  457-68;  Conduct,  160. 

2  Sharp,  I.  308-9. 


144  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

All  Anne 's  efforts  to  keep  the  motion  out  of  parliament 
were  fruitless.  Yet  she  had  given  warning,  and  her 
friends  hurried  to  her  support.  In  addition,  two  members 
of  the  junto,  Somers  and  Halifax,  opposed  the  motion 
with  all  their  eloquence,^  which  was  sufficient,  when 
coupled  with  Whig  votes,  to  overwhelm  both  Nottingham 
and  Rochester,  who  insisted  that  the  succession  could 
never  be  safe  so  long  as  the  heir  apparent  lived  outside 
the  realm.  Despite  Lady  Marlborough's  pessimism,  the 
ministry  was  able  to  defeat  the  project,  and,  aided  by 
independent  "Whigs  and  moderate  Tories,^  even  went 
further  in  vindicating  the  queen. 

The  ministry,  aided  by  the  junto,  decided  to  brave  the 
wrath  of  the  Hanoverian  heir  and  gain  Anne's  grateful 
thanks.  Anne,  still  fearful  lest  this  measure  come  up 
again,  insisted  that  her  supporters,  now  flushed  with 
victory,  should  carry  the  struggle  into  the  camp  of  the 
enemy.^  Certain  of  success,  they  seized  upon  the  Tory 
contention  that  the  succession  was  in  danger,  to  provide 
against  all  contingencies  due  to  the  absence  of  the  heir 
apparent,  in  case  of  the  queen's  sudden  death,  which  was 
quite  probable,  on  account  of  her  chronic  attacks  of  gout. 
Bishop  Burnet  proposed  a  regency  to  assume  temporary 
control  of  affairs  upon  her  death.    Such  a  bill,  providing 

1  Hearne,  I.  90,  The  Whigs  argued  that  it  would  be  an  extra  expense  to 
keep  up  the  court,  and  it  was  contrary  to  Anne's  wishes.  Halifax  and 
Somers  had  been  cultivating  the  friendship  of  the  Hanoverians  and  their 
explanations  to  the  elector  and  to  Sophia  make  interesting  reading, 
Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS,  (B,  M.),  222,  ff,  444-5;  Morrison,  II.  226-8, 

2C.  J.,  XV.  65;  L.  J.,  XVIII.  18;  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  221,  XV.  76; 
Add.  MSS.,  9094.  Among  the  moderate  Tories,  St.  John,  Harcourt,  and 
Boyle  opposed  the  motion.  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS,  (B.  M.),  222,  ff, 
245-6,  Eawlinson  MSS,  (Bodl,),  C,  983,  f.  170,  contains  an  unfavorable  view 
of  the  Whig  party,  to  which  is  ascribed  the  desire  to  set  up  an  aristocratic 
republic  at  Anne's  death. 

3  See  diary  entry  in  Sharp,  I.  310.  Apparently  in  its  original  form,  the 
bill  was  exceedingly  complex.  Frankland-Bussell-Astley  MSS.  (H.  M.  C), 
p,  190, 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  145 

for  seven  lords  justices  to  take  over  the  government  of 
the  kingdom  "in  case  of  the  Queen's  demise  till  the  next 
successor  arrives  in  the  kingdom, '  '^  was  brought  in,  thor- 
oughly discussed  and  passed.  The  heir  was  also  to  be 
invited  to  select  the  names  of  such  persons  as  he  should 
like,  to  co-operate  with  those  appointed  by  parliament. 
As  additional  security,  the  Privy  Council  was  to  con- 
tinue for  six  months  after  the  queen's  death  unless  sooner 
terminated  by  the  new  sovereign,^  while  parliament  was 
to  remain  in  session  after  her  death. 

The  ministry  was  not  yet  satisfied,  much  less  the 
queen.  At  their  instance,  parliament  passed  an  ''Act 
of  Naturalization, ' '  making  citizens  of  all  Protestants  of 
the  electoral  family.^  The  triumph  of  the  ministry  was 
almost  complete;  the  queen  was  pleased  at  the  discom- 
fiture of  the  Tories;  the  electress,  flattered  by  such 
marked  attention  from  parliament.  The  ministry  next 
took  up  the  Tory  cry  that  the  church  was  in  danger,  a 
charge  which  Anne  bitterly  resented,  and  an  animated 
discussion  ensued  in  the  Lords,  which  ended  in  a  resolu- 
tion setting  forth  that  ''under  the  happy  reign  of  her 
Majesty,  the  Church  is  in  a  most  safe  and  flourishing 
condition,  and  whosoever  goes  about  to  suggest  that  the 
Church  is  in  danger  is  an  enemy  to  the  Queen,  the  Church 

1  Hearne,  I.  92;  L.  J.,  XVII.  22;  C.  J.,  XV.  51. 

2  4  &  5  Anne,  c.  20.  In  this  work  Sharp  took  a  prominent  part,  despite 
the  general  opposition  of  the  more  zealous  Highfliers,  and  voted  against 
the  proposition  that  the  lord  mayor  of  London  be  added  to  the  list  of  Lords 
Justices,  as  it  was  clearly  a  Tory  move.  Nottingham  had  better  success 
with  his  resolution  that  these  regents  should  not  have  power  to  change  the 
Act  of  Uniformity,  the  Test  Act,  or  the  Habeas  Corpus  Act.  Sharp,  I.  310; 
Timberland,  II.  152.  Lord  Hervey  protested  against  the  bill,  "as  the  falsest 
step  that  ever  was  made  by  any  set  of  men."    Letter  BooTcs,  p.  219. 

3  4  &  5  Anne,  c.  16;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34521,  ff.  43-4.  For 
details  concerning  the  passage  of  this  act,  consult  House  of  Lords  MSS., 
VI.  (n.  s.),  329-36;  C.  J.,  XV.  47-54;  L.  J.,  XVIII.  39-59;  Le  Strange 
MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  115;  LuttreU,  V.  617-9. 


146  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

and  the  Kingdom."  To  this  emphatic  motion  the  Com- 
mons agreed,^  and  the  queen  was  at  last  revenged  upon 
her  enemies. 

The  High  Churchmen  had  been  routed  on  every  hand. 
The  ministry  was  victorious,  and  it  remained  for  them 
to  reward  the  Whigs  who  had  co-operated  so  faithfully ; 
for,  despite  the  efforts  of  the  ministers  and  the  worthy 
archbishop,  a  victory  could  not  have  been  won  without 
the  junto.  Long  had  they  clamored  for  office,  and  just 
as  persistently  had  Anne  refused  to  listen  to  them;  but 
as  soon  as  they  had  agreed  to  support  her  measures,  she 
was  ready  to  reward  them,  if  their  demands  were  not 
exorbitant.  Fortunately  for  them,  the  Whigs  and  the 
ministry  pleased  the  queen  on  the  three  questions  most 
vital  to  her:  religion,  the  succession,  and  the  union,  and 
in  each  case,  the  junto  and  the  ''inner  cabinet"  had  by  the 
beginning  of  1707  prevailed  over  the  Tories,  who  were 
suffering  from  the  lack  of  efficient  leadership,  as  Harley 
and  St.  John  now  belonged  to  the  ministry.  As  the  Whigs 
felt  their  power,  they  demanded  more  influence;  in  the 
meantime,  the  junto  spent  every  available  moment  in  per- 
fecting their  organization.  For  the  nonce,  they  were 
willing  to  aid  Godolphin,  although  their  ceaseless  impor- 
tunities almost  drove  him  frantic.  He  found  himself 
unable  to  grant  all  their  demands,  since  Anne  was  still 
reluctant  to  admit  even  moderate  Whigs  into  her  councils. 

To  what  extent  the  queen's  hesitation  was  due  to  ad- 
vice she  may  have  received  from  others  at  court,  is  a 
problem  which  has  never  been  satisfactorily  solved.  In 
approaching  the  question,  it  is  necessary  to  show  how 
the  leading  ministers  lost  power  to  the  junto,^  as  well  as 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  506.  In  the  Lords,  the  vote  was  61  to  30 ;  in  the  Com- 
mons, 212  to  162.    Memoirs  of  Halifax,  pp.  132-6;  Timberland,  II.  160. 

2  The  co-operation  of  the  junto  began  as  early  as  August,  1706.  Portl. 
MSS.,  II.  196. 


THE  ELECTION  OF  1705  147 

to  examine  the  steps  by  which  the  Whigs  gradually  rose 
in  Anne 's  councils  to  a  commanding  position,  which  was 
made  more  certain  by  the  election  of  1708.  The  first 
Whig  accessions  to  the  ministry  were  Kent,  Newcastle, 
and  Cowper.  The  difficulties  surrounding  Sunderland's 
appointment  make  it  in  reality  a  critical  period  in  the 
early  history  of  the  Whig  party,  and  it  is  a  commentary 
upon  the  power  of  the  junto,  that  they  could  demand  and 
secure  from  Marlborough  a  price  for  their  support  which 
he  did  not  want  to  pay. 

However,  the  aid  of  the  junto  was  imperative,  if  the 
ministry  was  to  carry  on  its  policies  against  the  Tory 
opposition.  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and  Harley,  all 
conceded  this,  and  the  only  question  open  was  how  to 
secure  their  co-operation  at  the  least  cost.  Advances  to 
the  Whigs  had  been  made  as  early  as  the  middle  of  1705, 
but  the  alliance  was  not  formally  sealed  until  the  admis- 
sion of  Newcastle  and  Cowper  to  the  ministry.  The 
latter  described  the  dinner  given  by  Harley  to  cement 
the  union  between  the  Whigs  and  the  court.  At  this 
political  feast,  there  were  present  St.  John,  Boyle, 
Cowper,  and  Sunderland,  in  addition  to  Harley,  Marl- 
borough, and  Godolphin.  Somers  was  invited,  but  ex- 
cused himself,^  a  fact  which,  if  taken  in  connection  with 
Wharton's  absence,  would  indicate  that  the  working 
agreement  between  the  junto  and  the  ministry  was  not 
as  yet  complete.  Although  only  a  single  member  of  the 
junto  had  been  taken  into  the  ministry,  it  is  evident 
that  some  sort  of  secret  arrangement  between  the  leading 
ministers  and  Whig  leaders  must  have  existed  by  that 
time,  since  all  Godolphin 's  plans  with  reference  to 
Hanover  and  Scotland  passed  through  parliament  with- 
out a  jar,  a  proceeding  scarcely  probable,  had  not  the 

1  Cowper,  Diary,  Jan.  6,  1706.     See  also  Mahon,  I.  234. 


148  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

Whigs   voted   under   a   clear   understanding   with    the 
ministers.^ 

Thus  in  the  two  years  between  the  battle  of  Blenheim 
and  the  appointment  of  Sunderland,  Anne  had  increased 
her  popularity ;  with  her  aid,  the  ministry  had  secured  in 
the  election  of  1705  a  new  parliament  committed  to  the 
vigorous  persecution  of  the  war;  with  her  hearty  sup- 
port, the  Highfliers,  whom  she  had  already  dismissed 
from  office,  were  again  routed  by  the  defeat  of  Bromley 
for  speaker ;  through  her  lively  interest  in  the  patronage, 
the  power  of  the  ministry  was  increased;  at  her  steady 
insistence,  the  plan  to  bring  over  the  Hanoverian  heir 
to  the  throne  was  thwarted  and  safeguards  set  up  against 
any  attempt  of  the  Jacobites  to  disturb  the  Protestant 
succession.  However  powerful  the  junto  may  have 
become  by  1707,  it  is  clear  that  the  wishes  of  the  queen 
had  been  respected  up  to  this  time  in  almost  every  detail ; 
in  religion,  in  diplomacy,  in  appointments,  and  in  the 
succession,  she  had  made  her  influence  felt,  and  she  looked 
forward  with  the  greatest  anticipation  to  the  completion 
of  the  union  with  Scotland. 

1  This  agreement  may  have  been  kept  from  the  queen,  who  disliked 
Wharton  almost  as  much  as  she  did  Sunderland,  and  would  probably  have 
refused  to  co-operate  in  advancing  the  interests  of  the  Whigs. 


CHAPTER  IV 

THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY 

(1707-1708) 

By  the  end  of  the  fourth  year  of  her  reign,  the  queen  had 
gained  her  wishes  in  regard  to  the  Highfliers  and  the 
Hanoverian  family.  She  had  become  definitely  alienated 
from  the  more  vehement  Tories,  and  with  the  aid  of  the 
Marlboroughs,  Godolphin,  and  Harley,  sought  to  secure 
the  position  of  arbiter  between  the  two  political  factions, 
while  standing  aloof  from  each  of  them.  The  ministry 
had  become  thoroughly  consolidated  in  its  struggles 
against  the  Highfliers,  and  when  Sunderland  at  last 
joined  the  cabinet,  the  Whig  junto  co-operated  with  the 
chief  ministers.  The  queen  was  justly  proud  of  all  that 
had  been  achieved,  but  she  had  another  object  dearer  to 
her  heart  by  far  than  anything  that  had  yet  been  accom- 
plished, for,  to  her  mind,  the  reign  would  be  a  failure 
unless  she  succeeded  in  joining  Scotland,  the  ancestral 
home  of  her  race,  to  England,  in  a  parliamentary  as  well 
as  a  personal  union. 

The  people  of  Scotland  were  mainly  of  Celtic  blood, 
and  since  the  Anglo-Saxon  invasions,  they  had  been  at 
odds  with  England.  Scotland's  national  heroes,  such  as 
Wallace  and  Bruce,  had  gained  their  fame  by  fighting 
the  English.  On  various  occasions,  the  Scots  had  openly 
sided  with  France,  England's  hereditary  enemy,  much 
to  the  annoyance  of  the  English  sovereigns,  particularly 
the  Tudors.  These  unfortunate  conditions  were  some- 
what remedied  when,  at  the  death  of  Elizabeth,  James 


150  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Stuart  became  joint  sovereign  of  England  and  Scotland. 
But  the  change  was  but  a  half  measure,  as  each  kingdom 
retained  its  own  legislature ;  and  as  their  interests  were 
not  always  identical,  friction  frequently  developed  be- 
tween them/ 

In  addition  to  the  inherent  racial  differences,  the  ques- 
tion of  religion  complicated  political  matters.  England 
was  Anglican,  while  Scotland  had  become  devoutly  Pres- 
byterian, and  had  assisted  in  overthrowing  Charles  I. 
After  Cromwell's  brief  rule,  and  the  reign  of  Charles  II, 
William  III  acknowledged  Presbyterianism  as  the  estab- 
lished religion  of  the  Scots  before  he  could  be  at  peace 
with  them.  He  did  his  best  to  make  the  union  of  the 
kingdoms  closer,  but  in  vain.  Anne  was  fully  as  deter- 
mined as  William  to  accomplish  it,  and  worked  with  a 
decided  advantage,  since  the  Scots  never  forgot  that 
she  was  one  of  their  own  princesses.  At  the  beginning 
of  her  reign,  she  raised  the  question  of  the  union  in  her 
first  speech  to  both  houses.  One  of  her  first  official  acts 
was  to  appoint  the  Duke  of  Queensberry  a  commissioner 
to  negotiate  it,  and  on  every  conceivable  occasion,  she 
kept  urging  its  advantage  on  Scots  and  English  alike.^ 

Many  things  impelled  the  ministry  towards  union. 
The  flourishing  Jacobite  sentiment  in  Scotland  would 
then  meet  with  greater  embarrassment ;  the  French  could 
no  longer  make  Scotland  the  center  of  their  far-reaching 
conspiracies   against   England;^   while   the   commercial 

1  The  government  of  Scotland  during  this  trying  period  is  ably  dis- 
cussed in  Porritt,  Unreformed  House  of  Commons,  II.  Pt.  1. 

2Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  8;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  III.  13; 
Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  375-6 ;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  53. 

3  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  223,  ff.  10,  25-9;  Hearne,  I.  46; 
Leslie  Stephen,  Life  of  Swift,  p.  63.  Numerous  cipher  letters  in  the  Carte 
MSS.  (Bodl.),  particularly  vol.  210,  ff.  27-48,  give  the  impression  that  the 
Jacobites  were  exceptionally  strong  in  Scotland,  but  Defoe's  Beview  (vol. 
II.  passim)  creates  a  different  impression. 


THE  DISEUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTEY     151 

position  of  both  *' North  and  South  Britain"  would  be 
greatly  benefited  by  their  union  under  the  same  laws. 

Difficult  as  racial,  political,  and  religious  matters  made 
Anglo-Scottish  relations,  the  growing  importance  of  com- 
merce made  it  still  more  involved.  As  the  trade  of  Eng- 
land developed,  the  canny  Scots  began  to  realize  that 
they  were  being  outdistanced.  Their  discontent  increased 
accordingly,  and  led  them  to  embark  upon  the  Darien 
expedition,  which,  by  virtue  of  their  tremendous  igno- 
rance, was  from  the  first  doomed  to  utter  failure.^  The 
collapse  of  this  speculative  bubble  ruined  the  Scots,  and 
their  poverty  made  them  more  willing  to  listen  to  English 
negotiations.  On  the  other  hand,  this  same  extension 
of  commerce,  coupled  with  the  problems  of  the  succession 
and  the  war,  made  the  English  ministry  exceedingly 
anxious  for  a  union  with  Scotland.^ 

Few  negotiations  have  been  conducted  with  greater 
skill  than  the  preliminaries  of  the  union  between  England 
and  Scotland,  as  the  slightest  accident  might  have  brought 
them  to  a  sudden  and  unfortunate  conclusion.  The  Scots 
were  jealous  of  the  Act  of  Settlement,  and  when  the 
Darien  venture  failed,  they  passed  a  law  providing  that 
for  the  future,  succession  to  the  Scottish  throne  should 
in  no  case  be  the  same  as  the  English.  England  retal- 
iated, forbidding  the  Scots  to  trade  with  England  in  any 

1  For  further  details  of  this  tragedy,  consult  J.  S.  Barbour,  Hist,  of  Wil- 
liam Paterson,  and  the  Darien  Company;  H.  Bingham,  "The  Early  History 
of  the  Darien  Company,"  Scottish  Hist.  Bev.,  III.;  Burnet,  IV.  113,  147; 
Mahon,  I.  282. 

2  The  latest  word  upon  the  union  is  P.  Hume  Brown's  The  Legislative 
Union  of  England  and  Scotland.  This  author  has  also  recently  edited  Sea- 
field's  letters  to  Godolphin  about  the  union.  Even  with  Hume  Brown's 
scholarly  works  on  our  tables,  we  cannot  dispense  with  Defoe's  History  of 
the  Union,  written  from  observation.  On  the  general  phases  of  the  union, 
see  also  Mackinnon,  Union  of  England  and  Scotland  (1695-1745).  A  later 
and  briefer  work  is  W.  L.  Mathieson,  Scotland  and  the  Union. 


152  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

way,  but  repealed  the  act  in  17.05/  Happily,  the  English 
ministry  allowed  their  propositions  to  be  handled  in 
Scotland  by  Queensberry,^  whom  no  violent  Jacobite 
threats  served  to  move  in  the  least  from  his  line  of  action. 
Of  course,  the  English  leaders,  notably  Godolphin  and 
Harley,  made  his  way  easy,  as  they  were  too  well  aware 
of  the  importance  of  the  union  to  be  niggardly  in  their 
treatment  of  the  impecunious  Scottish  representatives. 
Harley 's  knowledge  of  the  temperament  of  these  leg- 
islators was  excellent;  no  secretary  of  state  could  have 
been  better  served  by  agents,  spies,  and  informers  than 
he,  because  few  secret  service  men  have  ever  displayed 
such  genius  for  work  of  this  sort  as  did  Defoe^  and  his 
companions.  In  the  light  of  what  happened  later,  it  has 
been  the  custom  to  despise  the  efforts  of  Greg,  one  of 
Harley 's  agents  in  Scotland,  but  his  letters  to  the  secre- 
tary of  state  during  the  progress  of  negotiations  seems 
to  show  that  at  this  time  he  was  both  a  careful  observer 
and  a  faithful  servant,*  who  did  much  to  keep  the  min- 
istry informed  of  Scottish  affairs.  In  these  negotiations 
Harley  took  a  prominent  part  even  before  his  appoint- 
ment as  secretary.  William  Paterson  kept  him  in  touch 
with  the  economic  side  of  the  negotiations,  Seafield  in- 
formed him  of  all  political  developments,  while  the  ver- 
satile author  of  Robinson  Crusoe  attended  to  both  sides 
of  the  question  in  a  sympathetic,  thoroughgoing,  and 
impartial  manner.  Through  the  skill  of  these  men,  Har- 
ley and  Godolphin  were  kept  thoroughly  posted  of  the 

iPy.  Hist,  VI.  368-74;  James,  III.  267,  282;  L.  J.,  XVII.  583. 

2  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  233,  ff.  10,  25-9.  After  the 
union,  Queensberry  became  the  political  leader  and  manipulator  of  Scot- 
land.    Porritt,  supra  cit.,  II.  89,  128,  147-58. 

3  Consult  his  letters  to  Harley.  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  200,  sq. ;  Conduct  of 
Parties,  p.  13. 

*  See  Forth  MSS.,  IV,  205,  346. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     153 

exact  status  of  the  negotiations/  Progress  came  slowly, 
and  amid  numerous  difficulties.  At  last,  somewhat  to  the 
surprise  of  both  English  and  Scots,  the  treaty  of  union 
was  agreed  to  by  the  commissioners,  and  then  submitted 
to  their  respective  parliaments  for  acceptance. 

In  the  English  parliament,  it  was  expected  to  pass, 
because  the  queen  was  supporting  the  ministry.  How- 
ever, in  discussing  the  Scottish  Act  at  the  beginning  of 
1705,  it  had  been  found  that  Godolphin  lacked  influence 
in  parliament  and  seemed  to  be  sinking  into  his  dotage. 
All  the  ministry  realized  that  he  would  be  most  bitterly 
attacked  by  the  Tories,  and  the  queen  thought  her  attend- 
ance might  cause  the  debaters  to  moderate  their  attacks 
upon  him,  so  she  was  present  during  the  debates,  *'at 
first  on  the  throne,  and  after,  it  being  cold,  on  a  bench 
at  the  fire."  Unfortunately  her  presence  did  not  have 
the  effect  anticipated.  Rochester  and  Nottingham  for 
the  Tories,  as  well  as  Somers  and  Halifax  for  the  Whigs, 
failed  to  spare  Godolphin,  who  never  appeared  to  less 
advantage.  Dartmouth  witnessed  that  he  ''talked  non- 
sense very  fast,  which  was  not  his  usual  way  either  of 
matter  or  manner."^  As  a  result,  actual  fear  as  to  the 
fate  of  the  articles  of  union  prevailed  among  the  English 
ministers,  when  the  bill  came  before  parliament  two  years 
later. 

Anne  and  her  councillors  planned  most  skilfully.  They 
had  postponed  the  meeting  of  the  English  parliament  in 

1  Paterson  also  supplied  Godolphin  with  information.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV. 
331.  Seafield's  work  was  both  accurate  and  invaluable.  Ih.,  276,  sq.  The 
Earl  of  Cromartie's  letters  to  Godolphin  are  also  full.  Morrison,  I.  35. 
Carstares'  correspondence  is  extensive.  Portl.  MSS.,  VI.,  VII.  passim.  For 
other  letters  to  Harley  about  Scotland,  see  ib.,  IV.  250,  sq. 

2  Burnet,  V.  179;  Cunningham,  II.  78.  Mahon  is  beyond  the  mark  when 
he  says :  ' '  His  fire  indeed  was  nearly  burned  out  and  it  might  almost  be 
said  of  him  that  henceforth  during  the  remainder  of  his  life  he  played  but 
a  subordinate  part  in  his  own  administration."     Queen  Anne,  p.  166, 


154  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

1706  until  the  Commissioners  for  the  Union  had  com- 
pleted their  work,  and  the  Scottish  parliament  had  nearly 
concluded  its  deliberations.  The  queen's  address  from 
the  throne  as  the  session  opened,  was  calculated  to  ad- 
vance the  cause  of  the  union,  and  the  reception  accorded 
Marlborough  upon  his  return  from  the  Continent  took 
up  much  of  the  time  of  parliament  in  its  opening  session, 
but  this  exaltation  of  the  military  hero  was  intended  to 
have  practical  results,  since  it  was  hoped  that  the  glory 
which  had  come  to  British  arms  abroad  might  lead  the 
Scots  and  English  alike  to  look  upon  the  complete  union 
of  the  two  nations  with  more  complaisance.  Moreover, 
the  English  public  had  been  educated  to  the  advisability 
and  advantages  of  the  union,  through  the  publication  of 
a  large  number  of  interesting  pamphlets;  and  when  the 
vote  came,  the  English  parliament  accepted  the  articles 
of  union  without  much  difficulty. 

In  the  legislature  of  Scotland,  the  outcome  was  more 
doubtful,  as  the  local  patriotism  of  the  Scot  was  intense. 
The  English  ministers,  at  this  point,  displayed  great 
finesse;  for,  instead  of  attempting  the  crude  method  of 
bribing  influential  members  of  the  assembly,  they  pre- 
ferred the  more  circuitous,  but  fully  as  effective  plan  of 
agreeing  to  pay  the  delinquent  salaries  of  the  needy 
Scottish  officials,  and  assume  Scotland's  share  of  the  war 
debt.^  The  pourparlers  had  been  long  and  tiresome. 
Throughout,  Scottish  jealousy  and  English  indifference 
threatened  the  failure  of  the  plan  so  dear  to  the  queen, 
but  with  her  insistence,^  Harley's  tact,  and  Godolphin's 

1  Despite  the  Tory  claim,  there  was  no  crass  corruption.  Burton,  I.  484- 
94;  Brown,  Legislative  Union,  pp,  126-8;  Burnet,  V.  301-3,  For  the  old 
view  see  Life  of  her  late  Majesty  (1721),  I,  423;  Loclchart  Papers,  I.  327. 

2  The  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29548,  f .  29,  contains  a  letter  of 
Anne  to  Queensberry,  which  shows  her  great  interest  in  the  negotiations. 
Another  of  her  letters  in  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  4,  shows 
how  she  trusted  him,     Anne  later  became  enraged  at  the  obstinate  opposi- 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     155 

honesty  and  attitude  of  compromise,  the  Scots  under  the 
leadership  of  Queensberry  and  Hamilton  were  brought 
into  line/ 

To  no  one  statesman  or  group  of  statesmen  can  be 
accorded  the  honor  of  uniting  England  and  Scotland. 
Most  of  the  praise  must  go  to  the  queen,  Godolphin,  and 
Harley;  although  in  the  distribution  of  praise,  Defoe, 
Seafield,  and  Queensberry  must  not  be  forgotten.  Nor 
to  the  court  alone  goes  all  the  glory  for  the  treaty,  as  its 
ratification  at  Westminster  depended  upon  the  support 
of  the  Whigs.  Although  at  first  the  Tories  apparently 
favored  the  union,  as  the  movement  progressed,  their 
leaders  fought  incessantly  against  it,  on  the  grounds  that 
it  was  unfavorable  to  England,  and  granted  too  much  to 
the  Scottish  Presbyterians.  The  fears  of  English  church- 
men brought  forth  against  the  treaty  the  eloquence  of 
Hooper,  Beveridge,  and  other  bishops,  but  they  more 
than  met  their  match  in  debate  with  Burnet  and  the  junto, 
who  maintained  that  the  danger  to  England  lay  not  in 
the  Dissenters,  but  in  France  and  Catholicism.^  Num- 
bers, too,  favored  the  Whigs,  and  once  more  the  Tory 
zealots  were  forced  to  accept  defeat  at  the  hands  of  the 
ministry,  after  they  had  again  discredited  themselves 
with  the  queen,  whose  memory  of  such  actions  was  too 
apt  to  be  vindictive. 

In  such  an  epochal  undertaking,  there  is  praise  enough 
for  all,  because  the  union  marks  a  milestone  in  the  history 
of  the  empire,  as  well  as  in  the  history  of  England.     It 

tion  of  the  Scots  to  the  appointment  of  Lord  Forfar.  Add.  MSS.,  28070, 
f.  10.  A  personal  letter  from  Anne  to  Queensberry  is  in  Add.  MSS.,  12093, 
f.  18,  while  Halifax's  letter  to  Godolphin  as  to  Anne's  relation  to  the 
negotiations  is  found  in  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  f.  300. 

1  See  Lockhart  Papers,  I.  133 ;  G.  W.  T.  Ormond,  Fletcher  of  Saltoun, 
p.  127. 

2  Burnet,  V.  295;  Marchmont  MSS.  (H.  M,  C),  p.  158;  Seafield  MSS. 
(H.  M.  C),  pp.  192-8. 


156  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

made  a  closer  union  between  Celt  and  Anglo-Saxon,  be- 
tween Presbyterian  and  Anglican,  which  was  the  begin- 
ning of  the  end  for  the  Jacobites.  For  the  Scots,  it 
meant  greater  economic  and  political  freedom,  as  well 
as  the  opportunity  to  act  as  pioneers  in  the  British 
empire  arising  beyond  the  seas;^  for  the  English,  a 
steady  ally,  rather  than  a  treacherous  neighbor. 

As  soon  as  the  articles  of  union  had  been  agreed  upon 
in  March,  1707,  Anne  came  to  the  Lords  to  pass  the  act 
in  the  customary  form.  She  could  not  refrain  from  ex- 
pressing her  satisfaction  at  what  had  been  accomplished, 
and  entreated  her  "subjects  of  both  nations  [to]  .  .  . 
act  with  all  possible  respect  and  kindness  to  one  another, 
that  it  may  appear  to  all  the  world  that  they  have  hearts 
disposed  to  become  one  people. '  '^ 

Such  advice  was  sorely  needed,  as  only  a  few  weeks 
passed  before  the  commercial  provisions  of  the  treaty 
brought  trouble.  It  had  been  agreed  that  from  May  1, 
1707,  freedom  of  trade  should  exist  between  England  and 
Scotland.  Merchants,  who  had  been  accustomed  to  pay 
heavy  import  duties  to  bring  goods  into  England,  found 
it  more  profitable  now  to  ship  goods  to  Scottish  ports, 
where  the  duties  were  low,  and  reship  them  to  England 
after  May  1.  The  English  naturally  objected  to  the 
methods  of  these  quick-witted  traders,  and  the  Commons 
passed  a  law  prohibiting  the  free  importation  into  Eng- 
land of  goods  landed  in  Scotland  a  short  time  before  the 
union.  The  peers  realized  that  by  sanctioning  the  bill, 
they  would  cause  the  Scots  to  doubt  England's  sincerity, 
and  endanger  the  permanence  of  the  union.  As  a  result, 
they  refused  to  pass  it.  To  lessen  the  heat  among  the 
Commoners,  and  to  prevent,  if  possible,  a  clash  between 

1  Porritt,  Unreformed  House  of  Commons,  II.  89,  sq.;  W,  C.  Webster, 
General  History  of  Commerce,  p.  178, 

2  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  576. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     157 

the  houses,  Anne  resorted  to  a  week's  prorogation.  The 
lower  house  continued  obstinate,  however,  and  sent  up 
a  second  bill  to  the  Lords.  A  quarrel,  which  seemed  now 
inevitable,  was  obviated  by  the  queen's  tact  in  proroguing 
parliament.^ 

The  union  itself  is  a  splendid  illustration  of  what  a 
unified  ministry  could  do  with  the  aid  of  the  queen,  but 
Sunderland's  attempt  to  become  a  member  of  the  cabinet 
council  gives  us  a  clear  idea  of  the  relative  influence  of 
the  various  ministers,  since  in  this  case,  the  '*  inner  cabi- 
net" was  divided,  and  Anne  sided  with  the  minority. 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough  eventually  triumphed  over 
her  wishes,  partly  on  account  of  the  importunities  of  the 
Whigs  and  the  duke 's  military  prowess,  but  more  largely 
it  would  seem,  from  the  political  necessity  of  unanimity 
in  the  council  while  the  all-important  matter  of  the  union 
was  under  way. 

Such  unity  of  purpose  in  the  ministry  was  soon  seen 
to  be  temporary,  as  it  was  obvious  by  the  close  of  1706 
that  differences  of  opinion  had  already  risen.  Sunder- 
land and  the  duchess  knew  that  Harley  had  sought  to 
prevent  Sunderland's  entry  into  the  ministry.  The  short 
prorogation  of  parliament  incensed  this  impetuous  young 
Whig  and  republican,  who  insisted  that  Harley  was  re- 
sponsible for  Anne 's  action.^  Henceforth,  almost  steady 
strife  existed  in  the  ministry,  for  Sunderland  was  a  rest- 
less individual  with  many  of  the  characteristics  of  the 
born  agitator,  showing  an  almost  uncanny  ability  to  do 
the  wrong  thing  at  just  the  moment  to  occasion  the  great- 
est difficulty  to  his  associates. 

This  was  true  in  Spanish  affairs.  Only  one  able  Eng- 
lish general  had  been  sent  to  the  peninsula — the  impetu- 
ous and  highly  eccentric  Earl  of  Peterborough,  who  won 

iW.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Eoiert  Walpole,  II.  8;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  577-81. 
zMahon,  287;  Coxe,  II,  35. 


158  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

marvelous  victories  while  violating  every  canon  of  mili- 
tary science.  One  of  Sunderland's  first  official  acts  was 
to  recall  Peterborough,  thus  giving  free  reign  to  the 
rivalry  of  Galway  and  Rivers,  which  brought  about  the 
debacle  at  Almanza.^  Only  a  few  weeks  later,  the  English 
learned  that  Admiral  Shovel's  fleet  had  met  a  great  dis- 
aster off  the  Scilly  Isles  and  the  admiral  had  lost  his 
life.^  These  two  disasters  weakened  the  influence  of  the 
ministry.  Had  Marlborough  been  able  to  do  anything 
to  relieve  the  gloom,  it  would  have  been  well  for  them, 
but  the  selfishness  of  the  Dutch  and  Imperial  authorities, 
coupled  with  the  refusal  of  the  French  commanders  to 
give  him  battle,  prevented  this  consummation,  while  dur- 
ing his  inactivity,  his  allies  were  badly  defeated  on  the 
Rhine.  Such  reverses  discouraged  the  Dutch,  and  Buys, 
one  of  their  leading  statesmen,  began  to  talk  about  * '  rea- 
sonable" terms  of  peace.^ 

Louis  XIV  took  heart,  and  imagined  it  would  be  easy 
to  negotiate  a  peace,  if  he  could  gain  the  support  of  Marl- 
borough, who  was  by  no  means  sanguine  as  to  the  out- 
come of  the  conflict.  The  duke  was  fully  aware  that 
victory  alone  could  make  him  popular  in  England,  and 
popularity  alone  would  enable  him  to  remain  one  of 
Anne 's  influential  advisers.  Without  her  aid,  he  believed 
it  would  be  futile  to  attempt  any  great  military  exploits 
in  the  face  of  Tory  hatred,  court  jealousy,  and  popular 
disfavor. 

Marlborough  knew  the  weakness  of  Godolphin,  and  his 
liveliest  fears  as  to  Sunderland  were  being  realized,  for 
the  latter  began  to  quarrel  with  Harley.  Moreover, 
Sunderland's  influence  over  the  duchess  increased  her 
proselyting  activity  with  the  queen  in  favor  of  the  Whigs, 

1  A,  Parnell,  The  War  of  the  Succession  in  Spain,  ch.  xxiv. 

2  Annals  (1707),  241-2. 

sCoxe,  II.  44,  105;  Luttrell,  VI.  174. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     159 

which  was  certain  to  arouse  all  of  Anne's  hereditary 
obstinacy,  and  reduce  the  influence  of  the  ministers. 
"Worst  of  all,  Lady  Marlborough  began  to  absent  herself 
from  court  for  long  intervals. 

At  the  same  moment  that  he  had  brought  Scottish 
affairs  to  a  happy  conclusion,  Godolphin,  too,  began  to 
realize  that  the  queen's  attitude  was  growing  more  inde- 
pendent. In  diplomacy,  she  insisted  upon  interfering 
more  and  more;  in  civil  appointments,  she  raised  more 
questions  than  had  been  her  custom;  and  in  church 
affairs,  she  practically  demanded  a  free  hand.  For  a  time 
he  knew  only  that  she  was  unfriendly  towards  his  policies, 
but  it  was  months  before  he  became  aware  that  she  was 
acting  upon  the  suggestions  and  confidential  advice  of 
others.^ 

It  is  indeed  strange  that  the  Marlboroughs  or  Godol- 
phin should  not  have  recognized  this  earlier.  However, 
it  took  some  important  event  to  bring  the  facts  home  to 
them.  This  enlightening  incident  fell  in  the  domain  of 
ecclesiastical  affairs.  For  over  five  years,  Godolphin  had 
exercised  at  least  a  nominal  control  over  the  selection  of 
the  queen's  civil  servants  and  over  the  policy  of  the 
crown.  One  would  not  expect  Godolphin 's  supervision 
over  the  queen's  ecclesiastical  appointments  to  be  so 
close,  for  she  was  particularly  interested  in  religious 
affairs,  and  might  naturally  insist  upon  having  even  more 
of  her  way  than  in  the  choice  of  public  officials.^  In  fact, 
the  part  played  by  the  queen  in  ecclesiastical  matters  is 

lEeid/p,  148;  Coxe,  II.  106. 

2  Beid,  p.  131.  "The  influence  of  Queen  Sarah  over  Queen  Anne  .  .  . 
was  in  political  more  than  in  religious  matters;  the  Queen's  friends  did  not, 
to  any  great  extent,  influence  her  in  the  distribution  of  church  patronage." 
J.  Stoughton,  Religion  in  Eng.,  p.  5.  "Church  patronage  was  the  thing 
above  all  others  on  which  the  queen  exercised  her  own  judgment."  Eoscoe, 
Harley,  p.  82.  In  this  respect  she  resembled  Queen  Victoria.  Cross,  Hist, 
of  Eng.  and  Greater  Brit.,  p.  1037.  Hearne  believed  that  the  duchess 
greatly  influenced  church  appointments.     Collections,  I.  104,  133. 


160  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

in  one  sense  the  key  to  her  political  policy ;  and  nowhere 
else  does  her  influence  appear  in  clearer  light,  or  the  in- 
teraction of  religion  and  politics  become  more  apparent. 

William  III,  unfamiliar  with  the  administration  of  the 
Established  Church,  and  fearful  lest  his  ignorance  might 
produce  diflSculties,  had  appointed  a  commission  to  fill 
''all  preferments  vested  in  the  crown,"  and  to  supervise 
in  a  general  way  all  things  ecclesiastical.  Anne  had 
scarcely  ascended  the  throne  before  she  decided  to  take 
into  her  own  hands  the  presentations  to  benefices,  and 
"herself  dispose  of  all  ecclesiastical  preferments  belong- 
ing to  the  Crown  as  they  became  vacant,  and  not  leave 
it  to  the  Archbishop  of  Canterbury  and  five  other  bishops 
as  the  late  king  did. '  '^  To  some  extent,  Anne 's  decision 
may  have  been  due  to  her  dislike  of  Dr.  Tenison,  Arch- 
bishop of  Canterbury,  whom  Mary  had  selected;  since 
Anne  had  passed  him  by  and  invited  the  Archbishop  of 
York  to  deliver  her  coronation  sermon.  However,  the 
dismissal  of  the  ecclesiastical  commission  just  as  clearly 
denoted  her  desire  to  exercise  a  more  direct  influence 
over  the  church,  which  she  cherished  so  much,  and  to 
keep  ambitious  Whigs  out  of  important  benefices. 

Among  the  higher  clergy  were  some  of  Anne's  closest 
friends.  The  energetic  Bishop  of  London  was  her  pro- 
tector on  that  lonely,  stormy  night  when  she  sacrificed 
her  father  for  the  sake  of  her  religion.  Such  favors  Anne 
never  forgot,  and  as  a  privy  councillor,  Compton  was 
frequently  consulted  about  church  policies,  and  it  was 
believed  that  the  failure  to  renew  the  ecclesiastical  com- 
mission was  chiefly  due  to  his  advice.^    Yet,  in  spite  of 

1  Luttrell,  V.  157.     See  also  Von  Noorden,  I,  295. 

2  Life  of  Henry  Compton,  Bishop  of  London,  pp.  65-9.  Harley  also  sug- 
gested that  the  bishops,  ' '  who  are  great  patrons  themselves,  should  not 
solicit  her  majesty,  who  has  so  few  livings  left,"  and  urged  that  a  merit 
system  should  be  adopted  to  provide  for  the  impecunious  graduates  in 
divinity  at  Oxford  and  Cambridge. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     161 

his  many  good  traits,  this  bishop  was  not  sufficiently 
monastic  in  his  demeanor  to  act  as  her  father  confessor, 
even  though  he  were  the  dean  of  her  own  private  chapel. 

That  important  role  was  reserved  for  Dr.  Sharp,  the 
cautious  Archbishop  of  York,^  who  exerted  a  larger  in- 
fluence on  affairs  ecclesiastical  than  his  professed 
superior.  Dr.  Tenison.  Early  in  the  reign,  Anne  had 
offered  Dr.  Sharp  the  position  of  chief  almoner^  and  a 
seat  in  the  Privy  Council,  both  of  which  he  refused. 
Subsequently,  however,  he  accepted  these  evidences  of 
her  generosity  and  good  will,  even  under  the  implied 
condition,  imposed  by  the  queen,  that  a  part  of  his  duties 
should  consist  in  making  the  bishops  in  the  House  of 
Lords  ''vote  right. "^  This  valuable  function  he  seems 
to  have  performed  at  various  critical  moments  in  the  first 
half  of  the  reign,  but  reluctantly  and  only  at  Anne's 
express  solicitation. 

In  determining  ecclesiastical  policies,  his  advice  was 
more  often  sought  than  in  filling  vacancies  in  the  church, 
although  even  here  he  assumed  an  important  and  praise- 
worthy part.  Sir  William  Dawes,  the  newly  appointed 
Bishop  of  Chester,  was  his  close  friend,  and  Sharp 
planned  successfully  to  have  the  baronet  succeed  him  as 
Archbishop  of  York.  The  queen  unquestionably  chose 
to  rely  upon  the  discretion  of  Dr.  Sharp,  as  she  knew 
that  in  executing  her  instruction,  he,  while  working  for 
the  best  interests  of  the  church,  constantly  took  into  ac- 
count the  political  situation.  Occasionally  he  actively 
championed  the  claims  of  some  exceptionally  efficient 
theologian,  as  Trimnel,  who  had  been  Anne's  chaplain 
since    1701.      Concerning   this    enthusiastic    divine,    he 

1  Indeed  Anne  told  Sharp  that  she  intended  him  to  succeed  to  the  deanery, 
if  Compton,  who  was  getting  old,  should  pass  away.     Sharp,  I.  313. 

2  He  succeeded  Lloyd,  Bishop  of  Worcester,  who  had  been  deprived  for 
his  interference  in  the  elections  of  his  county.    Py.  Hist.,  VI.  51. 

3  Sharp,  I.  299-300. 


162  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

noted :  '  *  I  heartily  wish  Dr.  Trimnel  had  some  good  pre- 
ferment in  the  Church ;  for  he  well  deserves  it,  and  indeed 
I  do  not  know  a  better  man.  If  my  good  character  of  him 
to  her  Majesty  can  add  anything  to  her  Grace's  [Lady 
Marlborough]  recommendation,  I  am  not  only  ready  but 
shall  be  glad  to  give  it  at  all  times."  Trimnel  soon  be- 
came Bishop  of  Norwich.^  Thus  in  appointing  bishops, 
Anne  listened  attentively  to  Sharp's  intelligent  opinion, 
but  by  no  means  invariably  followed  it.  Occasionally  his 
suggestions  failed  to  please  her,  and  at  other  times,  the 
political  exigencies  made  it  impossible  for  her  to  carry 
out  their  joint  wishes. 

Having  personal  access  to  the  queen,  with  whose  High 
Church  ideas  he  was  in  the  closest  accord,  he  enjoyed  her 
confidence  in  political  as  well  as  ecclesiastical  affairs. 
Especially  was  this  true  at  a  time  when  she  was  at  odds 
with  the  pretensions  of  her  leading  ministers,  who  sought 
to  enforce  their  will  upon  her.  Indeed,  on  occasions, 
Sharp  seems  to  have  been  consulted  on  Anne's  intended 
changes  in  the  ministry,  because  he,  like  Harley,  his  col- 
league in  the  council,  strongly  advised  her  against  taking 
into  the  ministry  anyone  of  whom  she  personally  dis- 
approved.^ Along  with  others  like  Burnet,  he  was  most 
influential  in  supporting  her  desire  to  apply  Queen 
Anne's  bounty  to  the  relief  of  distressed^  curates.  He 
saw  personally  such  important  members  of  the  lower 

1  Sharp,  I.  333-6.  See  also  Annals  (1708),  p.  373;  Coxe,  II.  103.  Trim- 
nel's  pretensions  were  also  supported  by  Nottingham,  and  by  Sunderland, 
•whose  tutor  he  had  been.  For  an  excellent  summary  of  his  life,  see  Hearne, 
I.  218.  Other  evidences  of  his  general  activity  may  be  found  in  Morrison, 
V.  39;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  IV.  passim;  ih.,  II.  44,  85. 

2  Sharp,  I.  251,  319;  Other  Side,  p.  153;  Winchelsea  and  Nottingham 
MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  22. 

3  The  word  ' '  distressed ' '  is  used  advisedly,  for  nearly  a  fifth  of  the 
clergy  received  £10  or  less  a  year,  a  fourth  more  received  £20  or  less. 
Fewer  than  one  in  every  six  received  £50  or  more.  Edinburgh  Beview, 
XXXVIII.  151.    See  also  W.  Palin,  History  of  the  Church  of  England. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     163 

house  as  Onslow,  Harcourt,  William  Bromley,  and  St. 
John.  In  the  Lords,  he  spoke  twice  in  its  favor  and  car- 
ried all  the  bishops  with  him  for  the  measure,  which 
passed  by  only  seven  votes.^ 

It  is  most  natural  that  Anne  confided  in  Sharp,  and 
made  him  *'her  confessor,"^  for  not  even  by  a  violent 
stretch  of  the  imagination,  could  any  of  her  leading  min- 
isters be  considered  pious.  Godolphin's  chief  interest  in 
life  lay  in  cock-fighting  and  horse-racing,  neither  of  which 
could  be  expected  to  appeal  to  the  sensitive  mind  of  the 
queen.  The  Marlboroughs  were  also  decidedly  mundane 
in  their  views  of  life,  and  Harley's  influence  in  church 
affairs  must  have  been  limited  by  the  queen's  knowledge 
that  he  had  been  bred  a  Dissenter,  while  his  private  views 
of  spiritual  matters  remained  strictly  Low  Church.^  Of 
all  her  ministers,  Nottingham  was  the  most  devout,  and 
as  a  representative  of  the  Laudian  school,  expected  to 
exert  a  preponderant  influence  in  church  appointments. 

Although  the  queen  relied  more  than  has  previously 
been  supposed  upon  Dr.  Sharp's  advice,  his  own  testi- 
mony runs  that  she  used  him  as  her  agent,  rather  than  as 
her  master.*  Lady  Marlborough's  recommendations 
were  even  less  final.  ''As  to  Mr.  Hodely,  who  you  are 
desired  to  recommend  to  me,"  wrote  Anne  to  her,  "the 

1  Sharp,  I.  339-41.  See  also  Colce  MSS.,  III.  30;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne, 
XXV.  passim;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  126. 

2  Sharp,  I.  301.  See  also  Other  Side,  pp.  153-7.  The  duchess  said  he 
was  Anne's  "chief  counsellor  in  church-matters."     Conduct,  p.  124. 

3  Anne's  decided  preference  for  the  clergy  of  the  Laudian  type  does  not 
mean  that  she  was  intolerant,  but  only  that  she  treated  High  Churchmen 
with  the  greater  kindness.  The  Quakers  never  experienced  better  usage  than 
during  her  reign,  and  the  Dissenters,  as  a  whole,  were  disturbed  very  little 
after  the  failure  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  in  the  third  year  of  her 
rule,  until  its  final  passage  in  1711.  William  Sewel,  Hist,  of  the  Quakers, 
II.  595-613;  Life  of  Calamy,  passim. 

* ' '  Yet  this  regard  was  had  to  him,  notwithstanding  that  the  Queen 
would  rarely  give  her  promise  without  his  advice,  and,  generally  speaking, 
consent  first  obtained. ' '     Sharp,  I.  334-5. 


164  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Archbishop  of  York  did  amongst  others,  name  him  as  one 
he  thouglit  might  be  proper  to  succeed  Dr.  Beveridge,  but 
said,  too,  that  he  was  young  and  might  stay  for  prefer- 
ment better  than  others,  and  the  last  time  I  saw  him  .  .  . 
he  told  me  that  by  all  the  inquiries  he  had  made  he 
believed  Dr.  Waugh  would  be  the  fittest  man  for  this 
living  of  Dr.  Beveridge,  and  upon  his  saying  so,  I  told 
him  he  should  have  it. '  '^ 

On  account  of  Anne 's  religious  views,  the  Highfliers,  at 
the  beginning  of  the  reign,  expected  to  fill  all  vacant 
preferments  with  zealous  High  Church  ecclesiastics,  but 
they  were  grievously  disappointed,  as  Anne  kept  a  watch- 
ful eye  over  preferments,  and  it  must  have  been  a  source 
of  annoyance  to  them  that  Sharp  was  so  liberal  minded 
in  his  recommendations  as  to  consider  the  character  and 
training  of  candidates  as  well  as  their  dogma  and  political 
inclinations. 

On  a  few  occasions,  the  queen  unexpectedly  requested 
others  to  fill  vacant  benefices.  The  Bishop  of  St.  David's 
had  been  convicted  of  simony  and  the  see  had  been  with- 
out a  bishop  for  months.  In  the  interim,  Anne  was 
deluged  with  applications,  from  which  there  emerged 
four  leading  candidates  for  the  place.  Realizing  that  to 
select  one  of  these  worthies  would  mean  the  loss  of  the 
support  of  the  other  three,  Anne  confessed  her  inability 
to  choose  among  four  such  excellent  men  and  turned  the 
thankless  task  over  to  Dr.  Tenison.^ 

1  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  27.  Benjamin  Hoadly  was  one  of  the  more  active  Low 
Church  divines.  As  a  pamphleteer,  he  was  most  industrious,  but  his  reli- 
gious views  did  not  appeal  to  the  queen.  lie  was  under  the  Hanoverians 
successively  appointed  to  four  sees.  Sharp,  I.  312,  335;  Morrison,  V.  39; 
Burnet,  V.  17;  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  29588,  passim;  Winchelsea 
and  Nottingham  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  22. 

2  Chamberlen,  p.  188.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  XXIV.,  consists  of  a  parchment 
box  filled  with  petitions  from  the  clergy  and  others  about  church  affairs. 
She  might  have  desired  to  embarrass  the  archbishop  who  appointed  the 
learned  Dr.  Bull.     S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CL.  243-4.     Hearne  gives  an 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     165 

Whatever  her  purpose  in  this  instance,  Anne  was 
usually  willing  to  accept  all  the  responsibility  for  ap- 
pointments, as  she  always  felt  that  the  church  was  in 
danger  when  appointments  were  controlled  by  Whigs. 
*'As  to  my  saying  the  Church  was  in  some  danger  in  the 
late  reign,"  she  wrote  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough,  '*! 
cannot  alter  my  opinion,  for  though  there  was  no  violent 
thing  done,  everybody  that  will  speak  impartially  must 
own,  that  everything  was  leaning  towards  the  Whigs,  and 
whenever  that  is,  I  shall  think  the  Church  beginning  to  he 
in  danger."^  With  such  deep-seated  prejudices,  Anne 
usually  had  the  last  word  in  disposing  of  vacant  benefices. 
Indeed  she  was  very  jealous  of  her  power  in  ecclesiastical 
affairs,  and  took  great  delight  in  rewarding  her  friends. 
Dr.  Hooper  was  one  of  William's  chaplains,  and  when 
ordered  to  omit  the  usual  courtesies  to  the  princess,  he 
refused  to  do  so,  and  thus  earned  Anne's  gratitude.  A 
few  years  later,  she  wished  him  to  be  appointed  her  son's 
tutor,  but  the  king  substituted  Burnet.  As  soon  as  pos- 
sible after  her  accession,  she  rewarded  Hooper's  loyalty 
by  appointing  him  Bishop  of  Asaph,  a  poor  benefice,  it  is 
true,  nevertheless  an  earnest  of  her  gratitude,  since  he 
was  allowed  to  hold  the  deanery  of  Canterbury  in  com- 
mendam.  Scarcely  five  months  passed  before  he  was, 
with  Harley's  help,  translated  to  Bath  and  Wells,  the 
income  of  which  was  three  times  as  great  as  that  of  St. 
Asaph's.  Anne's  favorite  chaplain  also  became  Dean  of 
Canterbury.^ 

interesting  explanation.  "The  Low  Church  men  to  obviate  the  reflections 
made  upon  them  for  preferring  none  but  their  own  party,  at  length  pro- 
moted Dr.  Bull  and  Beveridge  to  two  bishoprics;  but  they  were  Welsh  and 
such  as  their  creatures  would  not  accept  of."  I,  229.  Burnet  praises  the 
queen  for  this  action.    Add.  MSS.  (Bodl.),  D.  23,  ff.  89-93. 

1  Conduct,  p.  158. 

zLuttrell,  V.  304,  377-8;  D.  N.  B.,  article  on  "Hooper";  J.  L.  Anderdon, 
Life  of  Thomas  Ken  (1st  ed.),  p.  442.     It  was  reported  that  Hooper  was 


166  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Not  long  after  this,  Cowper  was  appointed  lord  keeper, 
an  office  which  heretofore  had  the  right  of  filling  a  con- 
siderable number  of  benefices.  Anne  at  once  told  him 
that  she  would  reserve  this  right,  because  as  she  wrote 
to  the  duchess :  '  *  I  think  the  Crown  can  never  have  too 
many  livings  at  its  disposal  and  ...  it  is  a  power  I  can 
never  think  it  is  reasonable  to  part  with ;  and  I  hope  those 
who  come  after  me  will  be  of  the  same  mind. '  '^  Tenison 
was  much  disturbed  over  the  queen's  control  of  such 
appointments  and  interviewed  the  lord  keeper  about  it. 
He  received  small  consolation  from  Cowper,  who  had 
promised  Anne  ''to  present  as  she  directed  in  all  the 
valuable  ones,"  so  the  archbishop  went  away  fearing  the 
worst  from  the  importunities  ''of  the  women  and  the 
hangers-on  at  court,  "^  although  both  men  agreed  to  co- 
operate in  an  endeavor  to  regain  control  of  advowsons. 

The  duchess  had  also  been  much  exercised  at  Anne's 
steady  assumption  of  power  over  appointments,  and 
maintained  that  Cowper  might  safely  be  permitted  to  fill 
vacant  benefices.  When  Anne  disagreed  with  her,  the 
duchess  complained  of  outside  influences,  an  accusation 
which  Anne  took  very  much  to  heart.  "You  wrong  me 
very  much  in  thinking  I  am  influenced  by  some  you  men- 
tion in  disposing  of  Church  preferments,"  she  said  in 
reply.  "Ask  those  you  will  believe,  though  you  won't  me, 
and  they  can  tell  you  I  never  disposed  of  any  without 
advising  with  them,  and  that  I  have  preferred  more 

to  be  Bishop  of  Rochester.  Luttrell,  V.  253.  For  Harley's  activity  in  his 
behalf,  see  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  63,  72.  Nicholson  was  appointed  Bishop  of 
Carlisle  even  earlier.  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  (1702-3),  p.  358.  Wake  received  his 
appointment  to  Lincoln  a  little  later.     S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CL.  249. 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XLV.  1.  In  1707,  Anne  ordered  the  authorities  to  ascer- 
tain whether  she  did  not  possess  the  right  of  granting  the  "  Residen- 
tiary's  place"  at  St.  Paul's.     S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  IX.  64. 

2  Strickland,  XII.  129.  Cowper  acknowledges  Anne's  monopoly  of  ap- 
pointments in  his  Diary,  21  March,  1706.  See  J.  C.  Campbell,  Lives  of  the 
Lord  Chancellors  (1874),  V.  171. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     167 

people  upon  other  recommendations  than  I  have  his  that 
you  fancy  to  have  so  much  power  with  me. '  '^ 

Important  as  they  seem  to  have  been,  it  would  be  a 
great  mistake  to  conclude  that  Compton  and  Sharp  were 
Anne's  only  confidants  among  ecclesiastics.  At  her 
accession,  Atterbury  became  a  royal  chaplain.  Though 
he  remained  at  Oxford  for  some  years,  his  influence  at 
court  increased,  and  during  the  last  four  years  of  the 
reign,  he  exerted  great  power,^  despite  his  offensive 
aggressiveness  in  favor  of  the  Jacobites.  Personally 
repellent  to  the  queen  was  the  versatile  Burnet,  partly 
because  he  was  a  Low  Churchman  suspected  of  Presby- 
terianism,  but  mainly  because  he  insisted  on  lecturing 
her.  Yet  he,  too,  even  after  making  liberal  allowances 
for  the  egotism  shown  in  his  works,  influenced  her  coun- 
cils in  a  considerable  degree.^ 

Other  ecclesiastics  doubtless  made  themselves  felt  from 
time  to  time,  but  the  four  just  mentioned  were  certainly 
the  most  important  political  factors  in  the  Church  of 
England.  Since  ecclesiastical  offices  were  looked  upon 
as  suitable  rewards  for  political  partisans,  the  ministry 
played  an  important  role  in  distributing  these  prizes  to 
their  faithful  adherents.  From  the  outset  of  the  reign, 
the  treasurer,  Godolphin,  took  an  active  part  in  granting 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XLV.  2.     See  also  Thomson,  II.  75. 

2S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CV.  93-7;  H.  C,  Beeehing,  Life  of  Atterbury, 
p.  138. 

3  Burnet,  V.  105,  and  passim.  In  August,  1705,  Burnet  was  told  that 
Anne  would  not  favor  his  nominee  for  a  deanery,  as  she  did  not  have  the 
same  idea  of  his  politics  as  the  bishop  did.  Add.  MSS.  (Bodl.),  A.  191,  f. 
27.  Wilson  is  certainly  in  error  when  he  calls  the  Whig  bishops  "the  con- 
science soothers"  of  the  queen.  Import,  of  Beign,  p.  67.  The  aged  Bishop 
Lloyd  once  told  Anne  he  could  prove  from  Daniel  and  the  Eevelation  that 
she  ought  to  make  a  peace.  She  replied:  "My  Lord,  I  am  no  divine.  I 
cannot  argue  the  matter;  but  Lord  Oxford  may  perhaps  answer  your  ob.i'ee- 
tions. "  Seward,  Anecdotes,  V.  87.  From  which  it  may  be  judged  that 
Anne  Avas  not  exceedingly  superstitious  after  all. 


168  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

such  preferments  as  lay  in  the  gift  of  the  crown.  As  long 
as  Anne  and  Godolphin  were  relying  upon  the  High 
Tories  for  support,  all  went  well,  although  the  chief 
minister  soon  felt  his  limitations  in  dealing  with  delicate 
ecclesiastical  and  political  situations,  and  depended  in- 
creasingly upon  Harley. 

Having  seen  the  part  played  by  the  queen  and  promi- 
nent churchmen  in  ecclesiastical  appointments,  we  turn 
now  to  the  activity  of  Harley,  whose  interest  and  import- 
ance in  filling  vacant  benefices  is  indicative  of  the  close 
relation  of  religion  and  politics,  showing  as  it  does  the 
great  interest  which  the  higher  ecclesiastics  took  in 
politics. 

A  fortnight  after  he  accepted  the  seals  as  secretary, 
Harley  was  asked  by  Godolphin  whether  his  friend,  Atter- 
bury,  would  care  for  the  deanery  of  Carlisle.  A  month 
later,  Atterbury  was  made  dean,^  and  despite  the  strenu- 
ous opposition  of  Bishop  Nicholson,  held  his  place  until 
translated  to  the  see  of  Rochester.  This  quarrel  between 
Atterbury  and  Dr.  Nicholson  is  significant  as  showing  the 
influence  of  politics  upon  religion.  The  bishop  refused 
to  instal  Atterbury  because  of  his  supposedly  heretical 
opinions.  The  climax  of  the  quarrel  is  described  by  the 
latter :  ' '  Dr.  Atterbury  writ  to  Secretary  Harley,  and  the 
bishop  to  Secretary  Hedges.  Both  our  letters  were  laid 
before  the  Queen  and  her  Majesty  ordered  Secretary 
Hedges  to  let  the  Bishop  of  Carlisle  know  that  the  person 
her  Majesty  had  presented  [Atterbury]  should  be  in- 
stalled.""    Whether  Harley  influenced  Anne's  order  is 

tBath  MSS.,  I.  57;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CLI.  121.  Through  Har- 
ley's  influence,  Atterbury  was  granted  a  license  to  be  absent  from  his 
preferment,  lb.,  CLI.  126-7.  These  entries  are  taken  from  Harley 's 
* '  Ecclesiastical  Book, ' '  which  he  kept  while  secretary  of  state. 

2  Beeching,  Life  of  Atteriury,  p.  138.  For  the  details  of  Atterbury 's 
quarrel  with  Nicholson,  see  Bath  MSS.,  I.  63;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  131,  At 
Anne's  suggestion,  Hedges  wrote  the  bishop,  asking  him  not  to  take  action 


I 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     169 

unknown,  but  we  may  safely  assume  that  Lady  Marl- 
borough at  least  did  not  forward  the  candidacy  of  such 
an  inveterate  Tory  as  Atterbury. 

A  close  friend  of  both  Harley  and  Atterbury  among 
the  higher  clergy  was  Trelawny,  Bishop  of  Exeter,  a  man 
of  great  force,  but  exceedingly  irascible.  He  was  a  species 
of  political  ''boss"  in  Cornwall,^  and  placed  the  fullest 
confidence  in  the  secretary  as  his  intercessor  with  Anne, 
whom  he  had  supported  in  her  quarrels  with  William 
and  Mary.  Nor  did  this  trust  appear  misplaced.  Tre- 
lawny had,  in  his  tactless  way,  engaged  in  a  dispute  with 
the  Bishop  of  Bath  and  Wells  and  applied  to  Harley  for 
help.  ''I  .  .  .  thank  you  for  the  firmness  and  despatch 
w^hich  you  have  been  pleased  to  use  in  rescuing  me," 
wrote  the  grateful  bishop,  ''I  am  obliged  to  her  Majesty 
for  ridding  me  of  my  forward  coadjutor,  and  to  .  .  .  the 
Lord  Treasurer  for  the  part  ...  he  took  with  you  in 
making  known  to  Her  Majesty  that  indignity."^  Tre- 
lawny was  soon  in  the  midst  of  another  quarrel  with  Dr. 
Hooper,  who,  when  translated  to  Bath  and  Wells,  had 
received  Anne's  permission  to  hold  in  commendam  the 
chantry  of  Exeter,  with  the  understanding  that  its  reve- 
nue (£200)  was  to  go  to  the  support  of  that  worthy  non- 
juror, Thomas  Ken.  As  Bishop  of  Exeter,  Trelawny 
objected  in  emphatic  terms,  and  appealed  once  more  to 
his  friend  at  court.  In  taking  up  the  cudgels  in  his  be- 
half, Harley  wrote  to  Godolphin  that  if  Trelawny  ''be 
obliged  in  this,  it  will  be  a  double  advantage ;  it  will  please 

against  Atterbury,  Add.  M8S.,  15946,  f.  3.  It  was  effort  wasted,  for  the 
case  came  to  trial  and  Nicholson  won.  Despite  the  chagrin  of  Sharp  and 
Harley,  Anne  held  that  she  was  satisfied.  Manchester,  Court  and  Society, 
Letter  of  Feb.  20,  1708. 

1  See  his  correspondence  with  Harley  in  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  416,  421,  and 
passim;  Winchelsea  and  Nottingham  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  21. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  101,  105.  He  was  also  on  good  terms  with  Marl- 
borough.    Bath  MSS.,  III.  193. 


170  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

a  man  of  interest,  and  mortify  another  who  has  made  her 
Majesty  very  ill  returns  for  her  Majesty's  great  and  dis- 
tinguished favors."^  Probably  Trelawny's  claim  was 
just;  besides  Hooper  had  not  proved  very  submissive  to 
discipline.  At  any  rate,  the  latter  called  on  the  queen, 
who  asked  him  to  give  up  his  claim  at  Exeter  and  prom- 
ised Ken  £200  a  year  from  the  exchequer.  Not  only  in 
this  matter,  where  Trelawny's  favorite  became  Dean  of 
Exeter,  but  in  many  others  as  well,  Harley's  wishes  were 
respected  by  Anne  and  Godolphin.^ 

The  relative  influence  of  the  Marlboroughs,  Godolphin, 
and  Harley  over  ecclesiastical  appointments  was  soon  to 
be  evident,  even  to  the  slow  moving  lord  treasurer.  Early 
in  November,  1706,  Winchester,  one  of  the  most  lucrative 
sees  in  England,  became  vacant.  For  this  bishopric, 
Godolphin's  brother  and  Trelawny  were  the  leading  can- 
didates. Of  the  two.  Dr.  Godolphin  possessed  much  the 
more  satisfactory  qualifications.^  Nevertheless,  the  lord 
treasurer  was  compelled,  partly  by  the  queen,  and  partly 
by  political  necessity,  to  favor  Trelawny,  and  his  brother 
was  solaced  by  the  deanery  of  St.  Paul's.  Only  a  few 
weeks  later  the  new  Bishop  of  Winchester  was  invested 
''Prelate  of  the  most  noble  order  of  the  Garter."* 

Apparently  Harley's  friends  and  candidates  fared 
better  than  those  of  the  duke.  Marlborough's  chaplain. 
Dr.  Hare,  was  one  of  his  favorites  and  when  the  deanery 

1  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  ff.  94-5;  Anderdon,  Life  of  Ken, 
p.  463. 

2  Hearne,  I.  23.  Harley  was  also  interested  in  the  dispute  between 
Bishops  Compton  and  Hooper  the  same  year.  S.  P.  Doni.,  Entry  Book, 
CV.  93-7,  Further  evidence  of  Harley's  influence  may  be  found  in  Godol- 
phin Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  6;  Foril.  MSS.,  IV.  50,  57,  274,  473,  478. 

3  By  common  report,  Trelawny  was  an  ' '  illiterate,  mean,  silly,  trifling, 
and  impertinent  fellow."     Hearne,  I.  315.     See  also  ih.,  II.  94. 

*  Burnet,  V.  337;  S,  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CLI,  44.  Anne  had  been  im- 
pressed by  a  sermon  he  delivered  just  after  the  opening  of  her  first  parlia- 
ment.    Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7074,  f.  177. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     171 

at  Rochester  became  void,  he  wished  Hare  to  have  it,  so 
that  by  this  step,  he  might  the  more  surely  obtain  the 
see  of  Oxford  upon  which  his  heart  was  set.  Godolphin 
interviewed  Tenison,  who  thought  the  place  must  go  to 
a  Cambridge  man.  Even  the  lord  treasurer  felt  that 
Hare  should  not  be  a  dean  without  the  degree  of  doctor 
of  divinity,  and  the  place  eventually  was  given  to 
another.^ 

Trelawny's  promotion  to  Winchester  created  a  furor, 
particularly  among  the  Whigs,  and  thoroughly  disgusted 
the  Highfliers.  To  propitiate  the  former,  Godolphin 
rashly  promised  them  the  preferments  that  were  then 
vacant.  When  he  interviewed  Anne  relative  to  the  un- 
filled bishoprics  of  Chester  and  Exeter,  he  was  greatly 
surprised  to  learn  that  she  had  already  given  her  word 
to  two  Tory  divines.^  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  his 
astonishment  over  information  that  seems  to  have  been 
public  property  for  a  week,^  on  any  ground  other  than 
negligence  of  public  affairs.  Nevertheless,  the  informa- 
tion shocked  him.  When  the  Whigs  heard  this  last  bit  of 
news,  they  were  aroused,  and  called  a  meeting  of  the 
most  influential  commoners,  where  the  dukes  of  Somerset 
and  Devonshire  promised  them  on  Anne's  behalf  that, 
although  she  could  not  recall  these  obnoxious  appoint- 
ments, she  was  nevertheless  very  much  aware  of  the  ser- 
vices the  Whigs  had  rendered,  and  would  in  the  future 
fully  satisfy  them.*     In  compliance  with  this  promise, 

1  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7074,  f.  204.  Hare  received  the  degree  in 
1708,  but  his  bishopric  did  not  come  until  1727. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  II.  201 ;  Burnet,  V.  337. 

3  May  31,  1707,  Luttrell,  VI.  177-8.  Yet  Trelawny  was  not  formally 
appointed  until  .June  14.  Salmon's  Chronology,  I.  349.  This  may  have 
been  one  of  Luttrell 's  frequent  errors. 

4  Burnet,  V.  340.  The  conges  of  the  bishops  of  Exeter  and  Chester  are 
dated  Feb.  7,  1708.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Books,  CLI.  153-4;  Add.  MSS., 
4743,  f.  80.  The  presence  of  these  two  Tory  bishops  in  the  Lords  im- 
periled Whig  as  well  as  ministerial  control  of  that  house.     Leadam,  p.  125. 


172  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

she  made  Trimnel  Bishop  of  Norwich,  translated  Moore 
to  the  vacant  see  at  Ely,  and  appointed  Kennett,  the  his- 
torian and  divine,  Dean  of  Peterborough,  and  Dr.  Potter 
Regius  Professor  of  Divinity  at  Oxford/  All  these  men 
were  thoroughgoing  Whigs,  but  even  Hearne,  the  zealous 
non-juring  antiquary,  conceded  that  they  were  good 
preachers.  This  was  poor  consolation  for  the  junto,  for 
it  indicated  that  Anne  held  the  key  to  ecclesiastical 
appointments. 

Unsatisfactory  as  the  queen's  explanation  may  have 
been  to  the  Whigs,  it  was  still  more  unpalatable  to  Godol- 
phin.  He  was  thoroughly  alarmed  because  he  was  forced 
to  acknowledge  to  himself  that  he  was  no  longer  first  in 
Anne's  confidence.  Failing  to  have  his  way,  the  lord 
treasurer  turned  his  attention  toward  discovering  who 
had  usurped  his  place  in  the  queen 's  confidence.  To  find 
the  interloper,  it  was  unnecessary  to  look  beyond  the  min- 
istry itself.  An  investigation  revealed  the  fact  that  both 
Godolphin  and  the  duchess  had  been  superseded  in 
Anne 's  affections  by  Harley  and  his  cousin,  Abigail  Hill, 
who  acted  as  his  efficient  aid.  All  might  have  gone  well 
with  these  intriguers  and  their  machinations  might  have 
remained  long  undiscovered,  had  not  Lady  Marlborough 
found  out,  purely  by  accident,  that  Abigail,  who  was  also 
the  duchess 's  cousin,  had  been  secretly  married  to  Samuel 
Masham  in  the  presence  of  the  queen.  What  increased 
Godolphin 's  fear  was  the  rumor  that  Harley,  St.  John, 
and  Harcourt  were  attempting,  although  without  success, 
to  gain  over  such  Tory  leaders  as  Hanmer  and  Bromley, 
by  insinuating  that  the  queen  was  tired  of  Whig  tyranny 

Before  the  queen  made  her  promise,  there  were  rumors,  such  as  "Dr.  Free- 
man is  to  be  Bishop  of  Chester,  a  worse  could  not  be  thought  of. ' '  Dart- 
mouth MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  294. 

lAdd,  MSS.,  4743,  f.  80;  Annals  (1708),  p.  372;  Hearne,  II.  18,  88; 
S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Books,  CLI.  144,  153,  Potter  was  Marlborough 's  protege, 
and  he  was  very  insistent  upon  his  appointment.     Coxe,  II.  101, 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     173 

and  wanted  to  be  delivered  from  it/  Godolphin  's  letters 
to  Marlborough  display  the  deepest  distress,  but  neither 
he  nor  the  duke  could  change  Anne's  decision.^ 

The  secrecy  of  Anne  and  Abigail  also  aroused  the  re- 
sentment and  suspicion  of  Lady  Marlborough,  who 
presently  began  to  realize  that  some  one  had  supplanted 
her  in  the  queen's  affections.  Immediately  she  suspected 
Abigail,  and  wrote  the  duke  of  her  fears,  but  he  sug- 
gested that  her  imagination  had  gained  the  better  of  her 
judgment,  and  recommended  a  plain  confidential  talk 
with  the  poor  relation.  The  interview  which  followed 
was  stormy  and  gave  little  satisfaction  to  the  duchess. 
When  appealed  to,  Anne  sullenly  supported  Abigail,  and 
Lady  Marlborough  was  forced  to  impart  her  suspicions 
to  Godolphin,  who  was  at  last  thoroughly  convinced  of 
Harley's  double-dealing,  and  wrote  to  Marlborough  of 
the  dangerous  crisis  in  their  affairs.  In  reply,  the  duke 
sent  several  letters  to  his  wife  and  Godolphin,  fully  ex- 
pecting them  to  be  shown  to  the  queen.  Some  of  them 
contain  by  implication  the  threat  that  if  Anne  did  not 
place  her  affairs  unreservedly  in  the  hands  of  Godolphin, 
both  the  general  and  lord  treasurer  would  resign.  One 
may  have  been  addressed  directly  to  the  queen,  who  with- 
out a  moment 's  hesitation  took  up  the  challenge. 

Anne's  lengthy  message  to  Marlborough  shows  some- 
thing of  her  real  character.  In  answer  to  the  complaint 
about  ecclesiastical  appointments,  she  insisted  that  she 
had  not  broken  faith  with  Godolphin  and  Marlborough, 
for  she  could  not  see  how  the  selection  of  two  such  worthy 
men  for  bishoprics  was  any  breach  with  the  ministry. 

1  Burnet,  V.  340;  Tindal,  IV.  484, 

2  Halifax  thought  she  might  recall  the  appointment  of  Blaekall  at  Exeter. 
Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  90.  Anne's  letters  of  July  18  to  the 
duchess  and  that  of  August  25  to  the  duke  show  the  firm  attitude  of  the 
queen.    Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  41 ;  Coxe,  II.  99. 


174  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

To  the  charge  that  these  appointments  were  dictated  by 
Harley,  she  entered  an  absolute  denial  which  was  con- 
firmed in  toto  by  the  secretary  himself,  who  said  that  he 
neither  knew  these  men  nor  learned  of  their  promotions 
until  it  was  a  matter  of  common  report.^ 

Both  the  queen  and  Harley  may  have  spoken  truly,  but 
appearances  are  decidedly  against  them.  Anne  doubtless 
told  the  literal  truth,  for  it  is  probable  that  the  sugges- 
tions may  have  come  directly  from  Mrs.  Masham,  though 
at  Harley 's  instigation,  of  course.  In  the  case  of  the 
secretary,  it  is  hardly  possible  that  he  was  as  much  in 
the  dark  about  the  bishoprics  as  he  pretended  to  be,  for 
his  interest  and  influence  in  ecclesiastical  affairs  had 
already  become  considerable.  Nor  was  his  power  dimin- 
ishing, because  towards  the  close  of  October,  he  was  the 
queen's  trusted  representative  to  heal  the  decided  breach 
between  the  two  houses  of  convocation.^  A  contempo- 
rary believed  that  Harley  and  his  friends  were  respon- 
sible for  the  appointment  of  the  five  bishops  of  Win- 
chester, Chester,  Exeter,  Ely,  and  Norwich,  respectively,^ 
but  satisfactory  proof  is  lacking  in  the  face  of  the  cate- 
gorical denials  of  Anne  and  Harley.  One  other  alter- 
native has  escaped  the  attention  of  careful  students  of 
the  period;  namely,  that  some  one  else  may  have  acted 
as  the  queen's  adviser,  and  there  is  a  possibility  that  the 
man  was  Archbishop  Sharp.* 

■i-Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  41;  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  II.  483-4;  Burnet,  V. 
338.  Harley 's  earlier  denials  are  found  in  Conduct,  pp.  198-9 ;  the  later  ones 
in  Bath  MSS.,  I.  185. 

2Coxe  Papers,  XXIII.  225;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  317. 

3  Salmon,  Modern  History,  XXV.  431.  The  Duke  of  Newcastle  wrote  to 
Harley,  17  September,  1707:  "What  accident  has  made  the  scales  fall  from 
the  eyes  of  .  .  .  [Godolphin]  for  when  I  came  to  town  he  was  in  love  with 
almost  all  that  society  [the  junto]  if  not  with  every  individual  person  of 
them. ' '  Portl.  MSS.,  TV.  448.  Somewhat  later,  Mrs.  Masham  wrote  Harley 
that  the  ' '  Queen  approved  your  letter  to  the  bishop. ' '    lb.,  454. 

*  "  I  was  just  come  to  town  and  went  to  wait  upon  the  Queen, ' '  wrote 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     175 

Fortunately,  it  is  not  a  matter  of  great  moment  how 
much  the  queen,  Harley,  or  Mrs.  Masham  may  have  pre- 
varicated ;  the  important  thing  to  keep  in  mind  is  the  loss 
of  power  over  Anne  by  Godolphin  and  the  Marlboroughs. 
For  the  first  time  since  her  accession,  their  power  was 
shaken,  and  the  threat  of  joint  resignation  had  failed  to 
alarm  Anne  as  they  had  calculated ;  in  fact,  it  had  left  her 
more  determined  than  ever  to  have  her  way  in  church 
appointments.  She  was  also  vexed  by  the  ceaseless  mur- 
murings  of  the  Whigs.  "Whoever  of  the  Whigs  thinks 
I  am  to  be  hectored  or  frightened  into  a  compliance,  tho ' 
I  am  a  woman,  is  mightily  mistaken  in  me,"  she  wrote 
Godolphin.  "I  thank  God  I  have  a  soul  above  that,  and 
am  too  much  concerned  for  my  reputation  to  do  anything 
to  forfeit  it."^  Fully  as  alarming  to  Godolphin  was 
Harley 's  attempted  reconciliation  with  the  Highfliers; 
and  more  dangerous  still  was  the  manifestation  of  a  will- 
ingness on  the  part  of  the  important  Whigs  to  ally  them- 
selves with  the  Tories  in  order  to  discredit  a  ministry 
which  had  failed  to  comply  with  their  wishes.  The  affair 
of  the  two  bishoprics,  therefore,  marks  the  definite  alien- 
ation of  the  queen  from  the  Whigs. 

The  junto,  of  course,  had  ample  reasons  for  dissatis- 
faction. They  had  defeated  the  "tack,"  and  the  "invi- 
tation, ' '  while  they  had  made  the  union  possible.  In  spite 
of  all  this,  they  had  secured  only  three  seats  in  the  inner 
councils,  and  of  their  own  group  Sunderland  had  received 
a  grudging,  conditional  appointment.  Their  requests, 
and  later  their  demands,  for  more  power  in  the  ministry, 
had  been  delayed  or  refused  outright.    In  the  meantime. 

Sharp  in  his  diary,  3  November,  1707.  "The  Queen  says,  she  will  declare 
the  bishops  for  the  vacancies  in  a  little  time,  and  she  will  have  some  talk 
with  me  about  it."     Sharp,  I.  301. 

1  From  Godolphin  MSS.,  quoted  by  Mahon,  537.  Note  that  Anne  falls 
into  the  identical  expressions  that  she  used  when  being  ' '  hectored ' '  by 
WUliam  and  Mary. 


176  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

they  had  been  perfecting  their  organization.  The  Kit- 
Kat  and  Calves  Head  Clubs  were  made  up  of  energetic 
Whigs  of  the  governing  class. ^  Considerable  attention 
was  also  devoted  to  securing  able  pamphleteers  to 
present  their  cause  to  the  masses,^  while  such  men  as 
Shrewsbury  were  beginning  to  show  some  consideration 
for  members  of  the  junto. 

The  first  real  rapprochement  between  the  Whigs  and 
Highfliers  showed  itself  at  the  opening  of  the  first  par- 
liament under  the  union.  The  subject  selected  for  their 
joint  action  was  a  most  dangerous  one — an  investigation 
of  the  Admiralty — as  it  involved  the  administration  of 
Anne's  husband  as  lord  high  admiral,  a  move  which 
brought  forth  once  more  the  liveliest  antagonism  of  the 
queen.  One  reason  for  the  investigation,  probably,  was 
the  great  scandal  that  really  existed  in  naval  affairs,^  but 
the  political  animus  behind  it  was  the  unparalleled  op- 

1  John  Ashton,  Social  Life,  I.  238-42. 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f.  376;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  178. 

3  A  cursory  examination  of  the  State  Papers,  Domestic,  for  the  navy, 
particularly  vol.  VI.  and  S.  P.  Domestic,  Anne,  I.  45,  52,  93,  and  the  Ellis 
Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28890,  f.  193,  creates  a  strong  presumption  that  no  able 
administrator  was  connected  with  the  Admiralty  until  Pembroke  succeeded 
Prince  George.  See  also  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n.  s.),  V.  42,  66-100;  VI.  8- 
35.  For  instances  where  the  French  fleet  created  havoc  with  the  commerce  of 
the  allies,  see  Luttrell,  V.  236,  303,  309;  VI.  44,  147,  199,  227;  Py.  Hist., 
VI.  619-62.  Lord  Haversham,  who  was  his  own  press  agent,  has  left  his 
speech  in  the  Peers  on  this  subject.  It  is  a  good  example  of  early  eighteenth- 
century  bombast.  "Your  disasters  at  sea  have  been  so  many,  a  man  scarce 
knows  where  to  begin,  your  ships  have  been  taken  by  your  enemies  as  the 
Dutch  take  your  herrings  by  shoals  upon  your  own  coasts,  nay  your  Koyal 
navy  itself  has  not  escaped,  and  these  two  pregnant  misfortunes,  are  big 
with  innumerable  mischiefs.  Your  merchants  are  beggared,  your  commerce 
is  broke,  your  trade  is  gone,  your  staples  and  manufactures  ruined,  the 
Queen  has  lost  her  customs,  the  Parliament  must  make  good  the  deficiencies, 
while  in  the  meantime  our  allies  have  an  open  and  flourishing  trade  and  our 
enemies  make  use  of  our  ships  and  seamen  too  against  us. ' '  Carte  MSS. 
(Bodl.),  CLXXX.  137.  The  complaints  are  so  numerous  that  official  negli- 
gence might  almost  be  taken  for  granted,  did  we  not  recall  that  an  English- 
man's  grumbling  is  often  the  best  sign  matters  are  "getting  on." 


THE  DISEUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     177 

portunity  it  gave  for  embarrassing  the  ministry;  which- 
ever way  the  investigation  might  terminate,  it  was  in- 
evitable that  there  should  be  some  reflection  upon  the 
prince,  which  was  certain  to  cost  the  ministers  a  large 
part  of  the  queen's  favor.  The  immediate  occasion  of 
the  move  was  doubtless  the  unfortunate  loss  of  the  most 
popular  English  admiral.  Sir  Cloudesley  Shovel,  with 
three  valuable  ships,  and  the  disastrous  attack  upon  the 
Lisbon  fleet/ 

In  supporting  the  move  for  investigating  the  Ad- 
miralty, the  junto  hoped  to  compel  Godolphin  to  be  kinder 
to  the  Whigs  and  force  Anne  to  rely  more  upon  them. 
The  motion  started  off  auspiciously,  since  passionate  re- 
flections upon  official  negligence  were  as  popular  in  Eng- 
land then  as  two  centuries  later.  Wharton  took  occasion 
to  call  attention  to  the  impoverished  condition  of  England 
as  a  result  of  the  ruinous  expenditures  of  war.  Somers 
supported  his  colleague,  but  spoke  more  particularly  of 
the  terrible  mismanagement  of  naval  affairs.  Notwith- 
standing the  efforts  of  the  ministers  and  the  influence  of 
the  queen's  presence,  the  customary  motion  for  an  ad- 
dress of  thanks  to  her  Majesty  was  tabled  by  the  joint 
action  of  Whigs  and  Tories,  that  they  might  first  con- 
sider the  state  of  the  nation.^  As  soon  as  they  began 
these  deliberations,  Wharton  arose  once  more  to  present 
a  petition  of  two  hundred  London  merchants,  praying 
for  relief  against  privateers.^ 

During  the  war  French  privateers  became  most  active, 
and   captures  were   so   common  that  no  merchantman 

1  Annals  (1707),  pp.  240-2. 

2  Timberland,  II.  180;  Burnet,  V.  343-7.  Eochester,  Buckingham,  and 
Lord  Guernsey  were  the  leading  Tories,  who  helped  carry  the  motion. 
Wharton  MSS.   (Bodl.),  IV.  29;  Luttrell,  VI.  233-6. 

sPy.  Hist.,  VI.  597;  L.  J.,  XVIII.  341.  Similar  criticisms  of  the  Ad- 
miralty over  the  Russian  trade  were  being  made  in  the  Commons.  Cham- 
berlen,  p.  271;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  II.  88;  Other  Side,  p.  352;  C.  J.,  XV.  464. 


178  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

ventured  out  with  impunity  except  under  strict  convoy. 
Moreover,  the  merchants  complained  that  their  vessels 
for  Portugal,  Virginia,  and  Flanders  had  to  wait  weeks 
and  often  months  before  the  Admiralty  would  provide 
a  convoy.  In  1704,  a  corn  fleet  destined  for  Portugal 
was  kept  waiting  seven  months,  and  early  in  1707,  a  fleet 
of  fifty-five  vessels  bound  for  Ostend  was  detained  five 
months.  Furthermore,  even  when  convoys  were  pro- 
vided within  a  reasonable  time,  they  were  usually  insuffi- 
cient or  inefficient,  if  they  chanced  to  encounter  a  hostile 
French  fleet.  Three  disasters  of  particular  note  had 
occurred  within  a  year.  At  the  moment  when  the  union 
was  consummated,  although  the  council  of  the  lord  high 
admiral  knew  that  the  celebrated  French  admiral.  Four- 
bin,  was  cruising  off  the  coast,  fifty-six  merchantmen 
were  allowed  to  sail  without  any  information  as  to  his 
whereabouts,  and  more  than  a  third  of  the  fleet  fell  to  him 
as  booty.  A  second  fleet  soon  started  for  Archangel 
under  the  protection  of  an  English  squadron,  but  was 
attacked  by  the  omnipresent  Fourbin  with  dire  conse- 
quences after  the  convoy  had  turned  back  to  the  Channel. 
A  third  and  larger  fleet  from  Portugal  was  soon  after 
assailed  by  the  same  energetic  commander  and  thirty-two 
merchantmen,  together  with  three  men-of-war,  fell  an 
easy  prey.^ 

An  attempt  to  fasten  the  responsibility  for  such  deplor- 
able conditions  was  embarrassing,  even  to  the  men  who 

1  Burnet,  V,  345;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  621-5;  Wyon,  I.  533;  Dartmouth  MSS. 
(H.  M.  C),  p.  294;  Coke,  III.  168;  Manchester,  Court  and  Society,  II.  259; 
S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  I.  52,  93;  L.  J.,  XVIII.  364-91,  405-22.  In  the  first  year 
of  the  war,  Burchett  reported  a  serious  shortage  of  convoys.  S.  P.  Dom., 
Naval,  passim,  particularly  folios  97,  135,  143,  148.  Additional  statements 
about  privateering  and  convoys  may  be  found  in  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  III.  99, 
125;  IX.  23,  60,  66.  The  last  citation  contains  a  petition  from  merchants 
complaining  of  the  lack  of  protection  against  privateers.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Naval, 
VII.,  gives  Prince  George's  answer  to  their  request. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     179 

had'  brought  on  the  investigation,  since  Whigs  as  well  as 
Tories  knew  it  would  never  do  to  hold  the  prince  account- 
able for  the  miscarriages,  as  Anne  would  never  forgive 
the  party  leaders  who  disgraced  her  husband.  Indeed, 
it  was  evident  that  Prince  George  was  not  to  blame,  as 
his  intelligence  was  wholly  unequal  to  his  task.  The  man 
who  stood  next  to  him  was  his  favorite,  George  Churchill, 
a  brother  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough,  and  a  'living 
wonder  to  mankind  how  the  same  parents  could  have 
given  birth  to  two  sons  so  utterly  dissimilar  in  charac- 
ter, '  '^  for  he  lacked  all  the  qualifications  that  made  Marl- 
borough so  great.  The  coalition  decided  to  make  Church- 
ill the  scapegoat  and  in  that  way  revenge  themselves 
upon  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and  the  queen. 

The  Whigs  soon  realized  that  the  investigation  was 
likely  to  get  out  of  their  hands,  because,  as  their  objects 
became  attainable,  they  saw  that  the  Tories  were  willing 
to  go  farther  and  drive  Godolphin  from  office — the  last 
thing  in  the  world  the  Whigs  then  desired,  as  it  would 
deprive  them  of  their  intercessor  with  the  queen.  They 
wished  only  to  make  him  more  complaisant,  so  they  began 
to  draw  off  from  the  Tories  and  finally  refused  to  sanc- 
tion a  motion  laying  the  blame  for  the  mismanagement 
upon  the  ministry  in  general.  They  would  go  no  further 
than  to  beg  Anne  to  make  sea  affairs  her  first  and  most 
particular  care.  Indeed,  in  the  face  of  her  opposition 
there  was  a  sudden  change  of  heart  on  all  sides,  until  it 
appeared  that  if  there  had  been  a  *  *  design  to  remove  or 
mortify  the  admiralty,  it  had  no  great  support,  there 
being  that  division  among  the  Whigs  which  I  need  not 
explain,  and  none  of  the  Tories  appearing  to  encourage 
any  such  design."^    In  order  to  save  appearances,  Hali- 

iWyon  I,  314.     See  also  James,  III.  283-5;  Other  Side,  p.  210. 
2  Burnet,  V.   343 ;   James,  III.  287.     For  the  divisions   and  dissensions 
among  the  Whigs,  consult  the  Buccleugh  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  II.  Pt.  ii.  718. 


180  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

fax  moved  that  a  committee  should  be  appointed  to  con- 
sider measures  for  the  *' encouragement  of  trade  and 
privateers  in  the  West  Indies."  Of  course  this  was  an 
indirect  slap  at  the  Admiralty,  insinuating  that  it  was  in- 
capable of  dealing  efficiently  with  such  matters.  To  the 
surprise  of  both  parties,  and  greatly  to  the  chagrin  of 
Churchill  and  Prince  George,  Godolphin  meekly  agreed 
to  second  this  motion.^ 

The  Admiralty  investigation  gained  the  Whigs  nothing, 
and  increased  Anne's  wrath  against  the  junto.  Marl- 
borough's power  seemed  sufficient  to  protect  his  brother, 
but  the  weakness  of  Godolphin 's  position  was  fully  as 
apparent  as  it  had  been  in  the  case  of  the  bishoprics. 
Although  both  Godolphin  and  the  Marlboroughs  had  been 
intent  for  three  months  on  displacing  Harley,  they  had 
made  little  or  no  headway  against  him,  when  Providence 
came  fortunately  to  their  assistance. 

In  November,  1707,  Greg,  a  disappointed  clerk  in  Har- 
ley's  office,  was  found  in  correspondence  with  France,^ 
and  suspicion  at  once  fell  upon  his  superior.  Both  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  made  as  much  capital  as  they 
could  out  of  the  case,  and  demanded  Harley 's  dismissal,^ 
accusing  him  also  of  intriguing  against  the  ministry,  of 
which  he  was  a  member.  Unfortunately  for  their  peace 
of  mind,  the  evidence  of  Harley 's  guilt  was  not  sufficient 
to  convince  Anne,  and  as  always,  she  refused  to  part  with 
a  man  whom   she   still  considered  a   faithful   servant. 

Buckingham  thought  the  possibility  of  a  reconciliation  of  High  and  Low 
Churchmen  was  very  good.  In  its  third  meeting,  the  committee  upon  ad- 
miralty affairs  would  admit  only  that  the  merchants  had  proved  their  losses. 
James,  III.  292,  See  also  ib.,  III.  360.  Vernon  asserted,  however,  that 
Churchill's  presence  of  mind  alone  kept  the  case  about  the  Eussian  mer- 
chants from  coming  to  a  vote.  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  199-202. 
iPt/.  Hist.,  VI.  600;  Mahon,  II.  37-8. 

2  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  IX.  61,  contains  the  incriminating  letter  or  a  copy. 

3  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f .  132. 


.  THE  DISEUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     181 

However,  Harley's  carelessness,  and  the  unfaithfulness 
of  Greg  and  two  other  agents,  aroused  popular  distrust, 
which  perceptibly  weakened  his  political  influence,  even 
though  all  three  subordinates  steadily  insisted  that  he 
was  entirely  innocent  of  any  wrongdoing. 

Since  August,  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  had  never 
ceased  their  efforts  to  drive  Harley  from  the  cabinet 
council,^  although  apparently  co-operating  with  him  in 
administrative  affairs.  At  last,  wearied  by  their  impor- 
tunities, and  alarmed  at  their  joint  threat  of  resignation, 
Anne  gave  way,  partly  because  Harley  insisted  that  she 
accept  his  resignation,^  and  partly  on  account  of  the 
serious  condition  of  her  husband's  health,  which  was  so 
critical  as  to  demand  the  lion's  share  of  her  attention  at 
the  same  moment  that  her  own  strength  was  rapidly 
failing. 

However,  it  was  generally  understood  that  the  secre- 
tary's enforced  resignation  did  not  cost  him  Anne's  con- 
fidence, but  rather  tended  to  draw  him  closer  to  her,  as 
she  now  began  to  look  upon  him  as  a  persecuted  man, 
who  had  suffered  because  he  upheld  the  principles  of 
government  that  were  most  dear  to  her.^  As  a  conse- 
quence, he  became  her  private,  unofficial  political  adviser. 
Acting  in  this  capacity,  unhampered  by  the  duties  of  a 
ministerial  office,  he  was  free  to  organize  his  forces  in 
opposition  to  the  ministry.  His  dismissal  compelled 
Godolphin  to  rely  entirely  upon  the  Whigs,  and  from  this 
time  forward,  the  history  of  his  administration  is  a  por- 

1  See  the  letters  of  Marlborough,  Harley,  and  the  queen  in  Bath  MSS.,  I. 
185;  Salomon,  p,  14;  Morrison,  IV.  148.  All  of  them  were  prior  to  the 
discovery  of  Greg's  correspondence. 

2  Conduct,  p.  213;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  47;  [Defoe],  Account  of  the  Conduct 
of  Bohert,  Earl  of  Oxford,  25.  Prince  George  probably  seconded  Harley's 
suggestion.    Coxe,  II.  193;  Wilson,  Defoe,  III.  6. 

s  Conduct,  p.  213.  See  also  Defoe's  Secret  History  of  White  Staff; 
Salomon,  p.  13. 


182  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

tion  of  the  history  of  the  junto,  who  came  more  and  more 
to  dominate  affairs  as  the  weeks  went  by/  More  impor- 
tant still,  it  marks  the  end  of  all  serious  attempts  of 
Godolphin,  as  well  as  all  future  ministers,^  to  guide  the 
English  government  by  means  of  a  composite  ministry, 
which  endeavored  to  stand  above  and  between  the  politi- 
cal parties  of  the  day.  As  Godolphin 's  venture  was  an 
attempt  of  this  kind,  it  deserves  more  careful  study  than 
it  has  hitherto  received,  for  it  was  really  a  determined 
effort  to  direct  the  destinies  of  the  United  Kingdom  in 
accordance  with  the  will  of  the  queen  and  her  leading 
ministers,  whose  dependence  upon  parliament  and  the 
people  was  scarcely  more  marked  than  it  had  been  under 
Charles  II  or  William  III.  The  celebrated  Whig  junto, 
although  moved  by  selfish  aims,  was  nevertheless  fighting 
the  battle  for  responsible  government,  when  its  members 
demanded  that  Anne  put  from  her  a  man,  who,  though 
personally  most  acceptable  to  her,  refused  to  keep  the 
faith  with  his  fellow  ministers. 

During  the  year  1707,  England  passed  from  the  hopes 
raised  by  the  union  to  a  despair  which  was  accentuated 
by  military  reverses,  naval  miscarriages,  and  a  struggle 
within  the  ranks  of  the  ministry  itself.  In  effecting  the 
union,  the  influence  of  the  queen  had  at  all  stages  of  the 
negotiations  been  conspicuous,  but  particularly  so  in 
preventing  a  quarrel  between  English  and  Scots  after 
the  Articles  of  Union  had  been  actually  signed.  Anne's 
interest  in  church  matters  was  most  noticeable  through- 
out the  reign,  but  she  showed  her  independence  in  the 
summer  of  1707  by  filling  two  bishoprics  without  the 
knowledge    or    consent    of    Godolphin    and    the    Marl- 

1  Dartmouth  stated  that  Godolphin  was  under  the  control  of  the  junto 
much  earlier  than  1708.     See  Burnet,  V.  179-82. 

2  There  are  a  few  fleeting  exceptions,  of  course,  such  as  the  Coalition 
Ministry  of  Fox  and  Lord  North,  and  the  War  Ministry  of  1914. 


THE  DISRUPTION  OF  THE  MINISTRY     183 

boroughs.  Moreover,  she  steadily  persisted  in  her  re- 
fusal to  withdraw  her  nominations.  Faced  by  an  inves- 
tigation of  her  husband's  record  as  the  head  of  naval 
affairs,  Anne  and  her  ministers  had  defeated  the  efforts 
of  a  disappointed  Whig  and  Tory  coalition,  at  a  time 
when  her  ecclesiastical  appointments  had  accentuated  the 
rift  in  the  ministry  and  directed  the  attack  of  the  junto, 
Godolphin,  and  the  Marlboroughs  against  Harley,  who 
was  suspected  of  being  the  queen's  secret  adviser.  In 
the  contest,  the  queen  was  forced  to  give  way,  although 
even  here,  she  kept  by  her  side  Mrs.  Masham  to  act  as  a 
go-between  with  Harley. 


CHAPTER  V 

THE  POLITICAL  INFLUENCE  OF  THE  MARL- 
BOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN 

(1702-1708) 

In  England,  of  all  lands,  the  royal  favorite  has  ever  been 
an  object  of  suspicion.  From  the  time  of  Piers  Gaveston 
and  the  Despensers  to  Buckingham  and  Laud — yes,  even 
to  the  time  of  Bentinck  and  Lord  North,  they  have  led 
a  most  precarious  existence.  The  old  saying,  *' Uneasy 
rests  the  head  that  wears  a  crown,"  might  very  well  be 
restated  for  England:  ''More  uneasy  still  rests  the  head 
that  wears  the  favor  of  the  crown. ' '  ^  Probably  no  reign 
in  English  history  better  illustrates  this  than  that  of  the 
last  of  the  Stuarts,  who  had  many  favorites.  Starting 
with  Sarah  Jennings,  she  attached  herself  for  a  season 
to  Sidney,  Earl  of  Godolphin,  then  to  Harley,  and  finally 
to  Abigail  Hill  and  the  Duchess  of  Somerset ;  and  of  these 
five,  three  were  in  disgrace  when  her  eventful  reign  came 
to  its  exciting  close. 

Of  the  companions  of  her  own  sex.  Lady  Marlborough 
is  best  known,  and  her  influence  at  the  beginning  of  the 
reign  was  unquestionably  large.  Her  political  power  is 
usually  considered  the  motive  force  in  the  government 
during  the  first  half  of  the  reign.  It  is,  therefore,  advis- 
able to  study  her  relations  with  the  queen  prior  to  1709, 
to  discover,  if  possible,  the  comparative  importance  of 
each  in  public  affairs.  We  shall  first  notice  the  state- 
ments of  a  few  typical  secondary  authorities  as  to  the 

1  See  a  political  letter  of  Defoe  to  Harley  in  E.  H.  B.,  XXII.  132. 


THI2  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  185 

queen's  subservience,  and  then  examine  the  sources 
themselves. 

Such  writers  as  Wyon,  Sismondi,  Smollett,  Cunning- 
ham, Lecky,  Macaulay,  and  his  grand-nephew,  Trevelyan, 
state^  emphatically  that  the  queen  was  greatly  under  the 
influence  of  the  duchess,  but  not  one  gives  any  satisfac- 
tory evidence  for  his  conclusions.  So  it  is  fairer  to  take 
the  statement  of  a  writer  who  does  cite  contemporary 
evidence  to  support  his  assertion.  In  his  account  of 
Anne's  reign,  Leadam  is  very  critical  of  the  queen's 
ability  and  says  that  Spanheim,  the  Prussian  ambassador, 
had  a  poor  opinion  of  her  authority  and  intelligence.^ 
As  Spanheim  is  not  quoted,  or  any  reference  given,  we 
are  left  in  the  dark  as  to  his  exact  opinion.  But  granting 
full  force  to  Leadam 's  interpretation  of  Spanheim 's  esti- 
mate,^ two  things  must  be  considered.  First,  that  Anne 
usually  intrusted  foreign  affairs  entirely  to  her  ministers, 
for,  realizing  her  limitations  in  diplomacy,  she  left  all 
negotiations  to  her  advisers ;  and,  secondly,  that  she  had 
an  unconquerable  aversion  to  the  Hanoverians  and  all 
things  German,  and  a  sufiicient  impression  of  her  dislike 
may  have  reached  Spanheim  to  make  him  a  prejudiced 
observer. 

Fortunately,  Leadam  goes  further,  and  refers  to  an 
observation  which  the  duchess  made  to  Lord  Cowper.* 

iWyon,  II.  531;  Sismondi,  Hist,  des  Frangais,  XXVI.  328;  T.  Smollett, 
Hist,  of  Eng,,  I.  415,  451;  Cunningham,  Rist.  of  Gr.  Brit.,  I.  258;  Leeky, 
I.  33;  Macaulay,  p.  901;  G.  M.  Trevelyan,  Eng.  under  the  Stuarts,  p.  480. 
Other  typical  statements  relative  to  the  queen  may  be  found  in  Belloc, 
Lingard's  Hist,  of  Eng.,  XI.  81;  Reid,  pp.  38-9;  Thomas,  p.  32;  Strickland, 
XII.  378,  The  views  of  the  German  scholars  are  the  same  as  the  rest. 
Von  Noorden,  BolingiroTce,  p.  105;  W.  Michael,  Eng.  Gesch.,  I.  227-8. 

2  Leadam,  p.  222,     See  also  Thomson,  II,  518-9. 

3  E.  Spanheim,  Belation  de  la  Cour  d  'Angleterre.  If  Leadam  has  this 
source  in  mind,  it  is  doubtful  if  he  is  justified  in  drawing  any  such  con- 
clusion from  it.    This  document  is  printed  in  E.  K.  B.,  II,  757-73, 

*  * '  The  Queen  has  no  original  thoughts  on  any  subject ;  is  neither  good 


186  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Her  statement,  when  examined,  is  not  convincing,  as  it 
sounds  more  like  an  explanation  of  the  duchess  than  a 
criticism  of  the  queen's  intelligence  or  initiative,  while 
it  is  not  borne  out  by  the  duchess 's  autobiography,  which 
may  also  be  termed  a  biography  of  the  queen.  Moreover, 
Lady  Marlborough's  reflections  were  made  soon  after 
her  disgrace,  when  she  might  be  expected  to  feel  bitter. 
Furthermore,  it  says  nothing,  unless  by  implication, 
about  Anne's  being  in  the  hands  of  others.  Taking  his 
evidence  at  its  best,  Leadam  fails  to  make  out  a  strong 
case  against  the  queen,  but  he  does  not  stop  at  this,  as  he 
maintains  that  her  dislikes  and  prejudices  were  personal 
and  not  political.^  Granting  the  truth  of  this  assertion, 
it  says  nothing  derogatory  to  Anne's  strength  of  char- 
acter, as  it  might  be  said  equally  well  of  one  of  the  great- 
est of  American  executives — ^Andrew  Jackson — ^who  was 
certainly  never  criticized  for  lack  of  will  power.  Indeed, 
out  of  the  multitude  of  writers  that  have  dealt  with  this 
period,  few  dissent  from  the  currently  accepted  view, 
and  but  one  or  two  at  all  definitely.^  In  most  instances, 
secondary  writers  accept  Macaulay's  impressions  of  the 
princess,  and  apply  them  to  the  queen  without  thinking 
that  her  character  might  have  developed  with  years,  or 
under  the  responsibilities  she  encountered  as  ruler. 

nor  bad,  but  as  put  into;  that  she  has  much  love  and  passion,  while  pleased 
for  those  who  please;  and  can  write  pretty  affected  letters;  but  do  nothing 
else  well."  Cowper,  Diary,  p.  49.  Compare  this  with  her  "Opinions." 
"Queen  Anne  was  religious  without  affectation;  she  always  meant  well; 
she  had  no  false  ambition;  which  appeared  by  her  never  complaining  at 
King  William's  being  preferred  to  the  crown  before  her."  BemarTcs  upon 
the  Conduct,  p.  20,  See  also  Atterbury's  sermon  before  the  Commons. 
Stackhouse,  Life  of  Atter'bury,  p.  32. 

1  For  a  stronger  statement,  see  MoUoy,  Queen's  Comrade,  I.  52. 

2  Burton  is  very  discreet  in  his  estimates.  I.  28.  Eoscoe  (Harley)  is  less 
severe.  A.  L.  Cross  varies  slightly  from  the  old  view.  Hist,  of  Eng,  and 
Greater  Br.,  p.  650.  W.  F.  Lord  (Hist,  of  Parties,  pp.  118-21)  asserts  that 
Anne's  influence  in  political  affairs  has  been  much  underestimated,  but  he 
deals  with  the  latter  part  of  the  reign. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  187 

It  is  now  necessary  to  examine  the  works  of  some  im- 
portant contemporary  writers  dealing  with  the  reign,  to 
learn  their  impressions  of  the  queen.  Abel  Boyer  was 
one  of  the  most  prolific  of  them  all,  but  a  careful  exami- 
nation of  his  Annals  and  his  Political  State,  with  their 
digest,  the  History  of  the  Reign  of  Anne,  reveals  nothing 
very  uncomplimentary  to  her  intelligence  or  self-asser- 
tion, although  his  opportunities  for  observation  were 
excellent.^ 

Several  anonymous  contemporaries^  wrote  lives  of 
Anne,  and  in  no  instance  is  there  reference  to  such  a  state 
of  affairs  as  portrayed  by  Wyon,  Trevelyan,  and  Von 
Noorden.  Lediard,  in  his  Marlborough,  is  another  who 
fails  to  assign  to  her  the  role  of  figurehead,  and  at  least 
intimates  the  reverse.^  One  of  the  keenest  observers  of 
affairs  at  court,  where  he  assumed  an  important  place, 
was  Burnet,  the  dynamic  Bishop  of  Salisbury.    His  His-, 

1  It  must  be  conceded,  however,  that  barring  the  usual  ceremonial  form 
of  address,  nothing  very  favorable  is  said.  "The  Queen,  though  good- 
natured,  indulgent,  and  easily  governed  by  those  about  her,  when  used  with 
obsequiousness,  complaisance  and  becoming  respect,  was  yet  extremely 
jealous  of  her  prerogative,  irreconcilable  to  those  who  once  treated  her 
irreverently,  and  sullenly  tenacious  of  her  resolutions."  Boyer,  p.  471.  He 
conceded  earlier  that  the  duchess  controlled  all  "court  favors."  /&.,  p.  177. 
Here,  however,  he  was  trying  to  show  that  the  concentration  of  so  much 
power  in  the  hands  of  the  Marlboroughs  had  aroused  the  fears  of  the  Whigs 
and  Tories. 

2  Queen  Anne,  Her  Life  and  Reign  (1738) ;  Tlie  History  of  the  Life  and 
Beign  of  Queen  Anne  (1722)  ;  An  Impartial  History  of  the  Life  and  Reign 
of  Her  Late  Excellent  Majesty  (1738) ;  The  Life  of  Queen  Anne  (1742). 
There  are  no  political  reasons  for  Beyer's  silence  on  such  points  in  his  his- 
tory, published  eight  years  after  Anne's  death,  but  under  the  cover  of 
anonymity,  the  writers  referred  to  above  certainly  were  not  deterred  by 
personal  reasons  from  telling  the  truth.  Contemporary  pamphleteers  cer- 
tainly made  the  most  of  Anne's  intemperance. 

3 II.  450.  One  pamphleteer  is  plentiful  in  her  praise.  * '  She  is  pos- 
sessed of  a  greatness  of  soul,  not  easily  alarmed  or  disordered,  as  are  gen- 
erally others  of  her  sex,  but  sedately  considering  affairs,  and  weighing  their 
various  events.  Her  resolution  cannot  be  shaken  by  vain  rumors  or  at- 
tempts of  her  enemies."    W.  Cockbum,  An  Essay  upon  the  Propitious  and 


188  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

tory  of  My  Own  Time  deserves  careful  attention,  but  it 
only  says  that  the  duchess  was  looked  upon  by  violent 
Tories  **as  the  person  who  had  reconciled  the  Whigs  to 
the  Queen,  from  whom  she  was  naturally  averse. '  '^  This 
is  not  given  as  his  personal  opinion,  but  rather  as  a  rumor 
suggestive  of  the  spirit  of  the  High  Church  Tories  in 
1704.  Moreover,  Anne  was  not  then  in  sympathy  with 
the  Whigs,  although  she  felt  under  obligations  to  them 
for  saving  her  from  the  insolence  of  the  Tories.  Indeed, 
Lady  Marlborough's  attempts  to  reconcile  her  to  the 
Whigs  were  in  the  main  unsuccessful.  Chamberlen's 
estimate  of  the  duchess's  influence  is  never  put  in  such 
terms  as  would  justify  the  conclusions  of  Leadam ;  Harri- 
son remains  silent  as  to  the  queen's  vassalage;  Coke  fails 
to  record  such  extreme  dependence;  Gibson's  opinions 
are  of  the  same  nature,  while  Swift's  testimony  as  a 
whole  is  in  favor  of  the  queen's  independence.^ 

Indeed,  no  contemporary  goes  so  far  as  do  the  later 
students  of  the  reign.  One  of  the  most  extreme  is  Thomas 
Birch,  who,  in  his  Biographical  Anecdotes,  wrote,  '*As 
both  parties  in  their  turns  were  greatly  disobliged  and 
offended,  I  cannot  recollect  any  praises  which  have  been 
bestowed  upon  her  for  personal  steadiness  and  wisdom." 
This  statement  loses  much  of  its  force  when  we  remember 
that  Dr.  Birch  was  a  rabid  Dissenter,  holding  Anne  re- 
sponsible for  the  propaganda  in  favor  of  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill,  which  he  called  persecution.^ 

Glorious  Beign  (1710),  pp.  52-3.  Defoe  in  the  Dyet  of  Poland  refers  to 
Anne  as  the  "Great  Augustus." 

1  Burnet,  V.  230.  See  also  H.  C.  Foxcrof t,  Supplement  to  Burnet,  pp. 
153,  247. 

2  Chamberlen,  pp.  27,  sq.;  C.  Harrison,  An  Impartial  History  of  the  Life 
and  Beign  (1744);  Coke,  III.  passim;  [Gibson],  Memoirs  of  Queen  Anne 
(1729).  See  Swift's  Journal  to  Stella,  Four  Last  Tears  of  the  Queen's 
Ministry,  and  Conduct  of  the  Allies.  Bonet's  view  is  given  in  Von  Noorden, 
I.  189. 

3  Birch  MSS.,  Add.  MSS.,  4221,  f.  24.     See  also  Other  Side,  p.  11. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  189 

While  this  non-conformist  accused  Anne  of  intolerance, 
Heame,  the  zealous  non-juror,  insisted  that  she  was  too 
favorable  to  the  Dissenters  and  Low  Churchmen,  because 
he  thought  she  was  under  the  domination  of  the  duchess, 
whom  he  detested.  Still  more  pointed  is  a  memorandum 
in  the  Carte  MSS. :  **No  sovereign  was  ever  more  gov- 
erned by  her  favourites  than  she  was,  but  like  other  weak 
princes,  she  strove  to  conceal  it  from  the  public."^  Un- 
fortunately, we  know  neither  the  writer  nor  the  date  of 
this  fragment,  so  it  lacks  a  great  deal  of  being  good  his- 
torical evidence.  It  might  well  have  been  jotted  down 
by  Carte,  himself  a  non-juror,  months,  perhaps  years 
after  the  reign  had  closed,  as  the  impressions  given  by 
some  one  else;  since  this  was  his  habit  in  preparing 
materials  for  writing  his  history.  In  some  respects,  the 
most  cutting  criticism  of  Anne  comes  from  Cardinal 
Gualterio,  who  wrote  to  one  of  his  friends:  "We  have  to 
deal  with  a  Princess,  weak  in  body  and  mind,  with  a  hus- 
band less  capable  than  herself  .  .  .  and  in  the  hands  of 
a  faction.'"  The  cardinal's  statements  are  open  to 
question,  however,  as  he  wished  to  encourage  the  Jacob- 
ites both  in  England  and  France  to  attempt  a  restoration 
of  the  old  Stuart  line.  Voltaire  was  not  a  contemporary, 
and  gained  his  ideas  from  the  satellites  of  the  Hanove- 
rian Court,  but  even  he  goes  little  farther  than  to  say 
that  Anne  was  a  ''woman  of  but  very  middling  talents."* 

It  is  interesting  to  note  that  before  the  reign  had  really 
begun,  the  Earl  of  Chesterfield  expressed  the  hope  that 
if  Queen  Anne  ''would  have  no  favourites,  but  choose  a 

1  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV.  100.  These  seem  to  be  some  notes  upon 
Swift's  Change  of  Ministry.  John  Ker  of  Kersland,  a  Jacobite,  spoke  of 
her  "mean  capacity."    Memoirs  of  Ker  of  Kersland,  II.  115. 

2  Gualterio  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  20242,  ff.  128-9.  Lord  Haversham,  who 
hated  the  duchess,  spoke  of  her  as  a  "  she  favourite, ' '  in  his  speech  of  Feb. 
15,  1707. 

3  Age  of  Louis  XIV,  II.  226. 


190  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

wise  council  and  rely  upon  a  Parliament,  she  might  have 
so  glorious  a  reign  as  to  eclipse  that  of  Queen  Elizabeth ; 
but  the  event  of  all  things  depends  on  fate,  or  rather 
providence."^  This  fragment  is  not  conclusive,  since  it 
says  nothing  about  what  actually  did  occur. 

Fortunately,  in  solving  this  perplexing  problem,  the 
testimony  of  Lady  Marlborough  is  available  in  full,  com- 
plete form,  corroborated  by  numerous  letters.  The 
Conduct  was  written  long  after  Anne  had  disgraced  the 
duchess,  so  it  would  not  be  unduly  favorable  to  the  queen. 
Though  subject,  of  course,  to  the  vagaries  of  the  human 
memory,  time  had  nevertheless  softened  down  much  of 
the  rancor  felt  by  the  duchess  in  1712,  when  her  caustic 
** Opinions"  were  penned.  This  autobiography,  there- 
fore, contains  a  good  statement  of  the  relations  existing 
between  queen  and  favorites. 

An  easy  method  of  testing  the  influence  of  Lady  Marl- 
borough is  to  ascertain  the  part  she  played  in  appoint- 
ments. After  conceding,  as  a  matter  of  general  report, 
that  she  was  practical  dictator  in  state  affairs,  the 
duchess  said  that  the  choice  of  Anne's  first  ministry  ''was 
against  my  wishes  and  inclinations,"  and  she  strenu- 
ously objected  to  the  queen's  "throwing  herself  almost 
entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Tories."^  She  speaks  re- 
peatedly of  the  difficulties  she  encountered  in  attempting 
to  bring  Whigs  into  the  ministry.  ''I  resolved  therefore, 
from  the  very  beginning  of  the  Queen's  reign,"  she  said, 
"to  try  whether  I  could  not  by  degrees,  make  impression 
on  her  mind  more  favourable  to  the  Whigs ;  and  though 
my  instances  with  her  had  not  at  first  any  considerable 

1  Coke  MSS.,  III.  1.  A  letter  to  Eobert  Walpole  on  this  topic  is  found 
in  the  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  2-3. 

2  Conduct,  p.  122.  Cf.  Cooke,  II.  577.  L 'Hermitage  disapproved  of  all 
the  leading  ministers  except  Godolphin  and  Marlborough,  Eijks  Archief, 
26 A   5  May,  1702. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  191 

effect,  I  believe,  I  may  venture  to  say,  it  was,  in  some 
measure  owing  to  them,  that  her  ministry,  did,  against 
her  inclinations,  contain  several  of  this  party. '  '^  It  must, 
then,  have  been  an  arduous  task  to  convince  Anne  that 
the  Whigs  were  suitable  agents  for  carrying  out  her 
wishes,  as  she  felt  that  all  Whigs  must  be  at  heart  repub- 
licans, whose  main  purpose  was  to  limit  the  prerogative 
of  the  crown,  and  endanger  the  privileges  of  the  church.^ 
She  well  knew  the  humiliations  to  which  they  had  sub- 
jected William,  and  she  wished  to  avoid  a  similar  expe- 
rience. Moreover,  the  Whig  leaders  had  been  conspicu- 
ously against  Anne  during  her  quarrels  with  Queen  Mary, 
and  she  was  never  able  to  endure  some  of  them  for  that 
reason,  if  for  no  other.^ 

Anne's  struggle  with  the  king  and  queen  had  brought 
her  very  close  to  the  Marlboroughs.  After  the  deaths  of 
Talmash  and  William,  Marlborough  remained  the  only 
efficient  general  in  England.  Thus  to  add  weight  to  the 
factor  of  friendship,  was  the  crying  demand  for  a  capable 
man  to  wage  war  against  France,  which  Anne  could  meet 
successfully  only  by  appointing  him  captain  general. 

In  the  political  arena,  the  situation  was  peculiar.  Marl- 
borough was  a  moderate  Tory,  so  far  as  he  could  be  said 
to  hold  any  political  affiliations  at  all.  In  times  past,  his 
wife  had  been  more  of  a  Tory  than  he,  but  the  marriage 
of  her  daughter  to  Sunderland's  heir  had  brought  her 
conversion  to  the  Whigs  as  early  as  1702.  Prince  George 
was  probably  of  the  same  persuasion  as  Lady  Marl- 

1  Conduct,  p.  126.  See  also  Salomon,  p,  12.  A  letter  written  by  Anne  to 
the  duchess  shows  that  she  was  not  convinced  by  Lady  Marlborough's  rea- 
soning. Molloy,  Queen's  Comrade,  I.  297.  Mrs.  Thomson  believed  that 
Anne  refused  to  listen  to  the  duchess's  suggestions.  Memoirs,  I.  324.  See 
also  Other  Side,  p.  157. 

2  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  53 ;  Macaulay,  Essay  on  Addison. 

^  Bemarlcs  upon  the  .  .  .  Conduct,  pp.  41-3;  Review  of  a  late  Treatise, 
p.  7. 


192  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

borough,  whereas  Anne  was  a  High  Church  Tory.  Godol- 
phin,  like  Marlborough,  stood  between  the  duchess  and 
the  queen  in  a  political  way,  while  all  four  of  them,  save 
possibly  the  duchess,  wished  to  be  above  and  between 
political  parties,^  without  being  accountable  to  either 
of  them. 

Before  the  new  reign  was  well  begun,  it  was  manifest 
that  Mrs.  Freeman  and  her  "dear  Mrs.  Morley"  were 
not  entirely  of  one  accord  in  their  political  ideas.  As 
soon  as  the  ministry  was  decided  upon,  the  former  began 
her  attempt  to  convert  the  queen  to  the  Whigs,  and  to 
bring  her  son-in-law  into  Anne's  good  graces,  in  order 
to  increase  the  influence  of  her  family  in  the  government. 
Her  own  confessions,  as  well  as  Anne's  letters,  show  how 
difficult  was  the  task. 

Four  days  after  meeting  her  first  parliament,  Anne 
wrote  a  letter,  which  explains  the  political  ideas  of  both 
women:  "I  am  very  glad  to  find  by  my  dear  Mrs.  Free- 
man's, that  I  am  blest  with  yesterday,  that  she  liked  my 
speech,  but  I  cannot  help  being  extremely  concerned,  you 
are  so  partial  to  the  Whigs,  because  I  would  not  have 
[us]  .  .  .  differ  in  opinion  in  the  least  thing.  What  I 
said  when  I  writ  last  upon  this  subject  does  not  proceed 
from  any  insinuations  of  the  other  party ;  but  I  know  the 
principles  of  the  Church,  and  I  know  those  of  the  Whigs, 
and  it  is  that,  and  no  other  reason,  which  makes  me  think 
as  I  do  of  the  last.  And  .  .  .  upon  my  word  .  .  .  you 
are  mightily  mistaken  in  your  nature  of  a  true  Whig. 
For  the  character  you  give  them,  does  not  in  the  least 
belong  to  them,  but  to  the  Church.  But  I  will  say  no 
more  on  the  subject,  only  beg  for  my  poor  sake,  that  you 

1  Morrison,  I.  24.  Eijks  Archief  (26^)  gives  L 'Hermitage 's  idea  of  Marl- 
borough's position  as  stated  above.  Kyan  thoxight  Anne  wished  to  form 
a  third  party,  which  the  duchess's  enemies  dubbed  the  " Zarazavians. " 
See,  however,  Mrs.  Manley's  Zarah  and  the  Zarazavians. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  193 

would  not  show  more  countenance  to  those  you  seem  to 
have  so  much  inclination  for,  than  to  the  Church  party. '  '^ 

Anne  was  thus  convinced  neither  of  the  virtues  of  the 
Whigs  nor  of  the  validity  of  Sarah's  arguments  in  their 
favor,  and  urged  her  favorite  to  get  in  touch  with  the 
Tories.  *'I  am  firmly  persuaded  that,  notwithstanding, 
her  extraordinary  affection  for  me,"  wrote  the  duchess 
some  years  later,  ''and  the  entire  devotion  which  my 
Lord  Marlborough  and  my  Lord  Godolphin  had  for  many 
years  shown  for  her  service,  they  would  not  have  so  great 
a  share  of  her  favor  and  confidence,  if  they  had  not  been 
reckoned  in  the  number  of  the  Tories. '  '^  There  are  also 
some  signs  of  the  rift  between  the  friends,  which  was 
finally  to  embitter  the  lives  of  both.  Whether  the  begin- 
ning of  their  trouble  lay  in  the  behavior  of  Lady  Marl- 
borough at  Gloucester's  death,  as  is  believed  by  some, 
or  in  the  episode  of  the  gloves,  which  is  exploited  by  Miss 
Strickland  and  distorted  by  Voltaire,  or  in  some  totally 
different  incident,  is  of  little  consequence,  as  striking 
differences  of  opinion  already  existed. 

However,  the  queen's  real  emotions  were  not  then 
visible  to  Lady  Marlborough,  for  Anne  was  an  artist  in 
dissembling  her  feelings.  This  has  not  usually  been 
understood,  despite  the  testimony  of  Dean  Swift  that 
''there  was  not,  perhaps  in  all  England,  a  person  w^ho 
understood  more  artificially  [how]  to  disguise  her  pas- 
sions."^ So,  perfectly  oblivious  of  the  fact  that  her 
power  was  gradually  slipping  away,  the  duchess  per- 
severed in  trying  to  convert  her  royal  mistress  to  the 
policies  of  the  Whigs.    After  a  time,  she  realized  that 

^Conduct,  p.  128.  See  also  Swift's  Sentiments  of  a  Church  of  England 
Man;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  53. 

2  Conduct,  pp.  124-5;  Burton,  I,  57. 

3  Swift,  Queen's  Last  Ministry;  Swift's  Works  (Scott  ed.),  III.  325.  See 
also  Berry,  Social  Life  of  France  and  England,  I.  225;  Torrens,  Hist,  of 
Cabinets,  pp.  46-7;  Von  Noorden,  I.  202;  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  458. 


194  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

her  ministrations  were  ineffective  but  she  could  not 
understand  why,  and  continued  her  attempts  to  turn  Anne 
away  from  the  Tories,  who  unwittingly  were  playing 
into  Lady  Marlborough's  hands  through  their  insistence 
upon  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill.  Even  then,  the 
queen  refused  assent  to  her  favorite's  views  of  the 
Tories.  *'I  have  the  same  opinion  of  Whig  and  Tory  I 
ever  had, ' '  she  wrote,  * '  I  know  both  their  principles  very 
well,  and  when  I  know  myself  to  be  in  the  right,  nothing 
can  alter  mine.  It  is  very  certain  there  are  good  and  ill 
people  of  both  sorts,  and  I  can  see  all  the  faults  of  one 
as  well  as  of  the  other,  and  I  am  not  deluded  by  anyone 's 
calling  themselves  of  the  Church,  for  God  knows  there 
are  too  many  that  talk  of  religion  that  have  no  true  sense 
of  it,  but  because  there  are  some  hot  headed  men  among 
those  that  are  called  Tories,  I  can't  for  my  life  think  it 
reasonable  to  brand  all  of  them  with  the  name  of  Jacobite, 
when  without  doubt  there  are  many  of  them  that  will  be 
as  much  for  the  liberty  of  their  religion  and  country  as 
any  who  would  have  none  thought  so  but  themselves."^ 
The  queen  was  now  willing  to  listen  to  criticisms  of  the 
Tories,  but  insisted  that  the  party  should  not  be  con- 
demned for  the  deeds  of  the  few.  Not  only  Anne 's  resent- 
ment over  the  ''tack"  but  also  her  attitude  towards  the 
union  threw  her  into  opposition  to  the  Tories.  She  sus- 
pected some  of  them  but  she  was  not  thoroughly  convinced 
of  their  double-dealing  until  they  sought  to  embarrass  her 
by  the  ''invitation."  "She  had  been  present  at  the  de- 
bates in  the  .  .  .  Lords  upon  the  subject,  and  had  heard 
.  .  .  Buckingham  treat  her  with  great  disrespect," 
records  the  duchess.  "Such  rude  treatment  from  the 
Tories,  and  the  zeal  and  success  of  the  Whigs  in  opposing 
the  motion  so  extremely  disagreeable  to  her,  occasioned 
her  change  of  mind."     Lady  Marlborough  herself  thus 

1  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  51.    See  also  Conduct,  p.  137;  Salomon,  p.  12. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  195 

confessed  that  Anne  changed  her  attitude  towards  the 
Tories,  not  because  of  her  friends '  arguments,  but  solely 
on  account  of  the  Tories'  insulting  behavior.  Personal 
feelings,  then,  not  political  philosophy,  governed  the 
queen's  decision  to  abandon  the  Highfliers. 

Anne  soon  authorized  ''Godolphin  to  give  the  utmost 
assurances  to  the  chief  men  of  the  Whigs,  that  she  would 
place  herself  and  her  affairs  into  such  hands  as  they 
should  approve."^  Yet  this  promise  was  not  kept  imme- 
diately. She  dismissed  the  obnoxious  leaders  one  by  one, 
and  not  until  after  the  election  of  1705  did  she  deem  it 
advisable  to  allow  the  Whigs  important  seats  in  the 
council.  Meanwhile  the  duchess  began  to  fear  lest  Anne 
should  become  too  independent  in  her  political  policies 
and  show  too  much  favor  to  the  Tories.^  Even  Cowper, 
a  moderate  Whig,  was  accepted  only  after  considerable 
delay  and  consideration.  For  a  season  the  most  earnest 
entreaties  of  Lady  Marlborough  availed  nothing,  al- 
though Anne  finally  did  agree  to  take  the  great  seal  away 
from  Wright  and  appoint  Cowper,  whose  political  ideas 
she  disliked.  The  queen's  letter  to  Godolphin  well  illus- 
trates the  methods  and  influence  of  Godolphin  and  the 
Marlbo roughs  over  her  appointments.  **Your  telling  me 
yesterday  that  when  you  weare  at  London,  you  would 
consider  to  whom  it  would  be  proper  to  give  the  Great 
^eale,  is  the  occasion  of  my  giveing  you  this  trouble  at 
this  time,  for  I  think  it  is  all  ways  best  to  tell  one's 
thoughts  freely  before  one  takes  a  final  resolution  of  this 
nature,  and  therefore  I  cannot  help  saying  I  wish  very 
much  that  there  may  be  a  moderate  Tory  found  for  this 
employment,  for  I  must  own  to  you  I  dread  the  falling 
into  the  hands  of  either  party,  and  the  Whigs  have  had 
so  many  fayvours  shewed  them  of  late  that  I  fear  a  very 

1  Conduct,  pp.  159-60. 

2  See  the  duke's  letter  to  his  wife,  August,  1705,  Colville,  p.  149. 


196  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

few  more  will  putt  me  insensibly  into  their  power,  which 
I 'me  sure  you  would  not  have  happen  no  more  then  I." 

Apparently  the  queen  had  talked  the  case  over  with 
the  duchess  and  found  that  she  favored  the  Whigs.  At 
any  rate,  Anne  continued :  '  *  I  know  my  dear  unkind  Mrs. 
Freeman  has  so  good  an  opinion  of  all  that  party  that  to 
be  sure  she  will  use  all  her  endeavours  to  get  you  to  pre- 
vaile  with  me  to  put  one  of  them  into  this  great  post,  and 
I  cannot  help  being  apprehensive  that  not  only  she  but 
others  may  be  desirous  to  have  one  of  the  heads  of  them 
in  possession  of  the  Seale,  but  I  hope  in  God  you  will 
never  think  that  reasonable  for  that  would  be  an  unex- 
pressible  uneasyness  and  mortification  to  me ;  there  is  no 
body  I  can  rely  on  but  yourself  to  bring  me  out  of  all  my 
difficulties,  and  I  do  put  an  intire  confidence  in  you,  not 
doubting  but  you  will  do  all  you  can  to  keep  me  out  of 
the  power  of  the  mercyless  men  of  both  partys,  and  to 
the  end  make  choice  of  one  for  Lord  Keeper  that  will  be 
the  likelyest  to  prevent  that  danger."^ 

In  such  words  Anne  clearly  indicated  that  she  took  an 
intelligent  and  important  part  in  deciding  who  should 
hold  offices  under  the  crown.  It  points  also  to  the  fact 
that  she  knew  her  favorite's  ideas  on  the  subject  but  had 
no  desire  to  follow  them,  and  warned  the  lord  treasurer 
against  being  unduly  influenced  by  her  arguments.  Most 
important  of  all,  it  expresses  her  great  desire  to  govern 
without  the  aid  of  any  party.  In  spite  of  this  letter, 
Cowper  was  appointed,  and  from  that  it  would  seem  that 
the  duchess's  candidate  did  prevail,  for  Cowper  was  not 
the  favored  applicant  of  Godolphin  or  the  queen,  but  this 
conclusion  does  not  necessarily  follow,  as  Harley  was 
also  enthusiastically  supporting  Cowper.^ 

1  Godolphin-Osborne  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  12. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  64;  Burnet,  V.  225.  Godolphin  is  said  to  have  told 
Dartmouth  that  Cowper  was  not  to  his  liking.     No  ministerial  appointment 


THE  MARLBOKOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  197 

Shortly  after  this  appointment,  the  queen  decided  to 
grant  the  Whigs  more  representation  in  her  councils. 
**I  believe,  dear  Mrs.  Freeman,"  she  wrote,  "we  shall 
not  disagree  as  we  have  formerly  done.  I  am  sensible  of 
the  service  those  people  have  done  me  of  whom  you  have 
a  good  opinion,  and  will  countenance  them.  And  I  am 
thus  thoroughly  convinced  of  the  malice  and  insolence 
of  others  you  have  always  been  speaking  against."^ 
Anne  intended  not  only  to  show  favor  to  the  Whigs,  but 
also  to  flatter  the  duchess  into  believing  that  it  was  her 
influence  that  had  caused  this  change  of  mind,  which  in 
truth  was  due  to  the  ingratitude  of  the  Tories.  The 
queen's  friendly  attitude  to  the  Whigs  did  not  last  long, 
and  she  soon  began  to  manifest  signs  of  discontent  at  the 
arrogance  of  the  junto  when  they  tried  to  force  Sunder- 
land into  the  ministry. 

The  struggle  of  the  junto  to  gain  entrance  to  the 
queen's  inner  councils  is  thus  very  important  in  deter- 
mining the  part  played  by  the  duchess  in  filling  important 
places,  since  the  secretary  of  state  was  one  of  the  most 
influential  officers  in  the  cabinet.  Upon  Nottingham's 
resignation.  Hedges  was  for  a  few  weeks  sole  secretary. 
When  Harley  succeeded  Nottingham,  he   remained   as 

of  this  half  of  the  reign  aroused  so  much  comment  as  that  of  Cowper. 
Hearne   (I.  60)  has  several  reflections  on  his  appointment,  among  them  a 
poem  of  advice  to  the  queen,  one  stanza  of  which  runs: 
' '  One  Cooper  to  your  Uncle  was  untrue, 
Another,  Anna,  may  be  so  to  you; 
Can  he  thy  honour  and  thy  conscience  keep 
Unspotted,  when  his  own  is  fast  asleep? 
Let  CuUon  witness  this,  whose  wretched  Ghosts 
Proclaims  this — She  who  trusts  to  him  is  lost." 
See  also  ib.,  I.  53,  56,  178;  Wharton  MSS.   (Bodl.),  IV.  27-8.     Rawlinson 
MSS.  (Bodl.),  r>.  89B,  also  touches  on  this  appointment. 

1  Conduct,  p.  159.  See  also  Wyon,  I,  385.  It  is  possible  that  as  late  as 
May  30,  1705,  Anne  kept  up  negotiations  with  Rochester  and  Nottingham. 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  190;  Conduct,  pp.  154-5. 


198  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Harley's  colleague  in  the  secretariat.  Pledges  was  a 
Tory  of  moderate  principles,  but  was  particularly  ob- 
noxious to  the  duchess,  who  thought  that  since  his  ap- 
pointment had  been  originally  secured  by  Rochester,^  the 
earl  still  retained  his  dominion  over  him.  So,  although 
his  administration  of  affairs  was  relatively  efficient.  Lady 
Marlborough  wished  his  place  for  Sunderland. 

In  selecting  ministers  Anne's  motives  were  fundamen- 
tally personal.  After  a  time  her  objections  of  a  political 
nature  might  be  overcome,  as  in  the  case  of  Cowper,  but 
when  her  personal  aversion  was  joined  to  political  dis- 
approval, the  difficulty  of  gaining  her  consent  was  im- 
measurably greater.  Anne  disliked  Sunderland.  He  was 
rash,  outspoken,  prided  himself  on  his  republicanism,  and 
had  dared  to  vote  against  Prince  George's  pension. 
Moreover,  he  was  a  Whig,  and  worse  still,  a  leading 
member  of  the  group  that  directed  that  party.  Finally, 
he  belonged  to  the  powerful  Marlborough  family,  and  his 
appointment  would  add  still  more  to  its  influence,  and 
noticeably  increase  the  envy  with  which  that  self-seeking 
family  was  regarded,  not  only  by  politicians,  but  by  the 
masses.^ 

As  Marlborough's  son-in-law,  and  the  favorite  of  the 
duchess,  the  junto  sought  to  use  him  to  gain  a  foothold  in 
the  council,  and  served  notice  upon  Godolphin  that 
Sunderland  must  immediately  be  admitted  to  the  min- 
istry.^ All  of  the  treasurer's  energies  were  now  directed 
towards  that  end.  Notwithstanding  Anne 's  earlier  assur- 
ances, he  had  session  after  session  with  her,  but  with 
little  result.  When  she  was  at  last  shown  that  she  must 
choose  between  putting  herself  again  into  the  hands  of 

1  Conduct,  p.  168. 

zMacaulay,  p.  2724;  Birch  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  4223,  f.  302. 
3  Conduct,  pp.  164-7.     Some  of  the  Whigs  probably  distrusted  Sunder- 
land.    See  Eemarks  upon  the  .  .  .  Conduct,  p.  48. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  199 

the  fanatical  Highfliers,  or  give  Sunderland  a  place,  she 
temporized.  Both  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  felt  her 
displeasure,  as  is  shown  in  the  duke 's  letter  to  his  wife : 
*'And  hence  the  resolution  is  taken  to  vex  and  ruin  91 
[Godolphin]  because  83  [Anne]  has  not  complied  with 
what  was  desired  for  117  [Sunderland],  I  shall  hence- 
forward despise  all  mankind,  and  I  think  there  is  no  such 
thing  as  virtue,  for  I  know  with  what  zeal  91  has  pressed 
83  in  the  matter.  I  do  pity  him,  and  shall  always  love 
him  as  long  as  I  live ;  and  never  be  a  friend  to  any  that 
can  be  his  enemy.  I  have  writ  my  mind  freely  to  83  on 
this  occasion,  so  that  whatever  happens,  I  shall  have  a 
quiet  mind. '  '^ 

Anne  remained  obdurate,  but  intimated  in  a  letter  that 
she  would  give  Sunderland  a  place  when  one  became 
vacant;  to  this  the  Whigs  were  much  averse,  because  it 
served  to  delay  their  plans.  To  Anne 's  letter,  Godolphin 
replied  by  an  even  longer  one,  but  she  stood  firm  for  some 
time,  and  then  promised  to  admit  Sunderland  to  the 
council  without  a  portfolio,^  and  grant  him  a  pension. 
Although  she  had  already  sent  him  as  her  special  repre- 
sentative to  Vienna,^  these  promises  were  unsatisfactory 
and  failed  to  mollify  him  or  his  fellows,  and  it  looked  as 
though  the  junto  would,  by  their  repeated  threats,  compel 
Godolphin  to  resign.  In  all  this  Harley  seems  to  have 
taken  an  important  although  quiet  part,  and  after  the 
lord  treasurer  was  worn  out  by  the  demands  of  the  Whig 
leaders,  it  fell  to  him  to  attempt  to  propitiate  them.*  His 
success  seems  to  have  been  at  most  but  temporary,  as  the 

1  Conduct,  p.  164.  This  message  shows  clearly  that  early  in  the  reign 
Godolphin  began  to  lose  his  power  over  Anne. 

2Coxe  Papers,  XLI.  23;  Morrison,  I.  24,  50  (2d  Series).  This  last  long 
letter  reads  very  much  like  the  scheme  of  a  shrewd  politician. 

3  Birch  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  4223,  f.  302;  Luttrell,  V.  560,  566. 

4  Bath  MSS.,  I.  74. 


200  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

junto,  particularly  Sunderland  and  Wharton,  were  im- 
patient to  enjoy  places  in  the  ministry. 

To  the  efforts  of  Godolphin  and  Harley,  Marlborough 
at  first  gave  a  tardy  and  reluctant  acquiescence,  and  then 
actively  championed  Sunderland's  cause,  after  he  had 
been  given  some  assurance  that  the  young  nobleman 
would  exercise  more  prudence  for  the  future  than  he  had 
ever  exhibited  in  the  past.^  The  duke's  letters  were  as 
fruitless  as  had  been  the  efforts  of  Godolphin.^  Anne's 
first  excuse  was  that  she  had  no  sufficient  reason  to  dis- 
miss Hedges,  whose  work  had  always  been  to  her  liking, 
but  she  did  not  hesitate  to  say  that  she  had  political  and 
personal  objections  to  Sunderland.  *'I  must  own  freely 
to  you,"  she  replied  to  Godolphin,  ''that  I  am  of  the 
opinion  making  a  party  man  secretary  of  state  when 
there  are  so  many  of  their  friends  in  employment  of  all 
kinds  already,  is  throwing  myself  into  the  hands  of  a 
party  which  is  a  thing  I  have  been  desirous  to  avoid  & 
what  I  have  heard  both  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  and 
you  say  I  must  never  do. '  '^  Towards  the  close  she  voiced 
a  most  natural  fear  that  she  would  be  unable  to  get  along 
with  the  impetuous  earl. 

Anne's  reply  was  unanswerable,  as  both  Marlborough 
and  Godolphin  realized.  However,  they  had  to  do  some- 
thing, since  the  junto  refused  to  aid  them  in  the  next 
session  unless  Sunderland  was  given  both  a  portfolio  and 
a  seat  in  the  council.    As  a  result,  Godolphin,  after  beg- 

i"I  did  in  a  former  letter  beg  her  Majesty's  favor  for  Lord  Sunder- 
land, and  I  should  be  obliged  to  you  in  making  it  easy,  as  well  as  putting 
the  Queen  in  mind  of  bringing  him  into  her  service.  I  am  well  assured  of 
his  zeal  and  that  he  will  behave  as  he  ought  to  do."  Marlborough  to 
Godolphin,  Coxe  Papers,  XIX.  206.  Coxe  thought  that  Marlborough  was 
intermediary  between  Anne  and  Harley,  as  well  as  between  Anne  and  the 
Whigs.    Coxe,  ch.  51.     See  also  Strickland,  XTI.  137;  Thomas,  pp.  246-8. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XVIII.  106-7 ;  ib.,  XX.  85. 

3  Morrison,  I.  24.  This  letter  exhibits  Anne's  political  sagacity.  It  is 
frank,  pointed,  and  attacks  all  the  weak  points  in  Godolphin 's  demands. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  201 

ging  Marlborough  to  hasten  back  to  England,  did  his  best 
to  answer  the  queen.  ^ '  That  this  will  throw  you  into  the 
hands  of  a  party,  I  beg  your  Majesty's  leave  to  be  a  little 
larger  upon  this  head,"  he  wrote,  ''because  I  take  it  to 
be  the  main  point,  and  because  I  am  also  very  clearly  of 
opinion  that  this  is  the  surest  if  not  the  only  way  to  keep 
you  from  falling  into  the  hands  of  a  party,  which  you 
seem  so  much  to  dread.  "^  His  arguments  were  futile, 
and  the  struggle  went  on. 

In  their  despair,  the  junto  once  more  called  Harley 
into  consultation.  Sunderland,  in  particular,  could  en- 
dure no  more,  and  he  angrily  called  attention  to  these 
conferences  wdth  Harley  and  Godolphin,  when  the  junto 
resolved  that  what  the  latter  had  promised  ''must  be 
done,  or  they  and  202  [Godolphin]  must  have  nothing 
more  to  do  together  about  business,  and  we  must  let  all 
our  friends  know  just  how  the  matter  stands  between  us 
and  202,  whatever  is  the  consequence  of  it. '"  Still  results 
did  not  come,  as  Anne  seemed  in  no  hurry  to  admit  Sun- 
derland to  the  ministry.  Marlborough  returned  home 
after  his  victory  at  Ramillies,  and  tactfully  added  his 
appeals  to  those  of  his  wife  and  Godolphin.  At  last, 
Anne  was  borne  down  with  constant  importunities  which 
were  probably  seconded  in  secret  as  well  as  in  public  by 
Harley,  who  concluded  that  the  future  held  more  for  him 
with  the  Whigs  in  control  than  if  the  Tory  zealots  came 
back  into  power.  The  queen  realized,  as  well,  that  only  a 
united  ministry  could  bring  about  the  union  with  Scot- 

1  Morrison  (2d  Series),  I.  51.     See  also  Coxe  Papers,  XX.  92. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XLI.  55-6.  This  letter  sheds  light  upon  the  temperament 
of  Sunderland,  who  had  relied  upon  the  influence  of  the  duchess.  /&.,  13. 
Earlier  than  this  the  duchess  had  made  such  a  threat  to  Anne.  "When 
they  [the  Whigs]  are  forced  to  leave  your  service  you  will  then  indeed  find 
yourself  in  the  hand  of  a  violent  party  who  I  am  sure  will  have  very  little 
mercy  or  even  humanity  for  you."  Conduct,  p.  164.  Harley 's  part  in  the 
affair  rests  upon  the  proper  deciphering  of  this  letter. 


202  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

land,  and  she  capitulated,  but  only  upon  the  express  con- 
dition that  Sunderland  should  resign,  if  his  actions  failed 
to  please  her.  Without  such  a  proviso  to  save  her  pride, 
she  would  probably  never  have  yielded.^ 

After  more  than  a  year's  siege,  the  junto  won  their 
victory  over  Anne,  who  had  sought  to  stand  above  all 
factions.  Nevertheless,  their  assiduity  would  probably 
have  failed  even  with  Sunderland's  promises  of  good 
behavior,  had  it  not  been  for  Marlborough's  great  per- 
sonal influence  after  Ramillies,  and  the  need  of  the  junto 's 
aid  in  carrying  the  union.  Even  then  there  was  little 
graciousness  in  her  surrender,  as  the  tender  heart  of 
Godolphin  bears  witness.  ''You  chide  me,"  he  wrote  the 
duchess,  "for  being  touched  with  the  condition  in  which 
I  saw  the  Queen.  You  would  have  been  so,  too,  if  you 
had  seen  the  same  sight  as  I  did;  but  what  troubles  me 
most  in  the  affair  is,  that  one  can't  find  any  way  of  mak- 
ing .  .  .  [her]  sensible  of  83 's  [her]  mistake,  for  I  am 
sure  she  thinks  83  entirely  in  the  right.  "^  He  was  quite 
correct,  Anne  never  forgot  nor  forgave  this  humiliation. 

In  addition  to  displaying  the  slender  hold  Godolphin 
had  on  power,  this  contest  indicates  that  Marlborough 
was  not  secure  either  in  his  position  with  the  queen  or 
in  his  relations  with  the  junto.  No  one,  save  Marl- 
borough and  Harley,  was  more  aware  of  how  reluctantly 
Anne  allied  herself  with  the  Whigs  than  was  St.  John. 
"I  should  be  glad,"  he  wrote,  "to  know  what  temper  you 
found  the  gentlemen  in,  whether  they  will  think  it  reason- 

1  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  42;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7075,  f.  71,  7058,  f.  78; 
Bath  MSS.,  I.  132;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VIII.  101,  120^-;  Hanover  Papers, 
Stowe  MSS.,  222,  f.  481.  Some  attribute  to  Mrs.  Burnet  considerable  re- 
sponsibility for  Sunderland's  appointment.  Clarke  and  Foxcroft,  Burnet, 
p.  431.  Notwithstanding  Anne's  assurances  to  Godolphin,  "It  was  not  until 
after  much  solicitation  that  her  Majesty  could  be  prevailed  upon  so  far  to 
oblige  the  Whigs."    The  duchess  ili  Conduct,  p.  160. 

2Priv.  Cor.,  I.  66. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  203 

able  to  support  the  Queen  who  has  nothing  to  ask  but 
what  we  are  undone  if  we  do  not  grant ;  and  who,  if  she 
does  make  use  of  hands  they  do  not  like,  has  been  forced 
to  it  by  the  indiscretion  of  our  friends.  The  real  founda- 
tion of  difference  between  the  two  parties  is  removed,  and 
she  seems  to  throw  herself  on  the  gentlemen  of  England, 
who  had  much  better  have  her  at  the  head  of  'em  than  any 
ringleaders  of  fashion.  Unless  gentlemen  can  show  that 
her  administration  puts  the  Church  or  State  in  danger, 
they  must  own  the  contest  to  be  about  persons ;  and  if  it 
be  so  can  any  honest  man  hesitate  which  side  to  take."^ 

The  absence  of  all  reference  to  the  duchess  is  signifi- 
cant, and  coupled  with  the  other  letters  just  examined, 
would  tend  to  make  one  suspect  that  the  latter 's  influence 
upon  general  political  affairs  even  up  to  1706  was  less 
vital  than  has  been  supposed.  Throughout  the  reign,  the 
queen  never  lost  her  spirit  of  favoritism  toward  the 
Tories,  even  when  they  ceased  to  support  her.  As  a 
matter  of  fact,  Anne 's  tardy  acquiescence  in  carrying  out 
the  wishes  of  the  Marlboroughs  widened  the  gulf  between 
herself  and  Mrs.  Freeman. 

Some  writers,  who  emphasize  the  political  importance 
of  the  favorite,  insist  that  she  practically  dictated  the 
selection  of  court  officials.  In  the  case  of  the  first  minis- 
try, we  have  found  this  untrue,  according  to  her  own  con- 
fession, as  well  as  that  of  others,^  while  political  necessity 
was  perhaps  as  largely  responsible  for  the  appointment 
of  Cowper  and  Sunderland  as  was  the  influence  of  the 
duchess.  The  latter  is  also  charged  with  being  respon- 
sible for  the  appointment  of  practically  all  officials  of  the 
royal  household.    To  this,  she  enters  an  emphatic  denial, 

1  Coke  MSS.,  III.  63. 

2  Smollett,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  I.  415,  451;  Boyer,  p.  177;  Quart.  Rev.,  LXIV. 
253;  Macpherson,  I.  636,  92;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  151;  Hanover  Papers, 
Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  f.  241. 


204  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

saying  that  except  for  the  pages  of  the  backstairs,  the 
other  places  in  the  gift  of  the  mistress  of  the  robes  con- 
sisted of  ''waiters,  cofferbearers  .  .  .  starchers  and 
sempstress."^  Such  certainly  were  not  positions  of  con- 
sequence, and  she  could  not  build  up  her  political  power 
by  such  appointments.  Unless  it  can  be  shown  that  she 
controlled  more  valuable  places,  it  would  be  incorrect  to 
assign  much  importance  to  this  phase  of  her  activity. 
As  no  claim  has  been  more  often  made  to  show  that  the 
duchess  had  Anne  completely  in  her  power,  it  is  essential 
to  ascertain  what  evidence  exists  to  support  such  a  con- 
tention. Miss  Strickland  cites  several  references  in  the 
Coxe  Papers,  but  all  her  examples  relate  to  menials, 
whom  the  duchess  conceded  that  she  placed  in  office.  We 
should  naturally  expect  her  as  groom  of  the  stole  to 
select  her  lowly  subordinates,  since  others  had  done  so 
before  her,  and  no  doubt  her  successors  continued  to  do 
so  after  her. 

Nothing  except  her  Jacobite  leanings,  and  her  inveter- 
ate hostility  to  the  duchess  could  have  caused  Miss 
Strickland  to  sneer  at  the  latter 's  part  in  reforming  the 
custom  of  selling  places  at  court,  as  it  seems  illogical  to 
assume  that  she  had  everything  to  do  with  the  patronage 
and  nothing  at  all  to  do  with  such  an  important  regula- 
tion concerning  it.  If  her  influence  in  selecting  crown 
servants  were  half  so  great  as  is  usually  believed,  she 
could  readily  have  convinced  Anne  that  such  a  reform 
was  unnecessary,  or  at  least  undesirable.    As  a  matter 

^Conduct,  p.  310.  Miss  Strickland  (XII.  69)  insists  that  "Sarah 
reigned  supremely  over  the  formation  of  the  newly  formed  household,  dis- 
posing of  all  places.  .  .  .  From  the  mighty  Dutch  magnate,  Portland,  down 
to  the  humble  clear  starcher,  Abrahal,  Sarah  .  .  .  placed  and  displaced 
whomever  she  thought  fit,"  Miss  Strickland  says  this  depends  upon  a 
statement  of  the  duchess  found  in  the  Coxe  Papers,  but  she  fails  to  give 
the  volume,  and  an  examination  of  these  manuscripts  failed  to  reveal  it. 
Cf.  Sismondi,  Eist.  Frangais,  XXVI.  329;  Other  Side,  p.  260. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  205 

of  fact,  the  duchess  was  never  guilty  of  open  corruption, 
even  in  this  mild  form,  consequently  she  could  have  had 
no  personal  reasons  for  opposing  reform.  Besides,  her 
ideas  as  to  court  appointments  were  anything  but  selfish. 
''If  I  had  power  to  dispose  of  places,"  she  wrote  in  con- 
fidence to  Godolphin  at  the  beginning  of  the  reign,  ''the 
first  rule  should  be,  to  have  those  that  were  proper  for 
business;  the  next,  those  that  had  deserved  upon  occa- 
sion; and  whenever  there  was  room  without  hurting  the 
public,  I  think  one  would,  with  pleasure,  give  employ- 
ments to  those  who  were  in  so  unhappy  a  condition  as  to 
want  them.  "^  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  available  evidence 
fails  to  connect  the  duchess  with  the  reform  at  all. 
Burnet  tells  us  of  the  issuance  of  the  ordinance^  through 
Anne's  declaration  in  the  Privy  Council.  It  is  improb- 
able that  he  would  have  consciously  left  out  any  refer- 
ence to  the  part  played  by  the  duchess,  as  he  was  an  inti- 
mate friend  of  the  Marlboroughs,  and  his  book  was  ex- 
amined by  the  duchess  before  its  publication.^ 

If  a  list  of  the  men  and  women  holding  important  offices 
in  1702  be  examined,  the  complaint  of  the  duchess  that 
the  new  ministry  was  not  to  her  liking  will  be  found  to 
hold  true  as  well  for  the  second-rate  offices  about  the 
court.*  The  Duke  of  Devonshire,  Earl  of  Jersey,  Earl  of 
Rochester,  Earl  of  Nottingham,  Sir  Edward  Seymour, 
and  Sir  John  Gower  were  not  friends  of  the  Marl- 
boroughs,  yet  they  were  appointed  to  office  along  with 

^Quarterly  Beview,  XXIII.  12.  See  also  Coxe  Papers,  XLVI.  2;  Con- 
duct, p.  301;  cf.  Thomson,  I.  362. 

2  Bumet,  V.  63. 

3  Foxcrof t,  Supplement  to  Burnet,  XXVII ;  Eanke,  Eng.  Hist.,  VI.  75. 
Stebbing  {Genealog.  Hist.,  p.  768)  is  silent  as  to  any  part  the  duchess  may 
have  taken  in  this  reform,  as  is  Coke  (III.  136),  who,  like  the  Duke  of 
Buckingham,  thought  the  regulation  was  inoperative. 

*  For  these  names,  see  Anglice  Notitia  (1702);  Stepney  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  7074,  ff.  117-23,  208-9,  f.  88;  ih.,  7079,  f.  88;  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXIX.  106. 


206  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Godolphin.  Devonshire  was  a  Whig,  it  is  true,  but  Jersey 
and  Gower  were  at  least  zealous  Highfliers,  if  not  secret 
Jacobites.  Moreover,  such  men  were  much  to  Anne's 
liking  and  she  was  willing  to  take  their  professions  of 
loyalty  to  the  church  at  their  face  value,  until  their 
actions  proved  them  to  be  selfish,  ambitious,  and  totally 
unworthy  of  favor.  Then,  however,  she  was  placed  in 
the  greatest  of  quandaries,  for  she  liked  the  Whigs  little 
more  than  she  did  the  Tories,  who  had  refused  to  do  her 
bidding. 

Whereas  the  evidence  in  favor  of  the  duchess's  in- 
fluence seems  inconclusive,  from  various  sources  we  learn 
that  others  had  much  to  do  in  appointing  to  desirable 
offices.  While  secretary,  Nottingham  was  active  in  pro- 
moting the  interests  of  his  followers.  Yet  he  conceded 
that  there  were  insurmountable  obstacles  in  his  way,  the 
chief  of  which  was  the  queen,  who  always  interested  her- 
self in  political  appointments. 

Closely  connected  with  the  disposal  of  offices  at  court 
is  the  question  of  rewarding  loyal  political  supporters 
with  peerages,  or  promotions  within  the  peerage.  The 
duchess  was  accused  of  dictating  Anne's  selection  of 
peers,  but  in  this  instance,  the  case  of  her  accusers  breaks 
down  entirely.  Her  husband  was  created  a  duke,  not 
only  without  her  solicitation,  but  contrary  to  her  best 
judgment.^  Indeed,  as  soon  as  she  heard  of  the  queen's 
intentions,  she  wrote  posthaste  to  her  spouse,  advising 
him  to  decline  the  honor.  This  suggestion  Marlborough 
acted  upon  some  time  later,  but  the  '^  solicitations  of  the 
Queen  and  the  importunities  of  Godolphin,  as  well  as  the 
representations  of  the  Pensionary  Heinsius,  at  length 
vanquished  the  reluctance  of  the  Countess."^    Godolphin 

1  Marlborough 's  letter  is  printed  in  Eeid,  p.  112.     See  also  Conduct,  pp. 
302-3 ;  Klopp,  Der  Fall  des  Hauses  Stuart,  X.  230-1. 
2Coxe,  I.  102;  Eeid,  p.  112. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  207 

interviewed  Anne  in  the  duchess's  behalf,  but  Queen 
Anne  was  determined  to  have  her  way,  and  the  lord  treas- 
urer was  advised  to  prepare  the  duchess  for  the  inevitable. 
*'I  hope  you  will  give  me  leave,  as  soon  as  he  comes,  to 
make  him  a  duke,"  wrote  the  queen  ten  days  later.  '*I 
know  my  dear  Mrs.  Freeman  does  not  care  for  anything 
of  the  kind,  nor  am  I  satisfied  with  it,  because  it  does  not 
enough  express  the  value  I  have  for  Mr.  Freeman,  nor 
anything  ever  can  how  passionately  I  am  yours.  "^  Such 
words  are  rather  conclusive  on  this  point,  despite  the 
superabundant  assertions  of  friendship.  Moreover,  the 
duchess  insisted  that  she  never  desired,  much  less  asked 
for  her  husband  that  honor,  which  Anne  granted  in  so 
special  a  manner.^ 

Although  the  duchess  did  not  contribute  to  the  duke's 
promotion,  she  may  have  been  active  in  forwarding  the 
cause  of  others.  Buckingham's  promotion  was  certainly 
due  to  his  zeal  for  the  church  and  to  his  early  friendship 
for  Anne.  Somewhat  later,  the  queen  created  five  peers 
in  a  group,  four  of  them  Tories  of  one  mind  with  herself, 
and  John  Hervey,  a  Whig  friend  of  the  duchess.  While 
denying  all  connection  with  the  other  creations,  the 
duchess  takes  the  entire  credit  for  securing  Hervey 's 
peerage.  She  was  in  the  country  when  she  heard  that 
Anne  had  decided  to  create  four  peers.  At  once  she 
wrote  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  that  if  they  did  not 
endeavor  to  ''get  Mr.  Hervey  made  a  peer,  [she]  neither 
would  nor  could  show  [her]  face  any  more.  .  .  .  The 
thing  was  done  purely  at  my  request. ' " 

1  Conduct,  p.  304. 

2  Morrison  (2d  Series),  II.  39;  Stepney  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  7074,  ff. 
252-3;  Eeid,  p.  113. 

3  Conduct,  pp.  297-8.  Hervey  gives  the  duchess  all  the  credit.  Diary, 
pp.  1-38.  Burnet  says  he  was  made  a  peer  "by  private  favour,"  but  the 
Parliamentary  History  (VI.  149)  is  more  explicit.  Some  might  assert  that 
the  Marlboroughs  influenced  all  these  creations,  but  if  it  is  remembered  that 


208  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

If  the  duchess  were  such  a  political  force  as  has  been 
supposed,  it  is  strange  that  she  should  have  been  kept  in 
ignorance  of  the  queen's  intentions  until  the  last  moment. 
Stranger  still  is  it,  that  instead  of  writing  directly  to 
Anne  to  grant  this  personal  favor,  she  should  ask  her 
husband  and  the  lord  treasurer  to  use  their  influence  in 
her  behalf.  Strangest  of  all,  is  the  intimation  that  her 
pleas  might  not  succeed.  This  letter  creates  a  strong 
presumption  that  her  influence  was  not  excessively  great 
in  appointments,  even  when  she  thought  it  was ;  at  least 
it  appears  so  as  far  as  she  had  to  do  with  the  peerage, 
even  when  creations  were  made  for  political  purposes.^ 

In  two  other  creations,  the  Marlboroughs  probably  took 
some  interest,  although  there  is  no  certainty  that  their 
influence  was  decisive.  Godolphin's  peerage  was  due 
probably  as  much  to  Anne's  friendship,  as  to  the  wishes 
of  the  duchess.  In  1703,  Lady  Mary,  daughter  of  the 
duchess,  was  married  to  Viscount  Monthermer,  son  of 
the  Earl  of  Montagu,  who  soon  after  was  honored  with  a 
dukedom.  The  natural  inference  is  that  Marlborough 
and  his  wife  promoted  his  claim.  Yet  it  must  be  remem- 
bered that  the  former  was  never  on  good  terms  with 
Montagu  or  his  son,  and  that  there  never  was  any  love 
lost  between  Lady  Monthermer  and  her  imperious 
mother.  Before  passing  final  judgment  on  Montagu's 
promotion,  it  is  well  to  bear  in  mind  that  Rutland  became 
a  duke  at  the  same  time,  and  believed  that  his  elevation 
was  due  to  Nottingham ;  furthermore,  Seymour  was  also 
very  active  in  political  affairs  and  his  son  was  among 
those  honored.^ 

the  duchess  was  becoming  more  and  more  favorable  towards  the  Whigs,  this 
view  is  untenable.    Life  of  the  Duchess,  p,  42, 

1  The  aim  of  these  creations  was  to  change  the  Whig  House  of  Lords  to 
Tory,  whereas  Sarah  was  continually  importuning  Anne  to  turn  Whig. 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  413,  419;  Macpherson,  I.  635. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  209 

At  the  beginning  of  the  reign,  the  duchess's  influence 
was  thought  by  many  office  seekers  to  be  of  value.  Ham- 
ilton solicited  her  aid  in  Scottish  affairs,  in  which  she 
might  have  been  of  real  help,  because  here  she  was  in 
close  sympathy  with  Anne/  A  year  later,  however,  the 
duchess  openly  confessed  to  Sunderland  that  she  was 
unable  to  further  the  interests  of  a  mutual  friend,  al- 
though she  had  spoken  to  Anne  and  Godolphin  ''for  him 
with  as  much  earnestness  as  if  he  had  been  my  friend  .  .  . 
this  twenty  year.'"  In  fact,  in  such  cases,  the  duchess 
was  so  exceedingly  troublesome  that  the  ministers,  espe- 
cially Godolphin,  were  glad  when  she  ceased  to  meddle  in 
affairs  of  this  kind.^ 

Though  the  duchess 's  importance  may  have  been  small 
in  creating  peers  and  selecting  ministers  and  minor 
government  officials,  it  is  possible  that  she  may  have  had 
more  to  do  in  determining  the  personnel  of  the  bench  and 
returning  officers.  Cowper  noted,  however,  that  Anne 
displayed  a  most  exasperating  interest  in  choosing  Eng- 
lish and  Irish  judges,  while  she  took  delight  in  pricking 
the  sheriffs,  and  writing  in  the  names  of  those  she  pre- 
ferred when  the  candidates  presented  failed  to  meet  her 
approval.*  Anne  had  heard  that  the  mayor  of  Dover 
ordered  bells  rung  in  joy  when  he  learned  that  Prince 
George  was  to  lay  down  his  post  in  the  Admiralty.  She 
wrote  Godolphin  that  if  this  report  were  true,  ''I  cannot 
think  he  is  a  fit  person  to  succeed  Mr.  Herbert  or  anybody 

1  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  (1702-3),  p.  142;  Other  Side,  p.  239. 

2  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  34518,  f.  64;  Newcastle  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  32679,  f,  17. 

3  Cunningham,  II,  77. 

i  Diary,  January  5,  1705;  Strickland,  XII.  134;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Sec.  Letter 
Book,  CIV.  46;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  IX.  1,  In  another  instance  Anne  asked 
for  more  information  about  the  candidates  before  she  signed  the  warrants; 
at  another  time  she  criticized  the  methods  used  to  secure  sheriffs,  and  wished 
the  lord  keeper  to  impose  this  extra  duty  upon  the  judges  on  circuit. 
Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28890,  f.  377;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  II.  1. 


210  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

else.'"  One  would  scarcely  conclude  from  this  that 
Anne's  appointments  were  usually  made  at  the  sugges- 
tion of  the  duchess  or  anyone  else,  unless  the  men  were 
personally  acceptable  to  her.  A  similar  spirit  is  also 
indicated  concerning  the  independent  attitude  of  some  of 
the  prince's  servants.  ''I  will  be  sure  to  speak  to  the 
Prince  to  command  all  his  servants  to  do  their  duty,"  she 
wrote  to  Lady  Marlborough.  '  ^  If  they  do  not  obey  him,  I 
am  sure  they  do  not  deserve  to  be  any  longer  so,  and  I 
shall  use  my  endeavours  that  they  may  not;  but  I  hope 
they  will  not  be  such  villians;  and  if  they  do  what  they 
ought,  I  am  certain  it  will  be  none  of  the  Prince's  falt.""^ 
Anne's  reply  indicates  that  the  duchess's  letter  was  in 
the  nature  of  a  complaint,  rather  than  a  request  that  the 
prince's  servants  be  changed,  but  in  common  with  the 
other  instances  cited,  it  fails  to  prove  that  the  duchess's 
word  in  civil  appointments  was  decisive  even  in  the  early 
years  of  the  reign. 

Peerages,  court  places,  and  pensions  do  not  seem  to 
have  been  to  any  considerable  extent  under  the  duchess's 
control.  What  was  her  importance  with  reference  to 
ecclesiastical  appointments?  The  queen  was  pious,  al- 
most to  the  point  of  superstition ;  Lady  Marlborough  was 
practical  minded  and  accused  by  her  enemies  of  atheism. 
So,  naturally,  there  would  be  little  sympathy  between 
them  in  matters  dealing  with  liturgy  and  church  admin- 
istration. Anne  seized  every  available  opportunity  to 
increase  her  influence  in  ecclesiastical  affairs,  and  stead- 
ily refused  to  yield  any  part  of  her  power  to  Cowper, 
even  at  the  request  of  the  duchess,  whom  she  quietly 
snubbed  when  the  latter  persisted  in  advocating  Cowper 's 

1  Mahon,  p.  538. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XLV.  f.  147.  In  the  summer  of  1706,  two  of  the  prince's 
grooms  of  the  bedchamber  were  dismissed,  partly  on  account  of  their  oppo- 
sition to  the  court.  Samuel  Masham  succeeded  one  of  them.  Marlb.  MSS., 
p.  53. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  211 

right  to  certain  advowsons.  Lady  Marlborough  had 
little  influence  over  the  higher  clergy,  save  possibly 
Burnet,  who  was  unpopular  with  the  queen.  The 
duchess's  part  in  bringing  about  the  defeat  of  the  High- 
fliers was  probably  direct,  but  she  succeeded  in  her  aims 
only  because  Anne  was  convinced  in  her  own  mind  that 
the  duchess  was  right.  When  the  queen  was  morally  cer- 
tain of  her  ground,  as  in  the  case  of  the  two  bishoprics, 
the  combined  influence  of  the  Marlboroughs  and  Godol- 
phin  was  insufficient  to  change  her  plans. 

Such  a  cursory  view  of  the  duchess's  influence  upon 
domestic  affairs  does  not  bear  out  the  contention  that 
Anne  was  completely  dominated  by  her  in  such  matters. 
If  she  was  supreme,  as  was  said,  why  did  she  permit 
Rochester,  the  duke's  rival,  to  be  made  lord  lieutenant  of 
Ireland?  Was  it  magnanimity,  or  lack  of  power?  Why 
was  it  necessary  for  her  to  wait  more  than  two  years, 
before  her  protege,  Sunderland,  was  taken  into  the  cabi- 
net council?  Was  this  due  to  her  patience  or  to  her 
weakness?  Last  of  all,  why  was  it  possible  for  Harley 
to  remain  in  the  ministry  for  months  after  the  duchess, 
supported  by  her  husband  and  Godolphin,  had  demanded 
that  he  be  disgraced?  Was  this  due  to  a  friendly  sym- 
pathy for  Anne,  or  to  her  limited  political  power?  What- 
ever may  have  been  the  part  played  by  the  duchess  in  the 
political  arena,  the  queen's  financial  affairs  were  entirely 
under  her  control,  much  to  the  advantage  of  both  women, 
for  Anne  was  careless  of  her  money,  whereas  Sarah  was 
penurious  and  grasping.  As  a  result,  Mrs.  Morley  was 
kept  upon  an  allowance,  which  left  her  frequently  in 
embarrassing  circumstances,  and  must  have  helped  to 
increase  her  discontent  with  the  favorite.^ 

In  the  struggle  between  the  Whigs  and  Tories  to  bring 
over  the  Electress  Sophia,  the  influence  of  the  duchess 

lAdd.  MSS.,  32679,  f.  17;  LocTchart  Papers,  I.  126-7,  267-8. 


212  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

was  not  predominant,  and  she  confessed  her  inability  to 
do  anything  with  Anne  on  this  important  issue,  much  as 
she  must  have  desired  to  stand  well  with  both  the  queen 
and  the  next  heir  to  the  throne.  It  is  still  more  perplex- 
ing to  understand,  even  if  we  boldly  assume  that  she  had 
been  responsible  for  whipping  the  Whigs  into  line,  why, 
after  rendering  such  valuable  services  to  a  most  grateful 
mistress,  she  could  not  easily  have  gained  the  queen's 
consent  to  her  son-in-law's  promotion,  which  she  had 
been  urging  so  long/ 

Not  only  in  the  domain  of  political  affairs,  then,  does 
the  power  of  the  duchess  seem  to  vanish,  but  in  diplo- 
matic affairs  as  well.  Her  part  in  settling  the  question 
of  the  succession  was  slight,  while  her  share  in  the  nego- 
tiations leading  up  to  the  union  does  not  seem  particu- 
larly significant.  From  the  year  1703  onwards,  her  name 
seems  to  disappear  from  the  correspondence  connected 
with  both  Edinburgh  and  Westminster. 

Gradually,  very  gradually,  it  dawned  upon  the  duchess 
that  her  influence  was  diminishing,  and  when  the  news 
of  the  secret  marriage  of  Abigail  leaked  out,  much  to 
the  discomfiture  of  both  Anne  and  the  waiting  woman, 
her  suspicions  were  aroused  and  an  investigation  con- 
vinced her  that  Abigail  had  wormed  herself  into  the 
queen's  confidence — a  state  of  affairs  due  largely  to  the 
negligence  of  the  duchess  and  the  lord  treasurer.  With 
Godolphin  at  the  helm  of  state  and  her  husband  leading 
a  victorious  army,  the  duchess  thought  herself  firmly 
ensconced  at  court.  So  confident  was  she  of  her  power, 
that  she  absented  herself  for  long  intervals  from  Anne's 
side,  while  superintending  the  building  of  Blenheim  and 
quarreling  with  Vanbrugh,  the  architect.  She  even  dared 
lecture  Anne  continually  about  her  fondness  for  the 
Tories  who  were  working  so  persistently  against  her. 

1  See  the  remarks  in  Life  of  the  Duchess,  pp.  30-2,  and  Conduct,  p.  160. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  213 

Slowly,  all  this  preaching  against  the  Tories  produced  a 
reaction,  and  the  queen  began  to  tire  of  her  favorite, 
whose  continued  absences  allowed  her,  solitary  and 
moody,  to  brood  over  her  wrongs,  and  led  her  to  seek 
other  secret  advisers. 

The  relations  existing  between  the  queen  and  her  two 
favorites  are  of  vital  importance  in  determining  the 
extent,  nature,  and  consequences  of  the  intrigues  against 
the  ministry.  "We  have  seen,  thus  far,  that  Abigail 
came  under  Anne 's  influence  early  in  the  reign.  Exactly 
when  Harley's  confidential  relations  with  Abigail  began, 
it  is  difficult  to  ascertain,  but  at  least  by  1707  her  power 
was  sufficient  to  arouse  the  duchess.  She  was  a  distant 
but  needy  cousin  of  Sarah  Jennings,^  to  whom  her  very 
existence  was  unknown  until  late  in  William's  reign.  As 
soon  as  the  impulsive  Sarah's  attention  was  directed  by 
Princess  Anne  to  her  poor  relation,  she  endeavored  to 
better  the  latter 's  condition,  and  it  was  easy  to  secure  for 
her  a  place  as  bedchamber  woman  in  the  princess's 
household.^  Early  in  Anne 's  reign  Abigail  was  promoted 
to  a  place  in  the  queen's  bedchamber. 

Abigail  proved  herself  an  efficient  servant.  '  *  She  was 
a  person  of  a  plain,  sound  understanding,  of  great  truth 
and  sincerity,  without  the  least  mixture  of  falsehood  or 
disguise,"  wrote  Swift,  who  knew  her  well.^  She  must 
have  possessed  considerable  natural  ability,  as  her  corre- 
spondence is  clear,  and  far  more  intelligible  than  that 

iFor  the  exact  relationship,  consult  Notes  4"  Queries  (2d  Series),  VIII. 
57,  155;  ib.  (10th  Series),  VIII.  390-1. 

2  Abigail's  name  appears  in  the  list  of  Anne's  household  in  1700. 
AnglicB  Notitia  (1700),  p.  519.  She  was  probably  employed  as  early  as 
1698.  See  also  Strickland,  XI,  276;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  189.  Another,  cousin 
was  put  to  school,  in  due  time  became  a  page  to  Prince  George,  and  later 
he  was  appointed  groom  of  the  bedchamber  to  the  Duke  of  Gloucester.  Con- 
duct, p.  180. 

3  Swift,  The  Queen's  Last  Ministry;  see  also  Journal  to  Stella,  passim. 


214  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

of  the  majority  of  men  and  women  at  court.  Her  tem- 
perament was  placid  and  unruffled,  in  violent  contrast 
to  the  duchess's  excitability;  she  was  ever  courteous  and 
deferential,  whereas  her  cousin  had  always  been  brusque 
and  plain-spoken.  On  all  occasions  she  seemed  ''full  of 
love,  duty  and  veneration  for  the  Queen,  her  mistress,"^ 
and  was  always  willing  to  share  the  confidence  of  her 
sovereign  and  to  sympathize  with  her  in  all  distress. 

For  many  months  the  duchess  did  her  utmost  to  further 
the  interests  of  Abigail  at  court.  The  latter  was  grate- 
ful for  such  assistance  and  wrote  obsequious  notes  to  her 
benefactress,  who  was  convinced  that  she  was  shy  and 
reserved  because  ''she  always  avoided  entering  into  free 
conversation  with  me,  and  made  excuses  when  I  wanted 
her  to  go  abroad  with  me. ' "  Indeed,  the  duchess  was  so 
kind  to  her  socially  that  the  queen  soon  became  jealous. 
"I  hope  Mrs.  Freeman  has  no  thought  of  going  to  the 
opera  with  Mrs.  Hill,"  she  wrote,  "and  will  have  a  care 
of  engaging  herself  too  much  in  her  company,  for  if  you 
give  way  to  that,  it  is  a  thing  that  will  insensibly  grow 
upon  you.  Therefore  give  me  leave  once  more  to  beg 
for  your  own  sake,  as  well  as  Mrs.  Morley's,  that  you 
will  have  as  little  to  do  with  that  enchantress  as  'tis 
possible,  and  pray  pardon  me  for  saying  this."^ 

Anne  penned  these  lines  before  political  difficulties  had 
sprung  up  to  separate  her  from  the  duchess;  it  was 
earlier,  too,  than  the  dispute  over  the  letter  of  August, 
1706,  and  the  unpleasantness  concerning  Cowper's  con- 
trol over  church  benefices,  which  threw  into  bold  relief 
the  High  Church  beliefs  of  the  one  and  the  Low  Church 
proclivities  of  the  other;*  neither  had  the  merits  of  the 

1  The  Queen's  Last  Ministry;  Notes  4"  Queries  (2d  Series),  VIII.  9. 

2  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  flF,  96d-7<i. 

3  Reid,  p.  148. 

*  Leadam,  p.  123.  The  real  "stone  of  stumbling  was  politics,"  whereas 
the  "work  of  offense  was  religion."    Eeid,  p.  148. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  215 

head  dresser  yet  become  known  to  Anne.  Gradually  she 
learned  from  Abigail's  own  lips  that  she  was  a  devout 
High  Church  adherent  (if  indeed  she  were  not  a  true 
Jacobite)/  Little  by  little  Anne  came  to  know  that 
Abigail  looked  upon  her  as  the  personification  of  the 
sovereign  power  of  the  realm.  Such  ideas  did  much  to 
endear  her  to  the  queen,  at  a  time  when  elections  and 
business  interests  took  the  duchess  more  and  more  from 
court.  The  latter 's  scoldings  and  frequent  demands  for 
favors  to  the  Whigs  made  Anne  more  content  with  Abi- 
gail, but  the  duchess  was  either  too  busy  or  too  obtuse  to 
notice  her  own  gradual  loss  of  authority.  Possibly  her 
suspicions  began  to  be  aroused  by  the  end  of  1705.  If 
so,  they  were  quietly  allayed  by  Anne's  clever  letter  after 
the  failure  of  the  "tack." 

In  the  meanwhile,  Harley  had  also  discovered  in  Abi- 
gail a  long-lost  relative,  and  perceiving  her  potential 
value  in  politics,  began  to  cultivate  her  friendship  most 
assiduously.  Fortune  favored  him,  as  he  soon  learned 
that  the  unassuming  Abigail  had  fallen  madly  in  love 
with  Samuel  Masham,  gentleman-in-waiting  to  Prince 
George,  whom  he  resembled  so  much  both  in  intellect  and 
disposition.  As  might  have  been  expected,  Masham  was 
completely  oblivious  of  the  sighs  and  amorous  glances 
sent  his  way  by  the  love-lorn  Abigail,  but  the  skilful 
secretary  assumed  the  role  of  matchmaker^  so  success- 
fully that  within  a  few  months,  Samuel  had  taken  Abigail 
for  better  or  worse  in  a  secret  marriage  which  Anne 
honored  with  her  presence.  This  ceremony  was  kept  a 
profound  secret  for  nearly  a  year  before  the  duchess 
accidentally  heard  of  it.  When  we  recall  how  excellent 
her  spy  system  was,  this  is  really  surprising.    The  fact 

1  This  statement  rests  upon  the  credibility  of  Mesnager  's  Negotiations, 
which,  according  to  Professor  Trent,  Mere  most  probably  written  by  Defoe. 

2  Chamberlen,  p.  280. 


216  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

that  any  attempt  was  made  to  keep  from  her  a  knowl- 
edge of  the  marriage  is  sufficiently  indicative  of  her  loss 
of  favor  in  the  queen's  eyes. 

When  the  irritable  duchess  heard  of  Abigail's  mar- 
riage, her  anger  was  terrible.  In  her  ravings  not  even 
Anne  was  spared,  for  had  she  not  been  present  in  Dr. 
Arbuthnot's  chambers  during  the  ceremony!  Her  harsh 
comments  upon  her  cousin's  unseemly  behavior  largely 
contributed  to  widening  the  gulf  between  queen  and 
favorite,  which  was  visible  to  all  at  court  except  the  re- 
doubtable Sarah  herself.  The  duchess's  resentment 
against  Mrs.  Masham  was  accentuated  by  the  latter 's 
intimacy  with  Harley,  as  Lady  Marlborough  was  exceed- 
ingly fearful  of  his  meddling  in  the  queen's  affairs.^ 
She  had  ample  reason  to  fear  Harley 's  intrigues,  for 
by  his  matchmaking  ability,  the  secretary  had  gained 
the  close  co-operation  and  gratitude  of  Mrs.  Masham, 
whose  quiet,  unobtrusive  demeanor  was  needed  to  carry 
out  his  political  policies.  As  Abigail's  influence  in- 
creased, he  depended  upon  her  tact  to  carry  his  sugges- 
tions to  the  queen;  when  an  interview  was  necessary,  he 
relied  upon  her  to  smuggle  him  into  Anne's  secret  closet. 
Mrs.  Masham 's  power  to  maintain  strict  secrecy  is  shown 
by  her  keeping  her  marriage  concealed  from  her  haughty 
cousin  for  many  months,  and  she  soon  displayed  a  talent 
for  dissimulation  that  was  almost  genius.  She  retained 
her  maiden  name  so  long,  not  so  much  because  she  feared 
the  ''tigerish  rage"  of  the  vindictive  duchess  as  for  the 
reason  that  Harley 's  schemes  would  be  more  certain  to 
succeed,  if  his  relations  with  the  queen  remained  un- 
known alike  to  Godolphin  and  the  junto. 

Mrs.  Masham 's  native  shrewdness  and  remarkable 
self-possession  are  unconsciously  attested  by  the  duchess 
herself.     Soon  after  learning  of  the  secret  marriage, 

i  Conduct,  pp.  183-4;  Strickland,  XII.  141-3. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  217 

Sarah  pounced  upon  Abigail  and  demanded  that  her 
humble  relative  should  explain  why  Anne  happened  to 
know  of  it  when  she  was  not  equally  well  informed. 
Mrs.  Masham  retained  her  composure  and  sweetly  re- 
plied that ' '  she  believed  the  bed-chamber  woman  had  told 
the  Queen  of  it."^  Under  all  sorts  of  disadvantageous 
conditions,  Abigail  never  lost  her  poise  and  no  one  was 
ever  able  to  get  from  her  any  detailed  account  of  her 
relations  with  Anne.  Possessed  of  a  temperament  so 
tranquil  she  must  have  been  a  welcome  relief  to  the  queen 
from  the  turbulent  duchess,  and  an  important,  though 
secret,  factor  in  the  execution  of  Harley's  schemes. 

Having  made  so  little  headway  with  her  cousin,  the 
impetuous  groom  of  the  stole  carried  her  troubles  to  the 
queen.  She  found  Anne  unresponsive.  This  was  due  in 
part  to  the  frequency  of  the  duchess's  complaints  about 
menials  at  court.  Once  she  accused  Mrs.  Danvers,  a  bed- 
chamber woman  dear  to  the  queen,  of  being  a  spy  as  well 
as  saying  ''false  and  impertinent  things,"  and  vainly 
urged  her  dismissal.  At  another  time,  she  wished  a  place 
for  a  soldier's  widow;  Anne  replied  that  she  did  not  need 
an  extra  woman  of  the  bedchamber,  but  ''when  she  did, 
she  would  not  have  any  married  person  for  the  future." 
That  she  might  end  the  controversy  once  for  all,  the 
queen  soon  selected  the  homely  daughter  of  Mrs.  Danvers 
for  the  place.^ 

As  a  result  of  these  experiences,  the  duchess  was  not 
greatly  surprised  at  Anne's  lack  of  sympathy.  She  was 
alarmed,  however,  when  Mrs.  Morley  openly  championed 
the  cause  of  her  dresser.  During  all  of  the  duchess's 
maledictions,  Anne  stood  fixed  in  her  belief  that  Mrs. 

1  Strickland,  XII.  150.  The  duchess  also  tells  of  Abigail's  unwittingly 
bouncing  in  upon  her  private  interview  with  the  queen  and  excusing  herself 
by  inquiring  innocently  of  Anne,  "Did  jo\i  ring?" 

2Coxe  Papers,  XLIV.  54-6;  Strickland,  XII.  141-3.  Mrs.  Danvers  had 
been  Anne's  bedchamber  woman  since  1688. 


218  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Masham  had  been  right  in  keeping  her  marriage  a  secret 
from  one  who  was  certain  to  create  a  scene  if  anything 
were  done  without  her  consent.  For  a  time,  Anne  con- 
cealed her  personal  feelings,  but  at  last,  even  her  easy- 
going nature  was  aroused.  She  could  write  polite, 
evasive  notes  no  longer,  so  she  informed  the  duchess  that 
she  did  not  care  to  discuss  the  matter  any  further. 

In  reply,  the  duchess  bitterly  complained  of  the 
meddlesomeness  of  the  relative  she  had  raised  from  the 
dust,  to  which  Anne  sarcastically  retorted  that  Mrs. 
Masham  never  meddled  with  anything,  although  others 
in  her  employ  had  been  both  "tattling  and  impertinent."^ 
The  duchess  had  also  asked  some  pointed  questions  about 
Abigail's  associates,  but  all  the  satisfaction  Anne  vouch- 
safed was  that  Mrs.  Masham  kept  the  same  sort  of  com- 
pany as  others  of  her  station.  She  breathed  not  a  single 
word  of  Harley!  Neither  did  she  express  any  willing- 
ness to  part  with  Abigail ! 

Upon  this  last  point  the  duchess  was  most  insistent, 
and  intimated  that  the  loss  of  confidence  felt  by  Godol- 
phin  and  her  husband  might  force  them  to  resign.  Anne 
assured  her  that  she  must  be  mistaken.  The  duchess 
persevered,  although  she  received  no  encouragement. 
At  last  Anne's  patience  gave  out  entirely;  she  insisted 
that  the  duke  was  in  error  when  he  imagined  he  had 
''not  much  credit"  with  her;  she  begged  the  duchess  not 
to  "mention  that  person  any  more  whom  you  are  pleased 
to  call  the  object  of  my  favour,  for  whatever  character 
the  malicious  world  may  give  her,  I  do  assure  you  it  will 
never  have  any  weight  with  me,  knowing  she  does  not 
deserve  it,  nor  can  I  ever  change  the  good  impression  you 
once  gave  me  of  her,  unless  she  should  give  me  a  cause, 
which  I  am  very  sure  she  never  will. '  '^    A  more  pointed 

1  Coxe,  II.  99 ;  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  76. 

2  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  219 

note  it  is  difficult  to  imagine,  but  its  recipient  failed  to 
see  the  handwriting  on  the  wall. 

Having  failed  completely  to  gain  her  purpose  by  a 
frontal  attack  upon  the  new  favorite,  the  duchess  took 
her  troubles  to  Godolphin,  who  waited  upon  Anne  at  once 
and  presented  the  case  for  the  ministry.  He  made  the 
most  discouraging  report  that  ''he  had  indeed  convinced 
the  Queen  that  Mrs.  Masham  was  in  the  wrong,  but  that 
it  was  evident  that  her  Majesty  would  have  preferred 
considering  her  in  the  right. '  '^  Even  this  did  not  check 
the  headstrong  course  of  the  duchess,  who  decided  to 
write  Anne  more  frankly,  if  possible,  than  ever  before. 
*'I  know  Mrs.  Morley's  intentions  are  good,"  she  said, 
* '  and  to  let  her  run  on  in  so  many  mistakes  that  must  of 
necessity  draw  her  into  great  misfortunes  at  last,  is  just 
as  if  I  should  see  a  friend's  house  set  on  fire,  and  let 
them  be  burnt  in  their  beds  without  endeavouring  to  wake 
them,  only  because  they  had  taken  ladanum  and  had 
desired  not  to  be  disturbed.  This  is  the  case  of  poor, 
dear  Mrs.  Morley,  nothing  seems  agreeable  to  her  but 
what  comes  from  the  artifices  of  one  that  has  always  been 
reputed  to  have  a  great  talent  that  way.  I  heartily  wish 
she  may  discover  her  true  friends  before  she  suffers  for 
the  want  of  that  knowledge."^  Such  biting  remarks 
about  her  cousin  did  not  suffice  to  allay  the  duchess's 
temper;  she  insisted  that  Abigail  should  meet  her  and 
explain  what  she  meant  by  aping  her  betters.  Mrs. 
Masham  naturally  had  no  desire  to  encounter  a  **  tor- 
nado in  petticoats,"  and  her  frantic  endeavors  to  escape 
such  an  ordeal  enlisted  the  support  of  the  queen,  who 
was  able  to  sympathize  with  her.  To  the  duchess,  this 
was  the  bitterest  drop  in  the  cup;  it  was  not  sufficient 
that  her  own  cousin  should  turn  against  her,  but  that 

1  Strickland,  XII.  166. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  76. 


220  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Anne  should  support  this  upstart  against  her  own  com- 
rade, that  was  adding  insult  to  injury!  The  duchess's 
resentment  increased  accordingly/ 

Disquieting  as  was  the  queen's  attitude,  it  does  not 
imply  that  she  wished  to  cast  off  her  old  favorite.  It  is 
apparent  that  she  only  wished  to  enjoy  the  new  one  in 
peace,  for  even  if  her  feelings  of  gratitude  were  not 
active,  she  was  too  clever  to  destroy  Harley's  well-laid 
plans  by  an  exhibition  of  temper.  As  a  result,  her  caress- 
ing tone  was  soon  as  alluring  as  ever.  *'I  cannot  go  to 
bed  without  renewing  a  request  which  I  have  often  made, 
that  you  would  banish  all  unkind  and  unjust  thoughts  of 
[me],"  she  wrote.  ''I  saw  by  the  glimpse  I  had  of  you 
yesterday,  that  you  were  full  of  'em.  Indeed  I  do  not 
deserve  'em,  and  if  you  could  see  my  heart  you  would 
find  it  as  sincere,  as  tender,  and  passionately  fond  of  you 
as  ever ;  and  as  truly  sensible  of  your  kindness  in  telling 
me  your  mind  freely  on  all  occasions.  Nothing  shall  ever 
alter  me !  Though  we  may  have  the  misfortune  to  differ 
in  some  things,  I  will  ever  be  the  same  to  [you]  .  .  .  ,  I 
am  more  tenderly  and  sincerely  [yours]  than  it  is  pos- 
sible ever  to  express."^ 

Throughout  this  long  and  trying  controversy,  Anne 
constantly  insisted  that  her  friendship  for  ISirs.  Masham 
was  purely  personal  and  need  not  affect  in  any  way  her 
political  relations  with  the  duke  and  Godolphin,^  although 
she  failed  to  mention  the  all-important  fact  that  while  the 
duchess  and  the  junto  were  ruffling  her  temper,  Harley 
and  ]Mrs.  IMasham  were  constantly  dinning  in  her  ears 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  34517,  ff.  48-9;  ih.,  34515,  f.  103;  Con- 
duct, pp,  183-4, 

2  Strickland,  XII.  165,  It  seems  to  come  from  the  Coxe  Papers,  See 
Swift,  Change  of  Ministry,  and  Four  Last  Years;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  82, 

3  In  the  midst  of  this  quarrel,  Anne  wrote  the  duchess:  "I  never  did, 
nor  never  will  give  them  any  just  reason  to  forsake  me;  and  they  have  too 
much  honour  and  too  sincere  a  love  for  their  country  to  leave  me  without  a 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  221 

that  she  was  being  dictated  to  by  her  ministers  to  such 
an  extent  that  she  could  scarcely  call  her  soul  her  own/ 

Godolphin,  however,  realized  the  danger  of  these  per- 
sonal attacks  on  Mrs.  Masham,  which  only  tended  to  bring 
the  queen  and  Harley  closer  together.  The  duchess  either 
could  not  or  would  not  listen  to  reason,  and  as  a  result, 
her  querulousness  and  thoughts  of  revenge  made  it  all 
the  more  difficult  for  the  lord  treasurer  to  come  to  an 
understanding  with  Anne  over  the  bishoprics  of  Chester 
and  Exeter.  When  the  queen  stood  out  for  her  own  excel- 
lent selections,  the  vexation  of  the  Marlboroughs  must 
have  been  great,  especially  since  Anne  steadily  insisted 
that  Harley  (and  by  implication,  Mrs.  Masham)  was  in 
no  way  responsible  for  these  appointments. 

To  a  woman  less  blinded  by  her  own  importance  than 
the  duchess,  such  a  check  would  have  brought  a  period  of 
silence;  inasmuch  as  Anne  had  politely  requested  her 
not  to  mention  Mrs.  Masham  again.  The  fatuity  of  the 
duchess  is  almost  unbelievable.  Having  been  associated 
with  the  queen  all  her  life,  she  nevertheless  failed  to 
understand  her  sentiments  even  when  plainly  expressed. 
Persistence,  moreover,  was  one  of  the  duchess's  virtues, 
and  Abigail's  ingratitude  was  thrice  *' sharper  than  a 
serpent's  tooth."  Once  again,  she  berated  her  ambitious 
cousin  who  ''like  lago,  gave  .  .  .  wounds  in  the  dark,"^ 
and  charged  her  with  being  Harley 's  servant  rather  than 
Anne's  friend.  After  some  delay,  she  secured  an  inter- 
view with  Mrs.  Masham.  The  result  was  most  exasper- 
ating.    The   serving  woman   had   the   presumption   to 

cause.  And  I  beg  you  would  not  add  to  my  other  misfortunes,  of  pushing 
them  on  to  such  an  unjust  and  unjustifiable  action."  Conduct,  p.  202. 
Anne  feared  that  she  might  vindictively  force  her  husband  to  resign.  There 
is  also  present  the  familiar  appeal  to  the  patriotism  of  Godolphin  and 
Marlborough. 

■i- Other  Side,  pp.  310-1;  Goldsmith,  Eist.  of  Eng.,  IV.  136. 

2  Eeid,  p.  278, 


222  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

suggest  that  the  queen  ''would  always  be  kind"  to  her 
(the  duchess)  !^  In  all  the  vicissitudes  of  her  long  and 
fretful  life,  the  latter  never  received  such  a  terrific  blow 
to  her  pride.  Her  anger  against  Abigail  turned  to  burn- 
ing hatred,  which  persisted  as  long  as  she  lived. 

Such  unseemly  behavior  did  much  to  open  Anne 's  eyes 
and  gave  point  to  the  insinuating  statements  of  Mrs. 
Masham,  in  which  there  was  just  enough  truth  to  cause 
a  revulsion  of  feeling  against  Marlborough  and  Godol- 
phin.  The  queen  remembered  with  bitterness  how  Sun- 
derland had  been  foisted  upon  her,  and  fretted  continu- 
ally under  the  constant  and  excessive  demands  of  the 
Whigs.  As  a  result,  she  stood  ready  to  cast  off  her 
composite  ministry  that  she  might  become  more  inde- 
pendent. However,  the  duke  and  Godolphin  were  able, 
after  many  difficulties,  to  weather  the  storm  and  even 
secured  the  dismissal  of  Harley  in  order  to  unify  minis- 
terial policy.  The  queen  parted  with  him  reluctantly, 
but  still  clung  to  Mrs.  Masham.  Though  desiring  to 
break  up  her  ministry,  Anne  had  no  particular  wish  to 
rid  herself  of  the  duchess,  since  the  latter  apparently 
played  but  an  insignificant  part  in  political  and  eccle- 
siastical affairs.  It  was  only  when  the  latter  became 
dictatorial  and  insisted  upon  Abigail's  dismissal  that  the 
queen  turned  against  her. 

1  Conduct,  p.  206,  Note  the  accusation  leveled  against  the  duchess  in 
Carte's  "Memoranda."  "The  Duchess  was  infinitely  haughty,  insolent, 
passionate  and  ill  bred;  no  knowledge,  poise,  or  judgment,  but  she  abso- 
lutely governed  the  Queen  and  all  the  world  could  not  have  got  the  Queen 
out  of  her  hands  if  her  own  imperious  treatment  of  her  had  not  done  the 
business  when  she  quarreled  with  her  cousin  German,  Mrs.  Masham,  who 
fell  on  her  knees  and  face  to  the  ground,  and  asked  wherein  she  had  of- 
fended, protested  her  innocence  and  zeal  for  her,  etc.  She  called  her  bitch, 
jade,  whore,  etc,  till  the  other  was  convinced  there  was  no  keeping  in  with 
her,  and  having  good  plain  sense,  took  proper  measures  to  get  into  the 
Queen's  graces."  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCLXVI.  37b,  See  also  Thomson, 
II.  101 ;  Colville,  pp.  188-90. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  223 

Before  closing  this  examination  of  the  influence  of  the 
duchess,  we  must  examine  the  statements  of  two  con- 
temporaries and  one  secondary  writer.  In  one  of  the 
earliest  attempts  to  tell  the  life  history  of  this  remarkable 
woman,  the  writer  concluded  that  **  notwithstanding  all 
the  clamours  that  was  raised  against  her  Grace,  during 
the  time  of  her  continuation  in  favour,  though  it  is  very 
probable  (and  to  say  the  truth  partly  appears  from  the 
letters  that  passed  between  the  Queen  and  her)  that  she 
did  offer  advice  on  most  occasions,  we  don't  find  she 
ever  presumed  to  dictate  to  her  mistress ;  ...  or  pretend 
to  prescribe  her  private  opinions  as  a  law,  from  which 
her  Majesty  must  not  dare  to  swerve. '  '^  Dean  Swift  also 
says  that  Lady  Marlborough's  influence  was  greatly  cir- 
cumscribed from  the  early  months  of  the  reign.^ 

The  evidence  thus  far  examined  in  no  way  contradicts 
these  statements  of  contemporary  writers.  The  duchess 
had  many  violent  enemies,  who  railed  at  her  constantly. 
Even  those  who  had  no  personal  reasons  to  dislike  her, 
attacked  her  because  she  did  not  secure  for  them  the 
preferments  they  sought,  when  the  truth  probably  was 
that  the  queen  had  her  own  ideas  regarding  such  appoint- 
ments. To  be  candid  with  disappointed  office  seekers,  the 
duchess  soon  discovered,  was  casting  pearls  before  swine, 
and  in  but  few  instances  would  they  believe  that  Anne's 
favorite  did  not  possess  supreme  control  over  appoint- 
ments. 

For  all  this,  there  is  a  plausible  explanation.  It  has 
been  characteristic  of  the  English  to  look  for  the  power 
behind  the  throne,^  and  particularly  was  this  true  in  the 
Stuart  period.  Charles  I  had  his  Buckingham  and  his 
Strafford;   Charles  II,  his  Clarendon  and  his  Danby; 

1  Life  of  Sarah,  p.  42. 

2  See  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry;  Von  Noorden,  I.  202. 

3  Consult  "An  Unpublished  Letter  of  Defoe"  in  E.  H.  B.,  XXII.  132. 


224  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

William  III,  his  Portland  and  his  Keppel.  After  Anne 's 
accession,  disappointed  English  courtiers  thought  they 
found  such  influence  in  the  Marlboroughs,  who  acted  as 
a  sort  of  buffer  between  her  and  seekers  after  a  share  in 
the  patronage.  So  this  gifted  couple  became  a  mark  for 
the  resentment  of  those  unhappy,  virulent  individuals 
whom  the  queen  refused  to  favor  with  suitable  prefer- 
ments. 

The  duchess  tried  to  make  it  plain  that  she  had  been 
much  abused  on  this  score.  Unhappily  for  her  fame,  few 
have  believed  her,  because  they  were  unable  to  conceive 
how  Anne  could  possibly  have  a  mind  of  her  own  in 
political  and  ecclesiastical  affairs.  One  painstaking 
student  of  this  period,  Archdeacon  Coxe,  did  suggest,  a 
century  ago,  however,  that  the  duchess  had  but  little  in- 
fluence in  political  affairs,  or  even  upon  important 
nominations,  political  or  otherwise.  He  further  avers 
that  the  duke  allowed  his  wife  to  have  her  way  in  family 
affairs,  but  into  the  political  arena,  when  important  poli- 
cies were  discussed,  she  was  not  permitted  to  enter.^ 

It  is  hard  to  understand  why  the  words  of  Swift  and 
the  conclusions  of  Coxe  have  been  neglected  for  a 
century.  Yet  such  has  been  the  case.  The  latter,  how- 
ever, was  dealing  primarily  with  the  duke,  and  made  no 
attempt  to  prove  his  theory  concerning  the  duchess. 
Since  his  death,  the  publication  of  many  additional  letters 
of  Anne  and  Lady  Marlborough  bear  out  his  hypothesis. 
Moreover,  the  bitterest  attacks  upon  the  duchess  are 
found  not  in  the  pamphlets  of  Anne's  reign,  but  in  those 
of  a  generation  later.^ 

1  Coxe,  I.  154,  II.  92.  This  reference  is  to  the  edition  of  1820,  as  for 
some  reason  the  editor  of  the  second  edition  omitted  the  vital  part  of  the 
note  in  the  second  reference.  Bunbury,  in  his  Sanmer  (pp,  8-10),  follows 
Swift  to  some  degree,  but  later  writers  have  neglected  their  statements. 

2  Few  pamphleteers  attacked  the  duchess  on  the  grounds  of  her  monopoly 


THE  MAKLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  225 

The  present  chapter  has  so  far  attempted  to  show  that 
there  is  no  satisfactory  evidence  to  prove  that  the 
Duchess  of  Marlborough  was  a  vital  factor  in  English 
politics  from  1702  to  1708.  In  fact,  she  did  not  show  any 
great  understanding  of  politics.  To  her,  the  Protestant 
hero  was  but  a  glutton  who  devoured  the  peas  his  sister- 
in-law  liked  so  well ;  Mary  II,  only  a  curious  woman  whose 
main  interest  was  prying  into  the  clothes  closets  of  the 
royal  mansion;  Harley,  no  more  than  a  base  intriguer, 
who  gained  Anne's  confidence  under  false  pretences.^ 
She  does  not  appear  to  have  had  at  her  disposal  any 
considerable  number  of  peerages,  important  places  at 
court,  or  church  offices.  By  1707  her  personal  influence 
was  so  far  diminished  that  she  could  not  prevail  upon 
Anne  to  dismiss  even  her  dresser,  though  her  request 
was  backed  up  by  the  implied  threats  of  resignation  of 
both  Godolphin  and  Marlborough. 

We  are  now  ready  to  consider  how  far  the  queen  was 
influenced  in  turn  by  these  two  men.  The  difficulty  of  at- 
tempting to  separate  the  influence  of  the  duke  from  that 
of  the  duchess  is  obvious,  as  the  secrets  between  man  and 
wife  are  of  all  secrets  the  most  elusive.  When  both  were 
in  positions  of  honor  and  trust  close  to  the  queen,  in 
whose  political  plans  each  was  supposed  to  share,  the 
difficulty  is  still  more  perplexing;  when  their  relations 
with  Anne  are  still  further  complicated  by  the  presence 
of  an  influential  minister  acting  as  an  intermediary  be- 
tween them  and  the  queen,  the  task  becomes  almost 
insuperable. 

Marlborough's  life  is  intensely  interesting.  He  was  a 
favorite  of  James,  Duke  of  York,  and  was  kindly  treated 
by  Charles  II,  although  this  indulgent  monarch  found  it 

of  political  power.     They  mainly  criticized  her  parsimony.     See   [Defoe], 
Modest  Vindication  of  the  Present  Ministry,  p.  11. 
1  Quarterly  Beview,  XXXVIII.  409. 


226  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

politic  to  send  him  from  the  country  when  the  Duchess 
of  Cleveland  grew  too  fond  of  him.  He  was  employed 
by  James  II  to  crush  Monmouth's  rebellion.  He  soon 
entered  into  negotiations  with  William  of  Orange,  and 
deserted  the  monarch  who  had  been  so  kind  to  him. 
Within  a  few  months  after  the  Revolution  he  incurred 
William's  suspicion,  and  in  1692  was  dismissed  from  all 
his  places  and  imprisoned.  By  that  time  he  had  secured 
a  pardon  from  James  and  soon  attempted  to  betray  Wil- 
liam's expedition  against  Brest.  He  was  once  more  in 
public  employment  by  1696,  and  the  king  appointed  him 
governor  to  his  young  nephew. 

He  started  life  as  plain  John  Churchill.  James  created 
him  a  baron,  and  William  made  him  Earl  of  Marlborough. 
During  the  last  three  eventful  decades  of  the  seventeenth 
century,  he  gained  extensive  experience  in  military 
science.  He  fought  in  the  Netherlands  during  the  Dutch 
war  and  distinguished  himself  in  several  campaigns 
under  that  great  master  of  strategy,  Turenne.  In  the 
war  of  the  Palatinate,  he  was  busily  engaged  for  a  short 
time,  but  was  soon  sent  to  Ireland  where,  despite  the  in- 
efficiency of  the  commissariat,  he  quickly  captured  both 
Kinsale  and  Cork.  William  then  suspected  his  loyalty 
and  deprived  him  of  his  command.  He  had  proved  his 
military  worth,  however,  and  the  king  sent  him  to  Hol- 
land in  1701  as  commander-in-chief. 

Of  Marlborough's  influence  in  1702,  there  is  no  ques- 
tion. He  was  absolute  commander  of  the  army,  and 
through  his  brother,  who  was  an  admiral  and  a  member  of 
the  Admiralty  Board  of  the  navy  as  well;  the  treasury 
was  in  the  hands  of  his  devoted  friend,  Godolphin,  who 
was  also  the  father-in-law  of  his  eldest  daughter;  and 
his  wife  rested  supreme  in  the  queen's  confidence.  His 
powers  were  so  large  ''that  the  disposal  of  all  offices, 
civil  and  military,  and  of  the  wealth  of  the  kingdom. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  227 

seemed  to  depend  on  one  single  person. '  '^  But  this  exten- 
sive power  was  in  itself  a  source  of  weakness,  because  it 
aroused  envy  and  enmity.  The  brilliant  military  leader 
was  also  most  vulnerable  to  attack.  Though  his  lack  of 
stable  principles  had  caused  him  to  betray  both  the 
sovereigns  who  had  trusted  him,  it  was  his  unbounded 
avarice  which  gave  his  enemies  their  greatest  oppor- 
tunity. Few  really  great  men  have  been  so  grasping, 
perhaps  none  so  penurious^  or  so  unboundedly  selfish. 
He  was  never  a  ''good  fellow"  when  that  type  was  so 
common  and  so  popular.  Except  immediately  after  a 
great  victory,  Marlborough  was  one  of  the  most  unpopu- 
lar men  in  England ;  whereas  his  wife  was  probably  the 
most  cordially  hated  of  English  women,  because  of  her 
pride  and  excessive  love  of  money.^ 

In  addition,  the  duke's  political  inclinations  were  not 
sufficiently  pronounced  to  hold  him  to  any  one  party. 
Opportunism  was  his  watchword  from  the  beginning  of 
Anne 's  reign  until  that  much-abused  lady  closed  her  eyes 
forever.  For  politics  itself,  he  cared  not  the  least.* 
During  the  first  eight  years  of  Anne's  reign,  his  first 
thought  was  only  for  the  war ;  and  he  was  willing  to  ally 
himself  with  any  party  or  faction  that  would  aid  him 
against  Louis  XIV.     When  in  the  first  months  of  the 

1  Boyer,  p.  177.  Wyon  (II.  84)  is  still  more  emphatic,  grouping  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  together  as  responsible  for  the  entire  administration. 

2  Marlborough,  when  old  and  infirm,  walked  to  and  from  his  lodgings  at 
Bath  to  save  sixpence  chair  hire,  and  left  over  a  million  sterling  to  the 
grandson  of  a  man  he  despised.     King,  Anecdotes,  pp.  101-2, 

3  One  wag  published  an  imaginary  list  of  the  duke 's  books.  Among  the 
titles  were  "On  the  Nature  of  Splitting  Offices,"  and  "The  Advantage  of 
being  a  Eogue  in  all  Reigns,"  Add,  MSS.,  22267,  fif.  130-1;  Hearne,  I.  102, 
314,  Severe  strictures  on  Marlborough  may  be  found  in  Hanover  Papers, 
Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  f.  242.  Contemporary  pamphlets  and  periodicals 
were  filled  with  bitter  attacks  upon  the  Marlboroughs, 

*  Coxe,  I,  235.  The  present  Duke  of  Marlborough  notes  that  ' '  the  politi- 
cal game  did  not  appeal  to  him. ' '    Eeid,  p.  xxxvi.    See  also  Thomas,  p.  148. 


228  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

reign,  an  election  transferred  the  power  in  the  lower 
house  to  the  Tories,  the  majority  of  whom,  for  the  nonce, 
promised  loyal  support  to  the  war,  he  joined  with  them, 
only  to  find  them  gradually  losing  their  zest  and  murmur- 
ing at  the  prolongation  of  hostilities. 

In  opposition  to  Marlborough's  better  judgment,  the 
Tories  insisted  also  upon  abandoning  the  attitude  of 
toleration  towards  Dissenters,  although  they  knew  full 
well  that  in  so  doing  they  were  stirring  up  political  strife. 
However,  politically  speaking,  the  Occasional  Conformity 
Bill  was  both  his  danger  and  his  opportunity ;  his  oppor- 
tunity in  that  it  forced  him  to  ally  himself  with  the  Whigs, 
who  were  willing  to  continue  the  war  vigorously,  and  his 
danger  because  it  gradually  placed  him  at  the  mercy  of 
the  junto's  efficient  organization  for  all  his  future  sup- 
port. Marlborough  foresaw  the  risk  he  was  running,  and 
as  he  had  no  mind  to  put  his  head  into  a  noose  unless  it 
should  be  absolutely  necessary  for  continuing  the  war, 
his  change  from  Tory  to  Whig  was  provokingly  slow. 
Moreover,  he  had  a  real  respect  for  the  queen.  He  was 
a  true  monarchist,  and  to  him  Anne  was  vastly  more 
than  his  constitutional  sovereign — she  was  a  Stuart.  In 
keeping  with  the  ideas  prevailing  during  the  reigns  of 
Charles  II  and  his  brother,  he  believed  that  the  monarch 
should  govern  as  well  as  reign.  L 'Hermitage,  the  Dutch 
representative,  realized  this  and  insisted  that  Marl- 
borough was  not  a  republican,  but  was  most  jealous  for 
the  queen's  prerogative.^  There  is  no  doubt  that  Marl- 
borough desired  to  place  both  the  queen  and  her  advisers 
above  party  struggles.  In  the  early  months  of  1702,  he 
might  have  brought  the  queen  to  appoint  a  thorough- 
going Tory  ministry.^  Instead,  he  advised  a  moderate 
cabinet  council  and  his  suggestions  did  not  change,  even 

1 L 'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  Eijks  Archief,  26-*^;  Reid,  p.  xxxv. 
2Rijks  Archief,  26^-;  Other  Side,  p.  157;  Thomson,  II.  30. 


THE  MARLBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  229 

when  the  Tory  leaders  discredited  themselves  in  his  eyes 
by  openly  opposing  Anne's  wishes.  His  concern  for  the 
queen's  feelings  is  shown  when  the  second  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill  came  to  a  vote.  Despite  his  dislike  for 
the  measure,  he  voted  for  it  in  company  with  such  High- 
fliers as  Nottingham  and  Jersey.^  Anne  did  not  so  openly 
urge  the  passage  of  this  bill,  as  she  had  the  first,  yet  she 
made  it  plain  that  those  who  voted  for  the  measure  would 
not  lose  her  favor.  Consequently,  the  duke  decided  to 
keep  her  friendship  by  favoring  the  measure  she  per- 
sonally liked,  and  later  signed  a  protest  in  support  of 
the  bill.  His  caution  was  partly  due  to  his  realization 
of  Anne's  kindly  feeling  towards  the  Tories,  who  posed 
as  the  champions  of  the  church  she  loved  so  well.  He 
was,  it  is  true,  largely  responsible  for  Rochester's  re- 
moval, but  this  removal  would  probably  have  been  im- 
possible, had  not  the  haughty  earl  treated  Anne  so 
discourteously. 

Marlborough  worked  in  this  tactful  way  to  gain  the 
queen's  support  for  the  war,  which  she  never  looked  upon 
with  approval.  While  the  Tories  were  growing  more  and 
more  opposed,  he  secretly  began  negotiations  with  the 
junto.  How  early  a  working  agreement  existed,  it  seems 
impossible  to  ascertain.  One  careful  writer  believed  that 
it  was  as  early  as  1704,  but  it  is  probable  that  a  ''gentle- 
man's agreement"  was  formulated  even  earlier.  In  fact, 
such  a  policy  was  quite  in  keeping  with  Marlborough's 

iPi/.  Hist.,  VI.  170.  "I  must  be  careful  not  to  do  the  thing  in  the 
world  my  Lord  Eochester  would  most  desire  to  have  me  do,  which  is  to  give 
my  vote  against  the  bill,"  wrote  Marlborough.  "The  bill  will  certainly  be 
thrown  out  unless  my  Lord  Treasurer  and  I  will  both  speak  to  the  people, 
and  speak  in  the  house."  Thomas,  p.  247.  The  same  cautious  attitude 
and  desire  to  please  may  be  found  in  Marlborough's  support  of  the  bill  to 
grant  Prince  George  a  jointure  of  £100,000  a  year,  if  he  outlived  the  queen. 
Thomas  Birch  believed  that  they  brought  up  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill 
originally  to  please  the  queen.    Birch  MSS,,  Add.  MSS.,  4221,  f.  24. 


230  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

idea  of  the  fitness  of  things,  so  long  as  he  was  able  to 
balance  one  party  against  the  other.  To  carry  out  such 
a  plan  successfully,  however,  the  duke  needed  the  close 
co-operation  of  the  queen,  and  great  forbearance  on  the 
part  of  the  Whig  leaders.  Neither  was  possible.  Had 
the  junto  been  less  exacting  in  its  demands  for  political 
spoils,  Marlborough  might  have  retained  Anne 's  support 
despite  even  the  rebellious  stubbornness  of  his  wife,  who 
kept  urging  him  to  abandon  the  Tories  and  turn  to  the 
Whigs. 

The  duke  was  most  reluctant  to  turn  to  the  junto.  He 
disliked  being  called  again  a  traitor  and  knew  better  than 
did  his  wife  that  the  queen  was  inveterately  opposed  to 
admitting  Whigs  into  the  ministry.^  He  would  have  re- 
spected the  queen's  wishes,  but  the  junto  would  not  be 
denied ;  although  at  first  they  insisted  only  upon  the 
appointment  of  such  moderate  Whigs  as  Cowper  and 
Newcastle.  When,  however,  the  junto  tried  to  force 
Sunderland  into  the  place  of  Hedges,  a  stanch  Tory,  both 
the  Marlboroughs  and  the  Whigs  lost  much  of  their  in- 
fluence with  Anne.  The  arguments  used  to  convince  her 
that  it  was  necessary  either  to  accept  him  or  rely  once 
more  upon  the  insolent  Highfliers,  gave  her  the  impres- 
sion that  the  remedy  was  almost  as  bad  as  the  disease, 
and  set  her  more  firmly  than  ever  against  the  Whigs. 
The  fact  that  Sunderland  was  the  son-in-law  of  the  Marl- 
boroughs,  coupled  with  his  own  tactless  behavior,  caused 
a  rapid  decline  of  the  royal  favor  towards  all  three.  As 
a  result,  after  1707,  Marlborough  was  continually  com- 
plaining and  threatening  to  resign  unless  Anne  treated 
him  with  more  consideration. 

Such,  in  general,  was  the  position  and  the  attitude  of 
Marlborough  towards  political  affairs  during  the  first 
half  of  the  reign.    It  remains  to  examine  his  relation  to 

1  See  Marlborough's  letter  to  his  wife  in  1703  in.  Thomas,  p.  247. 


THE  MAELBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  231 

the  details  of  administration.  What  was  his  influence 
over  appointments  before  Sunderland's  introduction  into 
the  ministry?  His  selection  as  captain  general  was  partly 
the  result  of  his  own  transcendent  ability,  and  partly 
because  of  Anne's  friendship  for  him  and  his  wife. 
Shortly  after  the  queen's  accession,  it  was  rumored  that 
Marlborough  was  to  be  master  of  the  horse.  For  some 
reason  that  honor  went  to  Somerset,  and  Marlborough 
was  made  knight  of  the  garter^  and  duke  instead.  After 
Blenheim,  the  emperor  proposed  to  bestow  upon  Marl- 
borough a  grant  of  land  and  the  title  of  prince,  but  the 
duke  was  careful  not  to  commit  himself  before  he  re- 
ferred the  whole  matter  to  the  queen,  who  gave  him  per- 
mission to  accept  the  honor,  and  he  became  Prince  of 
Mindelheim.^  Anne  granted  him  the  manor  of  Wood- 
stock and  the  House  of  Commons  cleared  it  of  all  incum- 
brances. The  queen  then  ordered  the  palace  of  Blen- 
heim to  be  erected  as  a  fitting  memorial  of  Marlborough's 
victory.  Despite  the  opposition  of  the  Commons,  she 
wished  to  change  a  grant  of  £5,000  a  year  during  her 
reign  to  a  pension  which  should  continue  as  long  as  the 
title  lasted,  but  she  tactfully  withdrew  the  motion^  and 
secretly  offered  the  duchess  £2,000  a  year  out  of  the  privy 
purse,  which  sum  the  latter  at  the  time  had  the  good  grace 
to  refuse.  This  quiet  move  of  the  queen  indicates  her 
desire  to  have  her  way  so  as  to  ''draw  no  envy."*  After 
Ramillies,  she  had  her  will,  and  the  duke  was  rewarded 
as  she  had  asked.    Even  earlier,  the  emperor  had  offered 

1  stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  ff.  31-2;  Eijks  ArcMef,  26A;  Portl. 
MSS.,  IV.  37;  Shrewsh.  Cor.,  pp.  633-5. 

2  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7070,  f.  192;  Coxe,  I.  222-4,  380;  Mahon, 
p.  171. 

3  Morrison    (2d  Series),  II.   39,  41;    Stebbing,   Genealog.  Hist.,  p.   780; 
Eemusat,  I.  146;  Other  Side,  p.  195;  Beyer,  p.  37;  C.  J.,  XV.  230,  237,  241. 

4  Conduct,  p.  295.    See  also  F.  L.  Wood  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  86;  Evelyn, 
Diary,  II.  397. 


232  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

to  appoint  him  to  the  most  lucrative  post  of  governor  of 
the  Spanish  Netherlands,  which  he  tactfully  accepted 
subject  to  the  approval  of  the  queen  and  the  Dutch 
authorities.  Anne  and  her  ministers  were  flattered  by 
the  act,  but  the  Dutch  gave  only  a  reluctant  consent/ 

By  this  time,  the  concentration  of  so  much  honor  and 
power  in  one  grasping  family  aroused  the  envy  of  less 
fortunate  courtiers.  Marlborough  was  in  control  of  mili- 
tary and  diplomatic  affairs;  Godolphin,  of  finance; 
George  Churchill,  of  the  admiralty;  the  duchess,  of  the 
queen.  A  fear  arose  that  Marlborough  might  become 
a  ** mayor  of  the  palace"  while  the  queen  lived,  and  a 
Cromwell  or  a  Monck  when  she  passed  away.^  Some 
enterprising  enemy  of  the  Marlboroughs  calculated  that 
their  total  income  amounted  to  more  than  £60,000.  For 
military  services  alone,  the  general  received  from  the 
English  £17,000,  the  States-General  gave  him  £10,000, 
£15,000  more  came  to  him  as  perquisites  from  the  foreign 
troops  in  English  pay,  and  his  wife  received  over  £6,000 
from  her  positions  at  court.^  If  these  figures  are  even 
approximately  accurate,  we  should  not  wonder  that 
courtiers  grumbled  about  the  favors  bestowed  upon  the 
Marlboroughs,  and  objected  strenuously  when  Anne 
wished  to  be  more  liberal  still. 

Prior  to  1706,  Marlborough  was  certainly  successful 
in  securing  honors  for  himself.  What  was  his  impor- 
tance in  securing  civil  offices  for  others?  Early  in  1704, 
he  wrote  to  Sir  Thomas  Coke,  M.  P.  from  Derby  and  a 
teller  of  the  exchequer,  promising  him  his  influence  to 
secure  a  better  place  as  soon  as  a  vacancy  suitable  to  his 

1  Rijks  Archief ,  October  5,  1706 ;  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7064,  ff. 
1-7;  Leadam,  p.  83;  Burton,  III,  14. 

2Chamberlen,  p.  29;  Lediard,  Marlb.,  II.  5;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  III.  34. 

*  Hearne,  I.  162,  The  Examiner  for  1710  contains  practically  the  same 
figures,  which  are  independent  of  gifts  from  various  sources.  Each  of  the 
duke's  four  daughters  married  wealthy  nobles. 


THE  MAELBOEOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  233 

rank  should  occur,  and  saying  that  he  had  already  spoken 
to  Anne  in  his  favor.^  For  this  or  some  other  reason,  the 
member  from  Derby  was  shortly  holding  the  position  of 
vice-chamberlain,  exchanging  offices  with  Peregrine 
Bertie.  Somewhat  later,  the  duke  wrote  Lord  Gower  that 
he  would  recommend  him  for  a  position  as  soon  as  he 
thought  that  there  would  be  any  possibility  of  success.^ 
Apparently,  he  deemed  it  useless  to  mention  the  matter 
to  Anne  while  Sunderland's  case  was  pending.  Two 
others  who  persistently  asked  Marlborough's  aid  were 
George  Granville  and  Matthew  Prior,  but  only  the  former 
was  rewarded  for  his  perseverance.^ 

The  next  instance  of  Marlborough's  activity  in  ap- 
pointments appears  in  a  letter  of  St.  John's.  It  seems 
that  either  Harley  or  St.  John,  or  both,  had  secured  the 
queen's  assent  to  a  commission  for  one  Colonel  Dobjm. 
Anne,  however,  broke  her  promise  because  she  remem- 
bered that  the  duke  had  previously  spoken  to  her  about 
the  place,  and  she  informed  St.  John  that  Marlborough's 
candidate  would  probably  secure  the  appointment.* 

The  general  still  retained  a  firm  grasp  on  all  military 
appointments.  His  jealousy  prevented  Peterborough 
from  becoming  a  captain-general  or  a  governor  of  Ja- 
maica, although  the  queen  wished  the  earl  to  have  the 
latter  position,  but  a  few  years  later  the  duke  was  dis- 
tinctly uneasy  lest  Anne  might  prefer  Peterborough's 
candidates  to  his  own.°    His  unrest  continued,  for  months 

iCofce  MSS.,  Ill,  32;  Conduct,  p.  131,  See  also  Eeid,  p,  227;  Anglice 
Notitia  (1708)  p.  609;  S.  P,  Dom.,  Anne,  I,  65, 

2  Sutherland  MSS.  (H,  M,  C),  p.  188.  An  interesting  letter  on  this  point 
is  found  in  the  Coxe  Papers,  XVIII,  15, 

sPortl.  MSS.,  IV,  396;  Coxe  Papers,  XXII,  XXIV,  passim.  Prior  in 
particular  wrote  long  appeals  to  the  duke,  but  actually  lost  his  place  on  the 
Board  of  Trade  in  1706, 

4  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  275. 

6  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  flf.  45,  285;  Coxe  Papers,  XIX. 


234  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

after  he  asked  Godolphin  to  see  that  *Hhe  Queen  would 
not  let  any  body  have  governments  but  such  as  have 
served  in  the  army  for  if  the  Duke  of  Newcastel  and 
others  can  prevail  we  shall  have  no  other  governors  but 
Parliament  men,  which  I  am  sure  is  not  for  her  Majesty's 
service.'"  The  lord  treasurer's  reply  was  quite  satis- 
factory and  the  question  of  military  appointments  did 
not  come  up  again  for  many  months. 

Happily  for  our  conclusions,  we  do  not  need  to  depend 
upon  such  minor  appointments,  because  we  find  four 
important  offices,  the  filling  of  which  was  due  almost 
entirely  to  Marlborough's  influence.  Yet  even  here  the 
queen  could  not  have  been  very  reluctant  to  accede  to  his 
wishes  in  filling  two  of  them.  At  any  rate,  Godolphin 
became  lord  treasurer;  Harley  and  Sunderland,  secre- 
taries of  state;  and  Henry  St.  John,  secretary  at  war, 
largely  because  they  were  all  friends  of  Marlborough. 

Though  the  duke's  influence  thus  appears  far  from 
negligible  in  determining  who  should  hold  important 
civil  and  military  offices,  it  is  manifestly  impossible  to 
reach  satisfactory  conclusions  from  the  meager  data 
available.  Much  of  Marlborough's  power  was  neces- 
sarily exerted  through  Godolphin,  and  the  latter 's  rela- 
tions to  the  queen  must  be  studied,  before  a  final  judgment 
can  be  rendered. 

Whatever  may  have  been  the  duke's  influence  in  filling 
offices  at  court,  his  diplomatic  and  military  duties  were 
clearly  defined.  He  was  the  general  not  only  of  the  Eng- 
lish but  of  the  Dutch  armies  as  well ;  he  had  not  only  to 
fight  battles  but  to  keep  his  allies  in  good  humor ;  he  had 

149.  See  also  ib.,  XVIII.  145;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VIII.  80;  Blathwayt 
Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  9722,  f .  131 ;  Other  Side,  p.  259. 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XXII.  115;  see  ib.,  124.  Even  after  Eamillies  the  duke 
was  by  no  means  certain  that  Anne  would  permit  his  suggestions  to  be 
carried  out.  Coxe  Papers,  XIX.  149;  Lansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.),  1236,  f. 
252. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  235 

to  secure  funds  not  only  to  carry  on  his  own  campaigns 
but  those  of  his  allies  also.  He  was  able  to  look  after  the 
diplomatic  and  military  affairs  himself,  but  in  matters 
of  finance  he  was  fortunate  in  having  the  co-operation  of 
Godolphin.  Indeed,  Marlborough  was  more  trusted 
abroad  than  at  home.  When  the  reign  was  yet  young, 
both  the  Prussian  and  the  Dutch  representatives  in  Lon- 
don trusted  him  implicitly.  One  historian  calls  him  the 
^'soul  of  the  coalition."^  Vernon  believed  that  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  were  the  arbiters  of  the  affairs 
of  the  kingdom  in  1702.^  Nottingham's  public  and  pri- 
vate correspondence,  as  secretary  of  state,  indicates  that 
in  diplomacy  he  was  little  more  than  a  clerk  of  Godolphin 
and  the  duke.'' 

The  queen  had,  however,  what  must  have  been,  to  Marl- 
borough, a  most  unfortunate  habit  of  keeping  closely  in 
touch  with  state  affairs.  As  far  as  foreign  negotiations 
were  concerned,  she  was  usually  content  to  let  well 
enough  alone,  except  when  it  came  to  important  dis- 
patches and  appointments  to  diplomatic  posts,  about 
which  she  frequently  wanted  to  know  something  before 
giving  her  consent.  Once,  after  Stanhope  had  grown  so 
old  as  to  be  of  little  service,  the  post  at  The  Hague  was 
under  discussion,  and  Anne  immediately  suggested  that 
it  would  be  best  to  pension  Stanhope,  and  appoint  in  his 
stead.  Stepney,  one  of  the  most  skilful  of  English  diplo- 
mats.*   Numerous  indications  in  the  dispatches  of  Hedges 

1  Brosch,  Bolingtro'ke,  p.  23;  Bonet's  Berichte,  cited  by  Von  Noorden, 
I.  200;  L 'Hermitage 's  letters  in  Rijks  Archief,  26^. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XII.  123. 

3  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  flf.  285,  356;  Hatton-Finch 
Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29549,  ff.  95-118. 

4  Coxe  Papers,  XVIII.  183;  ih.,  XIX.  150,  sq.;  Nottingham  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  29588,  ff.  277,  296.  Vernon  thought  Godolphin  and  Marlborough 
were  trying  to  keep  him  as  secretary  of  state,  but  Nottingham  got  the 
place.     Coxe  Papers,  XII.  125;  James,  III.  222. 


236  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

and  Harley,  while  they  were  secretaries  of  state,  create 
a  strong  presumption  that  many  important  letters  from 
abroad  were  read  to  Anne,  who  gave  directions  at  once, 
without  consulting  either  Marlborough  or  Godolphin.^ 
However,  we  may  have  no  doubt  that  when  it  came  to  a 
vital  point  in  foreign  policy,  the  duke's  will  prevailed 
over  any  whims  of  the  queen. 

Despite  Anne's  interest  in  foreign  affairs,  there  was 
no  question  in  the  minds  of  foreign  statesmen  that  the 
duke  was  in  control  of  diplomatic  matters  in  England. 
There  was  little  doubt  in  the  minds  of  the  English  people 
as  to  his  responsibility  for  foreign  negotiations.  Indeed, 
they  openly  charged  him  with  prolonging  the  war  to  make 
money  out  of  it.  In  spite  of  his  ability  to  win  victories, 
he  was  often  accused  of  arbitrarily  defeating  all  peace 
negotiations  to  increase  his  military  fame.  The  mass  of 
correspondence  available  on  this  point  shows  that  Marl- 
borough was  essentially  a  man  of  peace.  In  October, 
1703,  he  wrote  Harley:  ''What  you  write  confirms  me 
very  much  in  the  desire  I  have  for  some  time  had  of  re- 
tiring from  these  uneasy  and  troublesome  broils.  How- 
ever, I  shall  never  be  wanting  in  my  duty  to  her  Majesty 
and  my  country  whenever  my  endeavours  may  be  thought 
useful."^  Marlborough  throws  the  responsibility  for  war 
or  peace  upon  the  allies,  notably  Holland.  He  approved 
of  a  letter  which  Harley  had  sent  to  the  Dutch,  ' '  as  they 
would  also  do,"  he  said,  "were  they  not  cursed  with  the 
passion  of  jealousy.  It  is  gone  to  so  extravagant  a 
length  as  that  some  fear  the  French  may  be  brought  to 
Loo,  but  I  hope  the  honest  party  is  much  the  greater,  so 
that  they  will  approve  of  a  treaty  guaranteeing  any 

1  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7058  and  7059,  passim,  particularly  7059,  f. 
59;  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f.  76;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book, 
CV.,  Pt.  ii.  25-6;  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  185,  XX.  35;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  157,  167. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  56.    See  also  Coxe,  I.  318-9. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  237 

future  treaty  of  peace  we  may  have  with  France,  which 
must  be  our  security,  for  there  can  be  no  relying  on  any- 
thing France  will  promise. ' '  ^  Most  of  the  evidence  is 
largely  unconscious,  and  is  emphasized  repeatedly  in 
letters  to  his  wife,  to  Godolphin,  and  to  Anne,  and  shows 
that  he  loved  the  smoke  of  his  own  fireside  far  better 
than  the  smoke  of  battle. 

Let  us  now  turn  our  attention  to  Marlborough's  firm 
friend,  Godolphin,  who  throughout  the  years  that  he  re- 
mained in  Anne's  ministry  was,  without  question,  the 
supreme  head  of  the  treasury.  Finance  was  his  special 
department,  into  which  no  one  else  cared  or  dared  to 
enter.^  Added,  however,  to  his  duties  as  the  financier, 
was  the  urgent  necessity  of  keeping  in  touch  with  politi- 
cal developments,  that  parliamentary  opposition  should 
not  defeat  the  grants  for  carrying  on  the  war,  both  on 
land  and  sea. 

He  was  selected  as  first  minister  because  he  was  an  old 
friend  of  the  Marlboroughs  and  the  queen.  When  Anne 
was  brooding  over  William's  discourtesies,  Godolphin 
had  sympathized  with  her;  when  she  was  fighting  for  a 
separate  allowance,  he  had  championed  her  cause.  Such 
favors  she  could  not  forget  when  the  Marlboroughs 
urged  his  appointment  as  lord  high  treasurer,  although 
her  uncle  had  built  his  hopes  on  securing  the  place.  It 
was  inevitable  that  she  should  like  Godolphin,  though  his 
temperament  was  not  such  as  to  make  him  her  confidant. 
His  innate  honesty^  doubtless  appealed  to  her  as  much 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I.  98-9.     This  question  is  examined  in  ch.  IX. 

2  CaL  Tr.  Papers  (1702-14).  These  volumes  give  a  vivid  idea  of  his 
industry  and  ability.  See  I.  S.  Leadam,  "The  Finance  of  Godolphin," 
Trans.  B.  H.  S.  (3d  Series),  IV. 

3  It  may  seem  paradoxical  to  call  a  man  ' '  honest '  *  who  was  constantly 
in  communication  with  St.  Germain  from  1690  probably  until  his  death. 
His  only  purpose  in  this  technical  treason  was  to  guard  against  a  traitor's 
death  in  case  the  Stuarts  should  return.     Carte  calls  him  "incorruptible." 


238  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

as  his  loyalty.  Unfortunately,  he  was  not  the  polished 
gentleman,  the  suave  courtier,  who  could  enliven  the 
queen  and,  if  necessary,  flatter  her  into  a  compliance  with 
his  wishes.  He  was  of  the  type  who  felt  far  more  at  home 
at  Newmarket  than  in  the  drawing-room.  He  was  socially 
a  dull  and  uninteresting  individual,^  and  Anne's  domestic 
associations  were  such  as  to  satisfy  all  longings  for  that 
type  of  person.  It  was  a  still  more  unhappy  circum- 
stance for  Godolphin  that  he  was  in  his  way  almost  as 
frank  as  his  friend  and  adviser,  the  duchess ;  that  he  used 
the  crude  method  of  direct  attack,  when  finesse  might 
have  been  more  successful  in  gaining  the  queen's  co- 
operation. Another  handicap  under  which  he  labored 
was  that  of  constitutional  timidity.  He  was  ever  in  a 
state  of  terror  and  was  obsessed  with  the  idea  that  his 
enemies  might  get  the  better  of  him  through  impeach- 
ment or  a  bill  of  attainder.  As  a  result,  he  was  usually 
sulking  or  in  an  attitude  of  habitual  compromise  with  his 
opponents.  The  quick-witted  junto  made  the  most  of  this 
cardinal  weakness  and  annoyed  him  unceasingly.  After 
1704,  he  frequently  threatened  to  resign,  but  like  his 
friend  and  colleague,  he  could  never  quite  make  up  his 
mind  to  cross  the  Rubicon.^ 

Qodolphin  was  for  many  months  the  real  leader  in  the 
sessions  of  the  cabinet  council,  and  Anne  was  so  well 
pleased  with  Godolphin 's  administration  that  she  made 

Carte  MSS.,  CCXXXI.  34a.  Dartmouth's  vitriolic  statement  that  he  allowed 
the  Marlboroughs  to  control  the  treasury  and  convert  it  to  their  avarice 
and  ambition  with  no  regard  for  the  difficulties  or  straits  of  the  queen,  is 
untrue.    Burnet,  V.  8,     He  died  poor  when  he  might  have  been  wealthy. 

1  Macky  indicated  that  he  was  slow  of  speech,  serious  in  his  deportment, 
and  always  doing  more  than  he  promised;  he  disliked  flattery  and  was 
difficult  of  access  even  to  friends.  Memoirs,  p.  24.  He  was  also  past  the 
prime  of  life  and  his  mind  was  open  only  to  political  considerations. 

2  Carte's  "Memoranda,"  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCXXXI.  34a;  Coxe 
Papers,  XIII.  165.  Vernon  thought  his  putting  his  friends  into  office  was 
a  certain  sign  that  he  would  remain  as  treasurer. 


THE  MARLBOKOUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  239 

him  a  knight  of  the  garter  in  1703  and  created  him  an  earl 
two  years  later.^  With  the  aid  of  the  duke  and  the  queen 
he  managed  to  keep  the  Highfliers  in  check  until  they 
attempted  to  persecute  the  Dissenters.  When  they  failed 
in  their  assaults,  they  were  replaced  by  moderate  Whigs 
and  Tories.  When  this  move  failed  to  check  them,  the 
lord  treasurer  was  forced  to  turn  to  the  Whigs.  He 
secured  the  support  of  the  junto,  and  the  Tories  were 
routed,  but  this  was  only  the  beginning  of  his  tribulations. 

After  1704,  Godolphin  struggled  on  under  an  ever 
increasing  burden  of  responsibility.  He  was  villified  by 
the  Tories  for  his  alliance  with  the  Whigs,  and  damned 
by  the  latter  because  he  was  so  slow  in  finding  them  offices 
in  the  government.  He  was  greatly  handicapped  in  all 
his  plans,  particularly  with  reference  to  appointments; 
not  only  had  he  to  secure  Anne's  consent — ofttimes  a 
trying  ordeal — but  his  selections  had  to  be  approved  by 
one  or  both  of  the  Marlboroughs,  and  probably  by  Harley 
as  well.  Worst  of  all,  when  he  failed  to  place  some 
influential  politician  in  office,  he  was  held  jointly  respon- 
sible with  the  duchess,  although  both  may  have  favored 
that  particular  candidate,  but  found  themselves  blocked 
by  the  queen.  To  explain  the  facts  to  the  applicant  would 
be  only  to  incite  the  added  odium  of  lying. 

Despite  the  manifold  difficulties  surrounding  his  work, 
Godolphin  unquestionably  controlled  the  ministry  for  the 
first  years  of  the  reign,  although  there  are  signs  that  his 
influence  with  Anne  was  declining  at  the  close  of  the 
second  year.^  Numerous  fragments  and  letters  which  he 
wrote  from  1702  to  1705  show  that  he  was  influential  in 
determining  the  patronage  and  directing  the  activity  of 
the  cabinet  council.  Nottingham  was  the  recipient  of 
many  short  notes,  directing  him  to  take  care  of  important 

1  J.  Hervey,  Letter  Boolcs,  I.  194;  Add.  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXCI.  f.  25. 

2  Swift,  Some  Considerations  upon  the  Death  of  the  Queen. 


240  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

business,  which  Godolphin  wished  to  be  handled  in  a  cer- 
tain specified  way/  Harley  also  received  many  messages 
of  moment  from  the  lord  treasurer.  From  the  same 
sources,  the  impression  is  created  that  on  vital  matters 
connected  with  foreign  affairs,  and  especially  with 
domestic  politics,  the  queen  had  to  be  consulted,  and  em- 
barrassing delays  ensued  because  she  failed  to  accede 
promptly  to  the  wishes  of  her  ministers.^ 

In  the  many  duties  of  his  office,  the  lord  treasurer  had 
to  have  the  aid  of  colleagues  to  carry  out  his  plans,  and 
he  learned,  to  his  cost,  that  skilful  assistants  were  hard 
to  find.  Early  in  the  reign  he  began  to  depend  more  and 
more  upon  Harley,  who  took  a  hearty  and  intelligent 
interest  in  the  plans  of  the  ministry  until  eventually  he 
was  made  secretary  of  state.  Very  early  in  the  reign 
Harley  was  called  upon  to  make  suggestions  for  the 
queen's  speeches,  to  facilitate  the  passage  of  the  special 
grant  to  Marlborough,  and  to  carry  the  election  of  1702. 
Later,  the  lord  treasurer  urged  him  to  mitigate,  if  he 
could  not  prevent,  the  indirect  attack  upon  Prince  George 
through  an  investigation  of  the  Admiralty.^  By  May, 
1704,  Godolphin  distrusted  Whigs  and  Tories  alike,  so 
it  was  a  relief  to  him  to  be  able  to  unburden  himself  to 
the  new  member  of  the  ministry,  because  he  was  able  to 
appreciate  the  trying  situation.  Henceforth,  his  depend- 
ence upon  Harley  and  the  queen  grew  as  the  Whigs  ac- 
quired greater  stability  and  better  organization.     Soon 

1  A  great  mass  of  this  correspondence  is  found  in  the  Nottingham  Papers, 
Add.  MSS.,  29588  and  29589,  notably  folios  279,  335,  369,  395,  402,  in  the 
first  volume,  and  folios  76,  81,  395,  in  the  second.  Other  letters  are  in 
S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  III.  6;  S,  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CI.  and  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom. 
(1702-3),  both  passim. 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  ff.  81,  113,  179,  398;  ib.,  29588, 
f.  367. 

sPortl.  MSS.,  IV.  34-54,  74;  Morrison,  V.  78.  See  also  Marlb.  MSS., 
p.  43. 


THE  MARLBOROUGHS  AND  GODOLPHIN  241 

the  secretary  was  taken  into  complete  confidence  in 
choosing  court  officials  and  determining  important  minis- 
terial policies. 

In  this  way,  not  only  Godolphin,  but  the  Marlboroughs 
depended  on  Harley's  efficient  support;  the  latter  was 
throughout  this  period  just  as  much  a  colleague  of  the 
one  as  of  the  others.  When  the  reign  was  still  young,  the 
duke  wrote  the  speaker  (Harley)  of  his  intention  to  with- 
draw from  political,  and  probably  from  military  affairs 
as  well.  This  intimacy  increased  among  the  three,  until 
together  they  fought  against  the  ''tack"  and  the  ''invi- 
tation." Most  of  their  co-operation  was  secret,  but  even 
at  the  beginning,  some  shrewd  politicians  looked  upon 
the  three  as  the  governing  body  of  England.^ 

Without  question,  Godolphin 's  greatest  single  achieve- 
ment was  the  union  with  Scotland,  but  next  to  it  in  im- 
portance was  his  financing  of  the  war  against  Louis  XIV. 
His  success  was  due  not  merely  to  astute  diplomacy,  but 
to  his  ability  also  to  secure  the  co-operation  of  the  greedy, 
disagreeable  quintet  who  governed  the  destinies  of  the 
W^higs.  To  secure  this  co-operation  he  made  promises, 
the  fulfilment  of  which  he  delayed  as  long  as  possible. 
Conceding  here  a  little,  and  there  a  little,  he  kept  the 
reins  of  government  out  of  their  hands  until  the  time 
came  when  their  reward  could  no  longer  be  deferred, 
even  in  the  face  of  Marlborough's  victories.  When 
reverses  instead  of  victories  came,  the  ministry  was 
obliged  to  meet  the  junto 's  demands.  But  the  queen  was 
as  unreasonable  as  ever  about  admitting  Whigs  to  any 
sort  of  office.  In  attempting  to  mediate  between  Anne 
and  the  junto,  Godolphin  incurred  the  wrath  of  both 
without  securing  the  favor  of  either. 

This  was  the  moment  when  Godolphin  assured  the 
Whigs,  infuriated   at   Trelawny's   translation   to   Win- 

i  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  118-9,  147;  James,  III.  254-260,  passim. 


242  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Chester,  that  their  interests  would  be  consulted  in  filling 
the  vacant  bishoprics  at  Chester  and  Exeter.  When 
Anne  refused  to  reconsider  her  promises,  in  the  face  of 
appeals  and  threats  of  resignation  on  the  part  of  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin,  they  concluded  that  Harley, 
aided  by  Mrs.  Masham,  had  been  secretly  supporting 
her.^  Despite  emphatic  denials  of  the  charge  by  both 
Anne  and  the  secretary,  the  latter  seemed  to  be  much 
under  suspicion,  and  his  colleagues  decided  to  bring 
about  his  dismissal.  Yet  Harley  was  so  indispensable 
that  Godolphin  continued  to  discuss  intimate  foreign  and 
domestic  matters  with  him.  Among  other  things  he 
wrote :  * '  The  Queen  remembers  her  promise  to  the  Bishop 
of  Rochester,  that  his  brother-in-law  should  have  the  first 
vacant  prebendary  at  Westminster."^  The  lord  treas- 
urer was  probably  fighting  for  time,  as  he  had  already 
asked  Marlborough  to  return  to  England  at  once  and 
make  a  special  appeal  to  Anne  to  dismiss  the  man  who 
had  risen  to  be  their  dangerous  rival  in  her  affections. 
In  this  attempt  they  succeeded,  and  Harley  resigned  from 
the  ministry. 

In  this  chapter  we  have  examined  the  relation  of  the 
duchess  to  affairs  of  state,  and  concluded  that  her  in- 
fluence in  public  matters  was  much  circumscribed.  We 
have  also  found  that  the  duke  exerted  great  power  over 
political  affairs,  but  that  his  real  strength  lay  in  the 
realms  of  diplomacy  and  warfare.  Domestic  problems 
he  consigned  largely  to  Godolphin,  who  finding  himself 
unequal  to  the  task,  brought  to  his  aid  the  shrewd  politi- 
cal acumen  of  Harley,  whose  power  steadily  increased 
until  it  threatened  to  outstrip  that  of  his  colleagues  in 
the  cabinet. 

iMarlb.  MSS.,  p.  41;  Morrison,  IV.  148;  Coxe,  II.  137. 
2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  182. 


CHAPTER  VI 

THE  FORMATION  OF  THE  '^  TRIUMVIRATE " 

(1700-1704) 

Having  finished  our  study  of  the  influence  of  the  queen 
in  English  political  affairs  from  1702  to  1704,  and  having 
examined  the  relative  importance  of  the  Marlboroughs 
and  Godolphin  in  public  aifairs  during  the  same  period, 
it  next  becomes  necessary  to  study  the  relations  existing 
between  these  four  and  another  important  member  of 
the  ministry — Robert  Harley.  Soon  after  Anne's  acces- 
sion it  became  evident  that  four  men  were  assuming  the 
leading  roles  in  the  government.  The  Earl  of  Rochester 
was  the  queen's  uncle,  but  his  conduct  displeased  Anne 
and  he  was  straightway  disgraced.  Marlborough  was 
not  only  the  leading  general,  but  the  husband  of  Anne's 
closest  friend.  Associated  with  him  as  lord  treasurer  and 
leading  minister  was  Godolphin,  whose  son  had  married 
Marlborough's  eldest  daughter;  while  Robert  Harley, 
speaker  of  the  House  of  Commons,  closely  co-operated 
with  both  of  them.  The  last  three,  indeed,  administered 
the  military,  financial,  and  political  affairs  of  the  realm 
during  the  first  years  of  the  reign,  when  no  real  partisan 
ministry  existed.  Hitherto,  Harley 's  relations  with 
Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and  the  queen  have  been  little 
studied,  and  we  purpose  here  to  describe  his  political 
activity  during  the  first  two  years  of  the  reign. 

Harley  came  of  a  leading  family  of  the  country  gentry, 
received  an  excellent  education  at  Shilton,  studied  law, 
and  was   admitted  to  the   Inner   Temple   the  year  he 


244  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

reached  his  majority.  In  1689  he  was  returned  to  par- 
liament and  was  at  once  appointed  one  of  the  commis- 
sioners to  unite  the  rival  East  India  companies.  In  1694 
he  aroused  the  king's  wrath  by  championing  the  Tri- 
ennial Bill.^  Two  years  later  he  took  the  lead  in  estab- 
lishing Chamberlain's  land  bank  as  a  Tory  rival  of  the 
Bank  of  England,^  but  the  project  failed  through  the 
hostility  o^  the  financial  interests,  and  brought  down  upon 
him,  though  connected  with  them  by  marriage,  the  wrath 
of  these  business  men.^ 

Harley  now  became  one  of  the  foremost  leaders  of  the 
Tory  opposition.  In  the  celebrated  Fenwick  case  he 
spoke  against  the  bill  of  attainder.*  The  following  year 
he  moved  that  the  English  army  be  reduced  to  the  quota 
of  1680.  A  bill  to  that  effect,  after  being  amended  so  as 
to  exclude  foreigners,  passed,  much  to  the  dismay  of  the 
king,  who  considered  it  a  direct  insult.^  As  one  of  the 
commissioners  of  accounts,  Harley  persistently  op- 
posed Montagu,  the  leader  of  the  Commons  and  chief 
finance  minister,  while  he  was  also  concerned  with  the 
inquiry  into  William's  disposal  of  the  confiscated  Irish 
estates,  another  matter  which  gave  the  king  no  little  dis- 
quietude.     In    the    impeachment    proceedings    against 

1  The  best  contemporary  account  of  Harley 's  life  is  the  Memoirs  of 
Edward  Harley,  his  brother,  printed  in  the  Portl.  MSS.,  V.  645-69. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  V.  646;  J.  E.  T.  Kogers,  The  First  Nine  Years  of  the  Banh 
of  England,  pp,  50-1 ;  A.  Andr6ades,  History  of  the  Bank  of  England,  p. 
104. 

3  Fortl.  MSS.,  III.  522,  557.  His  first  wife  was  the  daughter  of  Thomas 
Foley,  a  prominent  Herefordshire  gentleman,  who  had  made  a  fortune  in 
trade,  and  whose  sons,  Paul  and  Thomas,  were  prominent  Tory  leaders, 
Harley  succeeded  Paul  as  speaker,  7b.,  384,  483,  552,  IV.  45;  Burnet,  IV. 
197.     See  also  The  Life,  Birth,  and  Character  of  Harley. 

*Py.  Hist.,  V.  1104;   Macaulay,  Hist.,  pp.  2665-8. 

5  Letter  from  L  'Hermitage  to  Heinsius,  Eijks  Archief ,  10  December, 
1697;  P,  Grimblot,  Letters  of  William  III  and  Louis  XIV,  I.  147-9;  Ed. 
Rev.,  CLXXXVII,   159. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"    245 

Somers  and  Montagu,  he  wished  to  carry  a  vote  of  cen- 
sure before  the  charges  against  the  ministers  could  be 
read,  and  so  strong  was  his  following  that  the  motion  was 
lost  by  only  thirty-six  votes/  Harley  continually  op- 
posed the  ministry  either  from  principle  or  from  "not 
being  considered  at  the  Revolution  as  he  thought  he  de- 
served."^ When  William  grew  weary  of  the  arrogant 
Whigs,  the  Tories  came  into  power  for  a  short  time,  and 
the  king  was  attracted  towards  the  young  Tory  who  had 
given  him  so  much  trouble.  Indeed,  the  two  became 
reconciled  and  Harley  aided  William  in  carrying  out 
some  of  his  most  cherished  plans. 

Thus  Harley,  from  his  first  year  in  parliament,  earned 
an  enviable  reputation  for  intelligence  and  political 
acumen,  while  his  letters  during  the  last  years  of  the 
reign  are  filled  with  matters  of  political  significance. 
St.  John,  Shrewsbury,  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  Notting- 
ham, Musgrave,  Rochester,  and  even  that  perennial  in- 
triguer, Sunderland,  were  his  confidential  correspond- 
ents; and  some  of  them  thought  that  their  communica- 
tions were  sufficiently  important  to  necessitate  the  use 
of  a  difficult  cipher,  to  which,  unfortunately,  no  complete 
key  has  ever  been  found.^ 

Just  what  the  policies  of  these  men  were  it  is  difficult, 
perhaps  impossible,  to  say,  as  the  political  policies  of 
Godolphin  and  Sunderland  were  usually  obscure,*  but  it 

1  Macaulay,  p.  2952.  See  also  Forth  MSS.,  III.  612;  E.  S.  Eoscoe,  Harley, 
p.  26;  W.  C.  Townshend,  Memoirs  of  the  House  of  Commons  (2d  ed.),  II.  88. 

2  Burnet,  IV.  470 ;  J.  H.  Jesse,  Memoirs  of  the  Court  of  England,  II.  35. 

3  Bath  MSS.,  I.  51-7;  Forth  MSS.,  III.  625,  IV.  4.  The  cipher  was  in 
use  over  a  year.  Proof  of  the  importance  attached  to  it  is  found  in  a  letter 
to  Harley:  "You  may  be  assured  that  I  burn  all  your  letters  ...  as  I 
desire  you  to  do  the  same  with  mine."  Forth  MSS.,  III.  627.  Eoger  Coke 
and  Henry  Guy  were  other  regular  correspondents.  lb.,  467,  sq.  For  a 
time  Harley  was  friendly  with  Burnet.  H.  C.  Foxcroft,  Supplement  to 
Burnet,  pp.  ix-x. 

4  Probably  they  were  only  preparing  to  pass  the  Act  of  Settlement,  but 


246  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

is  certain  that  they  were  drawn  closely  together  in  their 
scheming,  and  that  both  Sunderland  and  Godolphin 
learned  enough  of  Harley's  ability  to  awaken  their 
respect.  Both  of  the  latter,  as  well  as  Seymour,  Roch- 
ester, and  the  king  himself,  were  vitally  interested  in  the 
first  election  of  1701,  and  urged  Harley  to  become  a  can- 
didate for  the  speakership,  in  order  that  the  controverted 
elections,  which  were  exceptionally  important  in  this 
parliament,  might  be  skilfully  handled.^  With  such  sup- 
port from  Godolphin  and  the  others,  Harley  was  readily 
chosen  to  preside  over  the  lower  house. 

Having  been  elected,  he  accepted  the  office  and  plunged 
into  the  midst  of  the  political  fray  in  the  Commons  with 
enthusiasm.  The  Kentish  petition  was  presented  to  this 
parliament  and  the  harsh  treatment  accorded  the  peti- 
tioners by  the  lower  house  led  Defoe  to  write  Legion's 
Memorial,  copies  of  which  he  may  have  delivered  to 
Harley  in  person.  The  speaker 's  management  of  election 
cases  must  have  given  satisfaction,  for  his  popularity 
increased.  He  was  as  much  interested  in  the  second  elec- 
tion of  1701  as  he  had  been  in  the  first,^  and  the  Commons 
at  once  re-elected  him  speaker,  although  by  the  slender 
majority  of  four  in  a  crowded  house — a  result  which  may 

there  is  no  doubt  that  most  of  them,  like  Marlborough,  worked  with  the 
alternative  of  a  Stuart  Eestoration  in  mind. 

1  C.  J.,  XIII.  325 ;  James,  III.  143.  ' '  When  you  come  hither  you  will 
find  a  great  deal  more  noise  of  the  briberies  and  violence  in  several  places. 
Your  friends  do  think  that  if  104  [Harley]  were  here  now  it  would  be  but 
time  enough  for  many  important  things;  but  79  [Rochester]  and  78  [Godol- 
phin] are  positive  that  if  he  is  not  here  a  week  before  the  Q^^  Feb.  it  will 
be  of  ill  consequence.  ...  I  have  since  been  with  67  [the  King]  who  has 
most  earnestly  enquired  when  104  would  come.  And  tho  79  and  78  enjoined 
me  this  morning  to  press  440  [Harley]  to  come,  yet  this  afternoon  they  sent 
me  a  letter  to  press  me  to  it  effectually."  Letter  to  Harley,  Portl.  MSS., 
IV.  14.  See  also  ib.,  13;  Townshend,  Memoirs  of  House  of  Commons,  I.  84; 
A.  I.  Dasent,  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Commons,  p.  236. 

2  Cohe  MSS.,  II.  443 ;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  28. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"    247 

have  been  due  to  William's  lack  of  support,  or  open  oppo- 
sition/ Besides,  the  Whigs  were  again  in  power  in  the 
new  house,  which  had  been  elected  after  Louis  XI Vs 
recognition  of  the  Pretender.  Led  by  the  junto,  this 
party  wished  to  defeat  Harley.  To  counterbalance  them, 
Somerset,  and  probably  Shrewsbury  as  well,  aided  mate- 
rially in  forwarding  the  candidacy  of  the  man  whom 
they  were  later  to  disgrace.^ 

Immediately  after  his  re-election,  Harley  found  himself 
overwhelmed  with  work.  For  months  it  had  been  real- 
ized that  the  king  was  failing  rapidly,  and  that  speedy 
arrangements  must  be  made  for  guaranteeing  the  suc- 
cession. After  the  Duke  of  Gloucester's  death  in  1700, 
this  need  was  imperative,  because  when  William  died, 
only  the  life  of  Anne  seemed  to  stand  between  Great 
Britain  and  anarchy,  while  James  II  looked  expectantly 
across  the  Channel.  Such  a  situation  led  to  the  passage 
of  the  Act  of  Settlement,^  providing  for  the  succession 
to  the  throne  of  Sophia,  Electress  of  Hanover,  and  her 
Protestant  descendants.  Even  after  this  had  been 
accomplished,  parliament  had  much  to  do  before  England 
could  be  assured  that  Anne  would  quietly  assume  the 
crown.* 

Fully  as  urgent  were  the  demands  of  foreign  war. 
William  III  had  brought  about  the  Grand  Alliance,  but 
before  all  arrangements  could  be  completed  he  passed 

1  C.  J.,  XIII.  645 ;  Luttrell,  V.  125.  A  contemporary  says  that  William 
was  "easy  at  it,"    Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f.  18. 

2  James,  III.  143 ;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f .  18. 

3  Harley 's  part  in  passing  this  act  may  be  conjectured  from  Godolphin'g 
letter  to  him.    Forth  MSS.,  IV.  4.    See  i6..  III.  627-32,  IV.  22. 

4  The  Abjuration  Bill  was  the  most  important  measure  passed  by  this 
parliament,  but  it  was  passed  so  late  that  the  king  was  too  weak  to  sign  it, 
so  he  used  a  stamp  instead.  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  29595,  f. 
270.  It  was  rumored  that  the  king  refused  to  sign  the  bill  and  the  stamp 
was  employed  after  his  death.  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28588,  f.  18. 
See  Annals  of  King  George  [I],  I.  17. 


248  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

away,  leaving  his  plans  to  be  carried  out  by  Marlborough, 
who  excelled  him  as  much  in  military  genius  as  he  fell 
below  him  in  character.  It  was  well  for  England  at  this 
juncture  that  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and  Harley  en- 
joyed the  queen's  confidence,  for  as  a  result  of  their  co- 
operation, military  preparations  continued  apace  after 
William's  death.^ 

During  the  arrangements  for  Anne 's  accession,  Harley 
had  impressed  the  members  of  the  Commons  with  his 
ability  as  a  parliamentary  manager  and  tactician.  His 
usefulness  was  most  apparent,  however,  to  Marlborough 
and  Godolphin,  who  realized  that  his  services  in  the  im- 
pending election  were  indispensable,  as  both  were  thor- 
oughly aware  of  their  own  lack  of  electioneering  ability. 
Harley,  on  his  part,  was  perfectly  willing  to  work  with 
them,  since  no  colleagues  more  to  his  liking  were  then  in 
places  of  power,  and  he  saw  ''no  difference  between  a 
mad  Whig  and  a  mad  Tory. '  '^ 

Several  months  passed  before  the  pollings  began. 
Meanwhile,  the  old  parliament  had  to  go  on,  and  there 
was  still  need  for  Harley 's  services.  ''You  were  pleased 
to  tell  me  today  in  the  House  of  Commons  that  what  the 
Queen  was  to  speak  from  the  throne,  was  to  be  to  the 
same  purpose  with  that  she  said  at  the  [Privy]  Council," 
wrote  Godolphin  the  day  of  Anne's  accession.  "I  wish 
you  could  have  time  to  make  a  draft  of  it  yourself,  and 
appoint  us  to  come  to  your  house  to  night  to  show  the 
draft.    You  may  speak  to  whom  you  like  to  have  there. '  '^ 

This  last  remark  seems  to  refer  to  the  select  group 
which  is  sometimes  spoken  of  as  the  "inner  cabinet," 
and    probably    consisted    of    Marlborough,    Godolphin, 

lEijks  Archief,  26^,  Marlborough  to  the  States-General,  March  18,  1702; 
Von  Noorden,  I.  193;  P.  C.  Reg.,  LXXIX.  113-4. 
2  Coxe  Papers,  XLI,  22 ;  Thomson,  I.  372. 
iPortl.  MSS.,  IV.  34;  cf.  33, 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   249 

Harley,  Rochester,  Somerset,  and  perhaps  a  few  others.^ 
Two  months  later,  Godolphin  wrote  Harley  another  con- 
fidential note  which  clearly  indicated  the  close  under- 
standing that  existed  between  the  first  three.^  Two  weeks 
more  had  scarcely  passed  before  the  speaker  received  a 
letter  concerning  another  secret  conference  with  the  lord 
treasurer,  apropos  of  the  queen's  speech  proroguing  par- 
liament. Almost  at  the  same  moment,  Godolphin  pro- 
vided for  a  secret  meeting  between  Anne  and  Harley,^ 
probably  to  discuss  plans  for  the  ensuing  elections.  For 
a  few  weeks  thereafter,  both  men  were  engrossed  in  look- 
ing after  the  patronage  and  preparing  for  the  election. 
While  at  Bath  that  autumn  with  the  court,  Godolphin 
prepared  a  rough  draft  of  Anne's  speech  to  her  first 
parliament,  which  he  sent  to  Harley,  asking  for  ''re- 
marks and  observations  upon  it  with  all  freedom. ' '  The 
speaker's  suggestions  were  immediately  returned  and 
Godolphin  promised  "to  observe  the  hints."  A  year 
later,  Harley  was  again  requested  "to  prepare  the  heads 
of  what  is  proper  to  be  said  to  the  Parliament. '  '* 

In  the  election,  the  speaker  fulfilled  all  the  expecta- 
tions of  Marlborough  and  Godolphin.  He  or  his  agents 
seem  to  have  been  everywhere.  Even  before  the  disso- 
lution, Harley  himself  visited  some  of  the  assizes,  urging 
an  early  session  of  parliament.®    The  elections  were  hard 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  33,  39.    The  last  two  were  soon  dropped  from  the  group. 

2  ' '  The  Queen  designs  to  be  at  the  House  to  morrow  to  pass  the  bills.  I 
was  told  you  had  thoughts  of  coming  to  see  Lord  Marlborough  this  night, 
who  is  not  yet  well.  I  hope  to  be  with  him  before  nine.  In  case  you  design 
him  that  favor,  it  may  be  necessary  to  let  him  or  me  know  it,  that  orders 
may  be  given  for  your  seeing  him."  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  38.  See  also  ib., 
33,  39;  An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  Eohert,  Earl  of  Oxford,  p.  11. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  43. 

4  lb.,  47,  48,  72.     Consult  53-4. 

5  Morrison,  V.  148;  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  flf.  3-4;  Burnet, 
V.  48. 


250  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

fought,^  but  the  Tories,  encouraged  by  the  queen's  pre- 
dilections and  open  favor,  won  a  considerable  majority 
and  Harley  was  again  chosen  speaker. 

In  that  troubled  period,  it  was  a  real  achievement  for 
a  man  to  be  thrice  selected  for  this  coveted  political 
honor,  but  Harley 's  ability  to  direct  the  deliberations  of 
the  Commons  was  so  manifest  that  there  had  been  no 
question  about  his  selection  in  1702.  It  was,  in  one  sense, 
the  just  reward  of  an  adroit  political  manager,  who  was 
placed  in  a  most  important  office  in  the  government. 
Although  the  House  of  Commons  had  not  acquired  the 
preponderance  of  power  it  was  to  exert  a  generation 
later,  Harley 's  work  as  speaker  tended  unquestionably 
to  add  to  its  prestige,^  not  merely  because  of  the  power 
he  exercised  as  presiding  officer  of  the  Commons,  but 
mainly  because  he  used  the  office  as  a  point  of  vantage 
from  which  to  carry  into  effect  his  political  schemes. 

At  the  beginning  of  the  war,  foreign  affairs  were  of 
superlative  importance.  For  the  first  two  years,  Harley 's 
influence  here  was  small,  although  steadily  growing,  for 
this  phase  of  government  was  taken  care  of  by  Marl- 
borough, with  increasing  assistance  from  Godolphin,  as 
the  burden  of  military  operations  became  greater.  The 
international  situation  was  full  of  difficulties  which  were 
augmented  beyond  measure  by  the  factious  attitude  of 
such  Tory  leaders  as  Eochester,  who  insisted  that  it  was 
not  England's  quarrel,  and  like  many  political  leaders 
of  all  ages,  argued  that  his  country  might  easily  make 
money  out  of  the  war,  if  she  did  not  join  as  an  active 
combatant   on   land.     This    attitude   of   the   Highfliers 

1  Colce  MSS.,  Ill,  21 ;  Luttrell,  V.  159 ;  Harley  was  particularly  inter- 
ested in  the  Herefordshire  election  which  he  termed  a  four-day  riot.  Morri- 
son, V.  77-8.  The  number  of  controverted  elections  was  exceptionally  large. 
C.  J.,  XIV,  passim. 

2  See  J.  A.  Manning,  Speakers  of  the  House  of  Commons;  Porritt,  Unre- 
f  armed  House  of  Commons,  I.  446. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  "TRIUMVIRATE"    251 

caused  the  greatest  alarm  among  Dutch  statesmen,  whose 
fears  were,  however,  dissipated  by  Anne's  straight- 
forward letters  to  the  States-General,  and  her  immediate 
dispatch  of  Marlborough  to  Holland  as  a  special  envoy.* 
Yet  neither  move  made  the  task  of  the  ministerial  leaders 
any  easier  in  parliament.  Harley  needed  all  his  skill  in 
the  Commons  to  keep  the  hot-headed  Tories  and  Jaco- 
bites from  complicating  the  situation,  not  only  with  Hol- 
land but  with  the  other  allies.  Jersey,  one  of  the  most 
rabid  of  their  number,  protested  vigorously  because  his 
colleague,  Nottingham,  had  approved  of  Prince  Eugene 's 
visiting  London.  He  said  that  the  invitation  was  the 
work  of  Count  Wratislaw,  the  imperial  envoy,  and  he 
insisted  that  the  Whigs  thought  by  this  method  to  gain 
more  money  in  England  for  the  Grand  Alliance.^ 

As  the  years  of  the  war  dragged  on,  taxes  grew 
heavier  because  of  the  failure  of  Holland  and  the  Empire 
to  live  up  to  their  promises,  and  the  cry  of  the  landed 
gentry  became  louder  when  no  decisive  victory  was 
gained  to  force  France  to  her  knees.  Anne  indignantly 
remonstrated  with  the  Dutch  because  their  quota  of 
troops  was  lacking^  and  similar  remissness  by  Austria 
furnished  an  excuse  for  bitter  attacks  upon  the  ministry, 
keeping  the  speaker  on  the  qui  vive  to  prevent  outbreaks 
which  smacked  of  disloyalty  to  their  allies. 

Even  more  dangerous  to  the  peace  of  mind  of  the  min- 
istry were  the  Jacobite  plans  in  favor  of  the  Pretender. 
Marlborough  and  Godolphin  were  kindly  disposed,  per- 
sonally, towards  Prince  James,  whose  father  they  had 
helped  to  exile,  but  the  difficulty  of  dealing  with  the 

lEijks  Archief,  lias  6937,  ff.  107,  119,  121;  Von  Noorden,  I,  206.  The 
Duke  of  Albemarle  said  that  some  Tories  did  not  expect  Anne  to  declare 
war,     L 'Hermitage,  however,  had  no  such  fears.     Eijks  Archief,  26^. 

2  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f .  121. 

3  Eijks  Archief,  lias  6938,  f .  1309. 


252  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Jacobites  was  immeasurably  increased,  since  the  queen 
would  not  believe  that  their  number  was  sufficiently  large 
for  them  to  attempt  to  force  Catholicism  upon  England.^ 
Moreover,  the  ministers  had  to  exercise  great  tact  lest 
their  attitude  towards  the  Pretender  might  offend  his 
royal  sister,  and  at  the  same  time  prejudice  their  own 
cause  with  one  who  might  later  become  their  sovereign. 
Harley  was  fully  aware  of  this  danger,  and  did  much  to 
keep  the  question  in  the  background.^ 

Anne's  extreme  sensitiveness  as  to  the  succession  best 
appears  from  her  treatment  of  the  Hanoverian  family. 
A  long,  dreary  correspondence  took  place  to  decide 
whether  Winchelsea,  the  queen's  envoy,  should  upon  his 
presentation,  kiss  the  hand  of  the  Electress  Sophia.  It 
was  finally  decided  in  the  affirmative,  not  that  Anne 
wished  to  show  so  much  favor  to  the  Hanoverian  family, 
but  because  previous  English  envoys  had  established  a 
precedent.^  Both  the  Whigs  and  the  Tories  displayed  a 
similar  nervousness  in  discussing  the  advisability  of 
inviting  a  member  of  this  house  to  reside  in  England, 
and  Harley  needed  to  be  always  alert  to  prevent  peevish 
members  of  the  Commons  from  reflecting  upon  the 
Hanoverians. 

Trouble  also  arose  over  another  provision  of  the  Act 
of  Settlement,  requiring  all  important  acts  of  the  Privy 
Council  to  be  countersigned  by  five  members.  Harley 
found  a  way  out,  however,  by  repealing  that  section  of 
the  act,*  thus  permitting  the  ministry  to  exercise  full 
administrative  power,  while  removing  from  the  ministers 
the  future  danger  of  impeachment,  which  might  arise 
when  another  party  came  into  power. 

1  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52 ;  Maepherson,  I.  623. 

2  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  ff.  2-4. 

3S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CI.  309;    S,  P.  For.,  German  States,  CLX. 
passim;  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29588,  ff.  193,  275,  285.. 
*  W.  M.  Torrens,  History  of  Cabinets,  pp.  40-2. 


FOEMATION  OF  THE  ' '  TRIUMVIEATE  "   253 

The  negotiation  of  the  union  with  Scotland  was  long 
under  consideration,  although  Anne  had  steadily  urged 
the  necessity  of  it.  Measures  had  been  taken  to  dismiss 
the  Duke  of  Queensberry  from  William's  service,  but 
Anne  wisely  re-appointed  him  a  commissioner  for  secur- 
ing the  union.^  In  1703,  there  was  a  conspiracy  in  Scot- 
land against  the  English  government,  but  the  queen  had 
such  complete,  detailed  knowledge  of  it  that  the  only 
tangible  result  of  the  ''Scotch  Plot"  was  a  quarrel 
between  the  two  houses,^  over  their  respective  jurisdic- 
tions, in  which  the  speaker,  of  course,  took  a  conspicuous 
part  in  defending  the  rights  of  the  Commons. 

Harley  was  most  useful  in  promoting  the  union.  Early 
in  the  reign,  he  was  in  constant  communication  with 
Scotland  through  the  Scottish  statesman  and  divine, 
William  Carstares,  and  soon  had  such  efficient  agents  as 
Defoe  and  Greg  working  under  his  direction,  while 
Ogilvie  and  Paterson  acted  as  confidential  representa- 
tives of  Godolphin  and  Harley  respectively.^  The  com- 
bined result  of  their  industry  gave  the  English  ministers 
full  and  accurate  information  of  the  attitude  of  the 
Scots  towards  the  union. 

Until  1704,  the  speaker's  part  in  foreign  affairs  indi- 
cates that  his  influence  was  mainly  indirect,*  except  in 

iCulloden  Papers,  p.  29;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  7;  House  of  Lords  (n.  s.), 
VI.  27. 

2  Hatton-Fineh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29587,  &.  124-36;  Add.  MSS.,  20311, 
passim;  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34526,  f.  80^. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  VIII.  Ill,  299,  314,  sq.  The  Earl  of  Seafield  was  the  per- 
sonal representative  of  Godolphin,  although  his  correspondence  with  Harley 
was  extensive.    See  his  Letters  relating  to  Scotland  in  the  Eeign  of  Anne. 

*  Harley 's  influence  was  sometimes  direct.  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS., 
28055,  ff.  2-4.  Diplomats  were  much  pleased  at  his  appointment  as  secre- 
tary of  state.  Stepney  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  7077,  f.  26.  During  the  opening 
months  of  the  reign,  Nottingham  was  the  leading  secretary  of  state,  but 
an  examination  of  his  correspondence,  both  official  and  private,  in  the  Not- 
tingham Papers  leads  the  writer  to  the  same  conclusion  about  Godolphin  as 


254  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Scotland.  All  evidence  shows  that  he  was  essentially  a 
domestic  statesman,  with  little  inherent  liking  or  interest 
for  diplomacy.  Under  William  he  had  shown  great  inter- 
est in  finance,  which  did  not  lessen  in  Anne's  reign,  but 
here  again,  his  influence  was  at  first  mainly  by  indirection, 
as  his  suggestions  were  made  to  Godolphin.^  Marl- 
borough, of  course,  supervised  military  affairs,  although 
he  depended  upon  Godolphin  to  secure  the  money  to  pros- 
ecute the  war.  To  outline  revenue  measures  was  not 
sufficient,  since  such  measures  had  to  be  drafted  into  bills, 
and  then  passed  through  parliament.  The  enormous 
appropriations  of  the  period  bear  witness  to  Harley's 
success  in  piloting  money  bills,  such  as  the  land  tax, 
through  the  Commons.  In  the  elections,  Harley  was 
probably  at  his  best,  although  in  the  whole  realm  of  do- 
mestic politics,  his  relations  with  Marlborough,  Godol- 
phin, and  the  queen  grew  more  intimate.^  Godolphin  and 
Harley  were  constantly  in  consultation,  and  whenever 
military  affairs  permitted,  Marlborough  joined  them. 
The  speaker  was  early  in  the  reign  admitted  into  the 
sanctum  sanctorum.  Before  the  end  of  Anne's  first  year 
on  the  throne,  Godolphin  wrote  to  Harley:  ''Sunday 
ought  to  be  a  day  of  rest  to  all  people,  and  you,  particu- 
larly ;  and  yet  I  find  by  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  as  well 

that  reached  by  Sir  James  Mackintosh  after  he  had  studied  the  Blenheim 
Papers,  now  inaccessible.  This  historian  records  the  impression  that  Godol- 
phin "takes  more  part  in  foreign  politics  than  I  thought."  Mackintosh 
Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34513,  f.  164.  Nottingham  apparently  did  little  more 
than  carry  out  Godolphin 's  orders.  S.  P.  Dom.,  German  States,  CLX. 
passim;  Nottingham  Papers,  29588,  ff.  352-4. 

iPortl.  MSS.,  VIII.  96;  IV.  18,  22,  sq.;  Eoscoe,  Harle^j,  pp.  15,  22. 
Harley  had  put  Godolphin  in  touch  with  Paterson.     Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  43. 

2  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  ff.  3-7.  These  letters,  as  well  as 
those  in  the  Portl.  MSS.,  TV.,  show  that  Harley's  correspondence  covers  the 
whole  gamut  of  political  affairs,  and  that  he  was  never  prodigal  in  his 
recommendations  to  Godolphin.  See  Macaulay,  pp.  2808-9;  L.  Von  Eanke, 
Eng.  Hist.,  V.  347. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"    255 

as  by  myself  that  we  should  very  much  desire  to  see 
you  at  my  house  to  morrow  before  five. ' '  The  time  set 
was  an  hour  before  the  regular  weekly  meeting  of  the 
cabinet  council,  and  the  purpose  evidently  was  to  per- 
fect their  plans  for  that  session.  Soon  Godolphin  in- 
sisted that  the  three  should  hold  special  semi-weekly 
consultations.  ''Besides  these  meetings  and  those  agreed 
upon  last  night  to  be  at  your  house,"  he  wrote,  "it 
is  necessary  above  all  the  rest  that  the  Duke  .  .  .  you 
and  I  should  meet  regularly  at  least  twice  a  week,  if 
not  oftener,  to  advise  upon  everything  that  shall  occur; 
and  if  you  give  me  leave  to  propose  let  Saturday  eve- 
ning at  the  same  time  and  place  be  the  first  meeting."^ 
One  evening  Harley  and  Godolphin  apparently  quar- 
reled while  in  their  cups.  The  next  morning  the  latter 
hastened  to  apologize,  adding:  "I  have  full  power  from 
my  Lord  M[arlborough]  to  leave  this  matter  wholly 
in  your  hands  to  give  it  the  form  to  morrow,  which 
you  think  will  be  least  disrespectful  to  the  Queen.  "^ 
Marlborough's  intimacy  with  Harley  at  this  time  is  also 
shown  in  a  long  letter  discussing  the  bitterness  of  politi- 
cal strife.  ' '  I  am  sensibly  concerned  at  what  you  mention 
of  the  heats  between  the  two  parties,"  he  said,  "and 
should  esteem  it  the  greatest  happiness  of  my  life  if  I 
could  anyway  contribute  toward  allaying  them.  ...  I 
must  add  without  a  complaint,  that  my  greatest  ease  and 
satisfaction  is  in  the  hopes  I  have  for  the  Lord  Treas- 
urer's and  your  abilities  and  prudent  management  of 
these  affairs  wherein  upon  my  return  I  shall  be  ready  to 

1  Forth  MSS.,  V.  58,  75.  In  the  second  letter,  Godolphin  begged  Harley 
"to  be  careful  that  neither  of  our  names  be  mentioned,  as  to  our  knowledge 
of  the  least  tittle  of  the  discourse  betwixt  Lord  Nottingham  and  Sir  Christo- 
pher Musgrave  as  to  the  conversation  his  lordship  had  with  the  Queen. ' '  See 
also  Bath  MSS.,  I.  57,  and  Fortl  MSS.,  IV.  54,  74. 

2Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  53-4.  See  also  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family, 
p.  224. 


256  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

give  my  assistance  and  to  be  solely  governed  by  yours 
and  his  lordship's  good  advice.'" 

When  the  Commons  stubbornly  opposed  a  pension  to 
Marlborough  in  1702,  Godolphin  at  once  appealed  to  Har- 
ley,  and  it  was  Harley  also  who  took  in  hand  the  first  Oc- 
casional Conformity  Bill.  '^I  hear  the  gentlemen  will 
meet  at  your  house  without  the  Lords,  and  endeavour  to 
agree  upon  what  shall  be  done  tomorrow,"  wrote  the 
lord  treasurer,  and  he  begged  Harley  to  inform  Marl- 
borough of  their  decision  at  once.  The  speaker  so  ar- 
ranged matters  in  the  Commons  that  the  bill  providing  a 
separate  allowance  for  Prince  George,  should  he  outlive 
the  queen,  did  not  interfere  with  other  appropriations 
which  were  distasteful  to  the  gentry.^  In  other  ways  his 
services  were  absolutely  necessary  if  the  Highfliers  were 
to  be  beaten.  Godolphin  later  requested  him  to  summon 
the  leading  Commoners  to  meet  with  Marlborough  and 
himself  at  the  home  of  Boyle,  an  important  Whig,  to  dis- 
cuss measures  preparatory  to  a  struggle  in  the  Lords 
over  the  third  Occasional  Conformity  Bill.^  Even  then, 
it  took  all  the  political  ingenuity  of  Godolphin,  as  head  of 
the  ministry,  and  of  Harley,  as  speaker,  to  guide  minis- 
terial measures  safely  through  the  maze  of  political  in- 
trigue, and  at  the  same  time  defeat  the  schemes  of  their 
opponents. 

Godolphin  placed  an  entire  dependence  upon  the 
''Speaker  who  is  very  industrious,  and  has  found  things 
two  or  three  several  ways,  which  may  chance  to  make 
some  of  them  uneasy. '  '*  Already  the  duke  was  under  obli- 
gations to  Harley  for  informing  him  of  Nottingham's 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I.  56. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  53-4;  Coxe,  I.  103;  Wyon,  I.  144.  See  also  Bath  MSS., 
I.  57-60. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  155. 

4  Coxe,  I.  312.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  118;  Wyon,  I.  239. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   257 

quiet  machinations,  which  were  sufficiently  serious  to 
bring  about  his  dismissal  early  in  1704.  After  this,  the 
trio  worked  in  peace,  as  their  greatest  menace  was  gone 
with  the  elimination  of  High  Churchmen  from  the  min- 
istry. Harley's  system  of  intelligence  was  not  neglected, 
however,  and  constantly  brought  valuable  results. 

The  same  confidential  co-operation  is  discerned  be- 
tween Harley  and  Godolphin  in  their  treatment  of  Defoe, 
who  first  came  into  prominence  in  1701  by  writing 
Legion's  Humble  Address.  He  may  possibly  have  known 
Harley  at  the  time,  as  he  was  never  punished  for  this  dar- 
ing attack  upon  the  Commons,  although  Anne  offered  a 
reward  for  the  apprehension  of  the  printer.  Almost  at 
onee,  the  speaker  suggested  to  the  lord  treasurer  that 
it  would  be  of  ''great  service  to  have  some  discreet  writer 
of  the  Government's  side,  if  it  were  only  to  state  facts 
right ;  for  the  generality  err  for  want  of  knowledge,  and 
being  imposed  upon  by  the  storys  raised  by  ill-designing 
men."^  He  probably  had  in  mind  Defoe,  who  at  once 
wrote  An  Enquiry  into  Occasional  Conformity,  setting 
forth  views  similar  to  those  held  by  Harley  and  the 
queen.^  Within  a  few  weeks  Defoe  produced  The  Shortest 
Way  with  the  Dissenters,  and  awoke  to  find  himself 
famous.^  His  real  purpose  was  to  discredit  the  High- 
fliers, but  his  sarcasm  was  too  subtle  for  these  zealous 
Anglicans,  who  applauded  the  spirit  of  intolerance  there 
manifested.  When  the  hoax  was  eventually  discovered, 
he  had  good  reasons  to  bewail  his  notoriety,  as  Notting- 
ham immediately  issued  a  warrant  for  his  arrest,  in  spite 

1  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  f .  7 ;  Eoscoe,  Harley,  p.  72. 

2  D,  H.  Stevens  says  that  their  relations  began  * '  soon  after  the  crowning 
of  Anne,"  but  his  evidence  is  scarcely  convincing.  Party  Politics  and  Eng- 
lish Journalism,  p.  8. 

3  Defoe  published  this  tract,  according  to  Wright,  ' '  with  the  hearty 
approval  of  the  Whig  leaders,  of  whom  Harley  was  facile  princeps." 
Defoe,  p.  67. 


258  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

of  the  fact  that  he  had  written  the  day  before,  apologizing 
for  his  concealment,  begging  the  queen's  mercy,  and 
agreeing  to  serve  as  a  volunteer  if  pardoned/ 

The  High  Churchmen  had  decided  to  make  an  example 
of  him,  and  he  was  eventually  imprisoned  despite  his  ef- 
forts to  prevent  capture.^  Not  long  before,  he  had  appar- 
ently asked  Paterson  to  sound  Harley  as  to  his  attitude.^ 
Nottingham  was  fully  convinced  that  Defoe  had  accom- 
plices, and  probably  suspecting  Harley,  was  anxious  to 
secure  a  confession  from  the  writer.  It  is  not  clear  that 
the  speaker  was  implicated,  but  he  unquestionably 
labored  hard  for  Defoe's  release.  His  friend,  William 
Penn,  informed  both  Godolphin  and  the  Duke  of  Buck- 
ingham that  Defoe  would  confess  everything.  This  so 
pleased  the  queen  that  she  called  a  meeting  of  the  cabinet 
council  to  discuss  the  case.*  She  was  convinced,  how- 
ever, that  his  testimony  amounted  to  *' nothing,"  but  was 
willing  to  leave  the  matter  to  the  "Lords  of  the  Commit- 
tee to  let  the  sentence  be  executed  tomorrow,  or  not  till 
after  Sunday  [the  next  meeting  of  the  cabinet  council] 
if  they  think  proper. '  '^  A  week  later  Defoe  stood  for  his 
first  time  in  the  pillory.  Expecting  such  punishment  to 
break  his  spirit,  Nottingham  and  Buckingham  waited 
upon  him  in  prison,  and  promised  him  his  freedom,  if  he 
would  betray  his  confederates.  He  refused,  but  Harley 
was  now  moved  to  interfere  actively  in  his  behalf,  and 
suggested  to  Godolphin  that  Defoe  was  too  valuable  a 
man  for  the  ministry  to  permit  to  remain  in  prison,  be- 
cause *4f  his  fine  be  satisfied  without  any  other  knowl- 

1  S.  p.  Dom.,  Anne,  II.  27;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  61;  London  Gazette,  10 
January,  1703. 

2CaL  S.  P.  Dom.  (1702-1703),  p.  726;  "An  Unpublished  Letter  of  De- 
foe," E.  B.  E.,  XXII.  131. 

3  Forth  MSS.,  IV,  62. 

4  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f.  628;  Burton,  I,  98. 

5  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f .  44. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"    259 

edge  but  .  .  .  that  it  is  the  Queen's  bounty  to  him  and 
grace,  he  may  do  service,  and  this  may  engage  him  better 
than  any  after  rewards  and  keep  him  more  under  the 
power  of  an  obligation. "  ' '  I  have  found  it  proper  to  read 
some  paragraphs  of  your  letter  to  the  Queen,"  replied 
Godolphin.  ''What  you  propose  about  Defoe  may  be  done 
when  you  will  and  how  you  will.  "^  In  this  way  the  High- 
fliers were  outwitted  and  Defoe  released  from  prison  at 
the  close  of  1703.^ 

Harley's  actions  were  not  wholly  unselfish.  He  was 
"planning  for  his  own  political  advancement,  and  having 
a  clearer  conception  than  any  other  statesman  of  the 
period  of  the  important  part  the  press  might  be  made 
to  play  in  politics ' "  he  realized  how  powerful  an  influence 
could  be  exerted  in  public  affairs  by  this  talented,  in- 
dustrious writer.  Pamphlets  and  poems  were  all  well 
enough,  but  a  periodical  would  be  better,  and  it  was 
probably  at  Harley's  suggestion  that  the  Review  was 
begun  soon  after  Defoe  left  Newgate.*  The  influence  of 
this  paper  upon  politics  was  very  large,  but  its  author 
was  at  the  same  time  writing  far  more  than  his  share  of 
the  controversial  pamphlets  of  the  day.  He  stands  a 
living  marvel  of  what  untiring  industry  can  accomplish 
in  letters. 

Defoe,  however,  was  useful  in  other  ways.  To  secure 
most  necessary  information  as  to  the  political  tempera- 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  68;  Marll.  MSS.,  43;  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS., 
29589,  ff.  28,  45 ;  Wright,  Defoe,  p.  79. 

2  See  articles  by  Professor  W.  P.  Trent,  in  the  Nation  (N.  Y.),  LXXXIV, 
515,  LXXXV.  29,  180.  Defoe's  letter  to  Harley,  9  November,  thanking 
him  for  "his  bounty,"  would  indicate  that  he  might  have  been  free  at  that 
time.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  75. 

«  W.  P.  Trent,  Defoe;  How  to  Know  Him,  p.  60;  Chalmers,  Defoe,  p.  23. 

*  Their  communications  were  necessarily  secret.  See  Bateson,  ' '  The 
Relation  of  Defoe  and  Harley,"  E.  H.  B.,  XV.  241-3;  W.  D.  Eannie,  Defoe, 
p.  39. 


260  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

ture  of  England,  Harley  engaged  this  sleepless  observer, 
who  traveled  over  the  island  in  search  of  political  infor- 
mation. Within  a  few  months,  Godolphin  desired  from 
him  the  names  and  addresses  of  Londoners  carrying  on 
designs  in  favor  of  the  Pretender,  and  wished  to  relieve 
Harley  of  the  expenses  incident  to  Defoe 's  varied  activi- 
ties, which  had  already  proved  so  helpful  to  the  minis- 
ters.^ In  fact,  Defoe's  services  were  invaluable  in  the 
elections  of  1705,  and  in  the  negotiations  for  the  union, 
as  well  as  in  other  important  political  matters.^ 

The  early  career  of  Defoe  indicates  the  close  co- 
operation of  Harley  and  Godolphin  in  the  most  important 
public  affairs,  and  it  may  readily  be  assumed  that  Marl- 
borough also  approved  of  their  employing  so  gifted  a 
pamphleteer  and  journalist.  However  confidential  the 
relations  of  Harley  with  the  duke  and  lord  treasurer 
may  have  been,  his  political  influence  would  depend 
ultimately  upon  his  enjoyment  of  the  queen's  confidence. 
Although  he  had  written  many  of  her  earlier  speeches, 
that  in  itself  would  not  necessarily  mean  that  she  trusted 
him,  unless  we  had  other  reasons  for  knowing  that  he 
stood  high  in  Anne 's  favor.  It  was  practically  inevitable 
that  one  who  held  the  confidence  of  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin  should  see  a  great  deal  of  the  queen,  but  when 
that  man  was  speaker  and  enjoyed  personal  access  to  his 
sovereign  by  virtue  of  his  position,  such  intercourse 
becomes  a  certainty.  Yet,  these  opportunities  for  meet- 
ing her  were  soon  found  insufficient,  and  before  the  reign 
was  six  months  old,  Harley  was  interviewing  her  by  way 
of  the  backstairs. 

It  has  been  urged  again  and  again  that  the  speaker 
owed  his  rise  in  Anne's  favor  to  his  relations  with  Mrs. 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  155;  Wyon,  I.  139;  Caml).  Hist.  Eng.  Lit.,  IX.  8. 
^Bath  MSS.,  I.  61,  64;    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  83,  137;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VI. 
88,  106.     See  an  "Unpublished  Letter  of  Defoe,"  E.  E.  B.,  XXII.  132,  sq. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   261 

Masham,  her  favorite.  This  position  is  untenable,  be- 
cause Harley's  secret  meetings  with  the  queen  began 
two  years  before  Abigail  enjoyed  Anne's  patronage; 
moreover,  in  the  earlier  years  of  the  reign,  Anne  was 
actually  jealous  of  this  woman's  intimacy  with  the 
Duchess  of  Marlborough/  Furthermore,  the  friendship 
of  Mrs.  Morley  and  Mrs.  Freeman  had  not  yet  been 
strained  by  their  differences  over  politics  and  religion  or 
by  the  latter 's  frequent  absences  from  court. 

The  friendship  of  the  queen  materially  strengthened 
Harley's  position.  Another  way  of  testing  his  impor- 
tance in  political  affairs  is  to  ascertain  what  power  he 
exerted  over  the  patronage  during  these  years.  Anne 
had  scarcely  ascended  the  throne  when  the  Highfliers 
began  to  importune  for  office,  and  Godolphin  complained 
to  Harley  of  the  unreasonableness  of  Jersey  and  Sir 
Christopher  Musgrave.  Paterson  was  recommended  to 
the  lord  treasurer's  consideration  and  at  first  received 
marked  attention.  Dr.  Davenant  was  anxious  for  some 
preferment,  and  his  case  was  discussed  by  the  speaker 
and  Godolphin;  Harley's  brother  was  amply  rewarded 
for  political  services  by  the  lucrative  appointment  of 
''Auditor  of  the  imprests  for  life";  Penn  desired  a  com- 
mission in  the  navy  for  a  friend;  Dr.  Sacheverell  was 
recommended  by  Harley's  brother-in-law;  Harcourt  in- 
formed the  speaker  that  his  Tory  friends  were  eager  for 
office  and  wished  to  know  if  any  sweeping  alterations  in 
court  officials  would  take  place  before  the  end  of  the  war. 
These  are  but  few  instances  of  Harley's  activity  concern- 
ing civil  appointments  during  the  early  months  of  the 
reign.^     Vernon,  former  secretary  of  state,  wrote  his 

1  See  the  queen's  letter  printed  in  Reid,  p.  148. 

2Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  39-83,  passim.  See  also  ih.,  VIII.  96-119,  passim. 
Davenant  secured  the  important  office  of  inspector-general  of  imports  and 
exports. 


262  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

patron,  Shrewsbury,  asking  that  he  use  his  influence  with 
Harley  to  obtain  for  him  some  relief,  as  he  had  just  been 
deprived  of  his  office.  If  Vernon  believed  the  impor- 
tance of  the  speaker  to  be  as  great  as  is  indicated  by  his 
writing  such  a  letter  to  Shrewsbury,  then  at  Rome,  and 
following  it  up  with  others,  insisting  upon  Shrewsbury's 
intervention,  the  probabilities  are  that  he  was  right. 
Indeed,  Vernon  attributed  his  success  to  Shrewsbury's 
intercession  with  Harley,'^  w^hose  recommendation  of  a 
man  soon  became  equivalent  to  an  appointment,  as  he  had 
the  support  of  Anne  and  Godolphin.^  The  consent  of 
both  was  the  more  easily  secured  because  each  well  knew 
that  Harley  did  not,  like  many  of  his  associates,  traffic 
in  places  for  financial  gain.^  They  felt  that  they  could 
trust  him  to  dispose  of  vacancies  to  the  best  political 
advantage,  although  the  lord  treasurer  little  realized  that 
he  was  utilizing  this  opportunity  to  build  up  a  personal 
following.*  Being  dependent  upon  Harley,  it  was  natural 
that  Godolphin  should  grant  him  an  increasing  amount 
of  power  in  disposing  of  the  crown  patronage. 

The  conspicuous  part  taken  by  Harley  in  elections  pre- 
supposes a  considerable  power  over  appointments  also; 

iCoxe  Papers,  XIII.  146-54;  Marlh.  MSS.,  p.  44;  Portl.  MSS.,  VIII. 
116. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  99.  See  also  Bath  MSS.  (I.  73),  for  the  case  of  the 
two  men  who  were  seeking  through  the  influence  of  Harley  and  Godolphin  to 
be  made  baronets.    Both  succeeded.    Anglice  Notitia  (1708),  p.  669. 

3  Early  in  the  reign,  Anne  ordered  that  no  place  be  sold.  From  the  Cal. 
Tr.  Papers  (1702-1707),  p.  289,  we  learn  that  Cardonel,  Marlborough's  sec- 
retary, asked  Godolphin  for  permission  to  dispose  of  a  "court  post,"  which 
he  had  purchased.  The  reply  is  interesting:  "The  Lord  Treasurer  con- 
ceives there  is  intended  to  be  pecuniary  considerations  for  the  parting  with 
this  place  and  her  Majesty  has  made  an  order  that  no  place  be  sold." 

*  Harley  made  no  profession  of  his  influence,  always  referring  requests 
to  Godolphin  in  such  a  way  that  they  could  scarcely  be  refused.  This  ap- 
parent humility  deceived  the  lord  treasurer.  See  An  Account  of  the  Con- 
duct of  Bol)ert,  Earl  of  Oxford. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   263 

for  usually  no  votes  were  gained,  and  no  candidates 
elected  to  parliament  without  the  liberal  use  of  money, 
or  patronage.  Outside  of  western  England  and  Wales 
his  political  influence  was  best  exerted  among  the  urban 
trading  classes  and  this  greatly  weakened  the  Whigs. 
In  other  words,  Harley  made  Godolphin's  hold  upon  this 
class  secure,  for  ''as  the  trade  and  money  of  the  nation 
were  chiefly  in  the  hands  of  those,  who  espoused  the  cause, 
in  which  the  ministry  were  then  engaged,  it  is  no  wonder 
that  .  .  .  Godolphin  began  to  pay  them  as  much  regard 
as  the  time  and  the  Queen's  prejudices  would  permit  him 
to  do.'" 

In  ecclesiastical  affairs  also,  Harley 's  part  was  direct 
and  important.  The  annoyances  and  intricacies  of  eccle- 
siastical problems  were  so  great  that  Godolphin  was 
usually  willing  to  give  Harley  complete  charge  of  par- 
ticularly trying  cases,  so  that  in  time  he  apparently 
assumed  the  leading  role  in  the  ministry  in  determining 
church  appointments.  He  successfully  championed  the 
claims  of  Trelawny,  Atterbury,  and  Hooper  for  prefer- 
ments, and  probably  knew  more  about  the  queen's  selec- 
tions for  the  bishoprics  of  Chester  and  Exeter  than  he 
chose  to  confess.^  His  influence  in  dealing  with  the  non- 
conformists was  equally  noteworthy.  On  one  occasion, 
the  dissenting  clergy,  under  the  leadership  of  the  learned 
and  influential  Dr.  Calamy,  decided  to  present  an  address 
to  the  queen.  In  debating  as  to  who  should  introduce 
them,  the  names  of  Harley  and  Sunderland  were  sug- 
gested and  the  latter  selected.    Sunderland,  when  waited 

1  Conduct,  p.  145. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  173,  175.  He  also  furthered  the  cause  of  Dr.  Hooper. 
Forth  MSS.,  IV.  50,  63,  72.  But  even  he,  through  ceaseless  importuning 
■when  chief  minister,  was  unable  to  gain  so  much  as  an  Irish  bishopric  for 
Swift,  who  was  so  objectionable  to  the  queen.  Consult  the  Journal  to  Stella, 
passim.  For  additional  information  as  to  Harley 's  activity  in  church  mat- 
ters, see  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  53-92,  passim;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  52,  57. 


264  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

upon,  insisted  that  Godolphin  was  the  proper  man  for 
the  task.  To  this  the  latter  agreed,  but  it  was  observed 
that  Harley  was  with  Godolphin  when  the  committee 
called,  and  as  he  passed  through  the  group  of  clergymen, 
covertly  conveyed  the  idea  that  he  had  arranged  things 
for  them.  To  his  efforts,  therefore,  they  attributed  the 
fact  that  they  received  better  treatment  from  the  queen 
than  ever  before.  A  certain  Cunningham  later  inter- 
viewed Dr.  Calamy  as  to  the  best  method  of  treating  the 
dissenting  leaders.  Upon  strict  questioning,  he  finally 
confessed  that  he  came  at  the  suggestion  of  Godolphin 
and  Harley,^  both  of  whom  felt  that  the  ministry  could 
retain  its  influence  only  by  enlisting  the  intelligent  sup- 
port of  the  Dissenters,  whose  financial  power  was  rapidly 
growing. 

While  gaining  the  secret  support  of  the  non-conform- 
ists, Harley  and  Godolphin  could  not  afford  to  lose  the 
aid  of  the  Anglican  clergy.  In  securing  this,  Harley  was 
most  successful.  A  Presbyterian  himself,  he  favored 
toleration  for  the  Dissenters  and  by  his  influence  with 
the  queen  gained  an  ascendancy  over  the  High  Church 
Tories,  who  were  bitterly  opposed  to  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin.  Harley 's  role  in  defeating  the  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill  seems  to  have  been  so  cleverly  concealed 
that  the  Highfliers  never  realized  the  part  he  played  in  it. 
Indeed,  the  mainspring  of  Harley 's  political  activity  from 
first  to  last  was  secrecy.  With  all  her  spies.  Lady  Marl- 
borough was  unable  to  fathom  his  plans,  or  gain  any  idea, 
until  it  was  too  late,  of  his  influence  with  Anne  and  Mrs. 
Masham.  His  secretive  tendencies  were  by  no  means  as 
great  as  those  commonly  attributed  to  Alexander  Pope, 
but  they  were  not  confined  to  speech.  Indeed,  his  secre- 
tiveness  is  so  pronounced  in  some  of  his  important  letters 
that  even  the  initiated  can  scarcely  understand  their 

1  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  52,  105-7. 


I 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   265 

import,  a  characteristic  greatly  accentuated  in  his  later 
years  by  bibulousness.  His  aim  in  speech  and  in  writing 
was  to  be  ambiguous,  and  in  this  he  fully  succeeded. 

Harley's  part  in  diplomatic  matters  was  thus  far  small 
but  increasing;  his  financial  ability  was  exerted  only 
through  the  lord  treasurer ;  but  his  power  in  political  and 
ecclesiastical  affairs,  especially  with  the  queen,  was 
large  and  constantly  growing  larger  until  in  May,  1704, 
he  became  principal  secretary  of  state. 

It  has  been  customary  to  date  the  beginning  of 
Harley's  confidential  relationship  with  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin  from  this  appointment,  whereas  in  reality  it 
extended  back  to  the  earlier  months  of  the  reign,^  and  no 
greater  argument  against  the  commonly  accepted  ideas 
of  Harley's  mediocrity  can  be  urged  than  the  unlimited 
confidence  which  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  placed  in 
him  for  more  than  six  years.  Several  reasons  prompted 
his  appointment,  among  them  Harley's  own  insistence 
that  his  colleagues  request  the  queen  to  admit  him  as  an 
active  member  of  the  ministry,  if  they  desired  his  further 
co-operation.  No  doubt  Anne  was  willing,  but  the  duke 
and  the  lord  treasurer  were  not  so  favorable,  as  they 
sorely  needed  him  in  the  speaker's  chair,  where  he  could 
exert  far  more  power  than  if  he  were  merely  a  titular 
member  of  the  government.  It  is  significant  that  when 
his  persistence  was  rewarded,  the  three  men  decided  that 
he  should  for  a  time  retain  the  office  of  speaker,  although 
it  was  at  least  unusual  for  a  cabinet  minister  to  hold  two 
such  offices  at  once.    ' '  The  great  doubt  has  been, ' '  Vernon 

1  Even  Harley  's  biographer,  with  the  Portland  MSS.  at  his  elbow,  has 
fallen  into  the  same  error  as  the  earlier  writers,  to  whom  they  were  inacces- 
sible. "Harley  at  once  [after  1704]  became  the  most  trusted  and  intimate 
of  his  [Godolphin 's]  colleagues  upon  whose  judicious  advice  in  regard  to 
home  and  foreign  affairs,  and  the  many  delicate  personal  matters,  it  was  his 
practice  constantly  to  rely.  Godolphin 's  confidence  in  Harley  necessarily  in- 
creased Marlborough's  trust  in  him."    Eoscoe,  Harley,  p.  39. 


266  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

wrote  to  Shrewsbury,  ''how  this  is  consistent  with  the 
speakership,  but  that  is  only  determinable  when  the  Par- 
liament meets,  and  it  will  be  incongruous  or  otherwise, 
according  to  the  humour  they  shall  be  in  at  their  sitting 
down.'"  Little  was  said  in  parliament  about  the  diffi- 
culty, and  for  nearly  a  year,  Harley  performed  the  duties 
of  both  offices,  greatly  to  the  relief  of  his  political 
partners. 

Fearing  that  the  ministers  would  be  forced  from  office, 
Godolphin  was  seeking  every  possible  aid  from  him  much 
earlier  than  1704.  ''The  great  clamours,  which  I  hear 
are  preparing  against  the  management  of  sea-affairs, 
must  needs  be  very  disagreeable  to  the  Queen,  particu- 
larly uneasy  to  the  Prince ; "  he  wrote.  "In  short  I  expect 
to  see  the  whole  government  go  to  pieces,  with  no  friends 
to  support  it  but  some  few  in  place,  and  it  cannot  but  vex 
one  to  see  [the  ministry]  lost  for  so  trivial  an  occasion."^ 
The  speaker  was  taken  into  the  ministry  to  assure  his 
loyal  support  in  the  lower  house,  particularly  in  promot- 
ing the  union.  He  probably  was  not  expected  to  take  an 
important  part  in  other  matters,  but  he  was  soon  found 
in  the  midst  of  all  political  affairs.  In  appointing  him, 
Anne  was  able  to  rid  herself  of  Nottingham,  who  had 
proved  rebellious,  if  not  insolent,  and  at  the  same  time 
reward  a  valued  servant,  who  had  been  of  material  aid 
in  preparing  her  speeches.  By  virtue  of  his  new  position, 
Harley  was  thrown  into  closer  relations  with  the  queen, 
and  soon  stood  high  in  her  favor.^ 

1  James,  III,  259.  Edward  Harley  said  that  Godolphin  urged  his  brother 
to  accept  the  seals.  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f.  129.  William 
Bromley  was  both  speaker  and  chancellor  of  the  exchequer.  Shrewsbury 
held  three  such  offices  for  a  season  in  1714.    Lecky,  I.  165. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  74. 

5  Chamberlen,  p.  280.  See  also  p.  153.  Wyon  (I.  239)  assumes  that  it  was 
Harley 's  wisdom  and  sincerity  that  gained  Marlborough's  support.  Cf. 
E.  Edwards,  Founders  of  the  British  Museum,  p.  209. 


I 


FOEMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   267 

Another  pressing  reason  for  Harley's  promotion  lay 
in  the  decided  unpopularity  of  Marlborough  and  Godol- 
phin.  The  feeling  against  the  duke,  even  in  the  hour  of 
victory,  is  almost  unaccountable;  but  in  the  spring  of 
1704,  he  was  far  from  victorious,  and  the  complaints 
against  the  burdens  of  taxation  became  threatening. 
Indeed,  his  unpopularity  then  reached  its  height  for  the 
first  half  of  the  reign;  the  Highfliers  were  deeply  in- 
censed by  his  willingness  to  dispense  with  their  services 
and  turn  to  the  Whigs;  the  English  masses  had  never 
liked  him,  and  in  1702,  had  made  more  of  Rooke's  slight 
successes  around  Vigo  than  they  did  of  his  splendid 
achievements  in  Flanders ;  pamphleteers  and  journalists 
with  pens  dipped  in  bile,  found  his  avarice  and  his  wife's 
arrogance  excellent  marks  at  which  to  aim/  Few  histo- 
rians have  realized  how  near  to  ruin  the  ministry  was 
just  before  the  battle  of  Blenheim.  Rowland  Gwynne 
explained  the  situation  as  follows :  ' '  No  king  could  wish 
for  a  more  noble  opportunity  to  relieve,  not  only  Ger- 
many, but  Europe  [than  Marlborough]  is  employed 
upon,  or  that  could  be  more  gloomy  for  [him]  self.  If  the 
Elector  of  Bavaria  is  reduced,  it  will  stop  the  mouths  of 
his  enemies,  and  they  will  not  be  able  to  hurt  him  in 
England."  A  week  later  he  added  significantly:  ''The 
success  of  the  affair  [Blenheim]  will  either  gain  him  a 
great  reputation,  and  very  much  shelter  him  from  his 
enemies  (which  are  not  few)  or  be  his  ruin."^  The 
duchess  was  clearly  uneasy  when  she  learned  that  Sir 
Edward  Seymour  had  threatened  that  the  Tory  zealots 

1  C.  J.,  XV,  70.  The  contemporary  literature  showing  the  popular  dis- 
like of  the  Marlboroughs  is  extensive.  The  Memorial  of  the  Church  of  Eng- 
land is  a  good  exarftple  of  such  tracts.  See  also  Clarke  and  Foxcraft,  Burnet, 
p.  409;  W.  Carstares,  State  Papers,  p.  730;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  137;  Coxe,  II. 
277;  Hearne,  I.  138,  158,  316. 

2  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  ff.  242,  246.  See  also  Mac- 
pherson,  I.  692;  Macaulay,  Essay  on  Addison. 


268  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

** would  run  Mm  [the  duke]  down  as  a  pack  of  hounds 
do  a  hare, ' "  for  she  probably  feared  the  Highfliers  would 
attempt  to  impeach  Marlborough,  although  nothing  was 
said  about  the  means  they  intended  to  employ. 

Godolphin  was  only  slightly  less  unpopular  than  Marl- 
borough. Anonymous  writers  sought  constantly  to 
annoy  him  by  making  covert  threats  against  him  and  the 
duke.^  In  July,  Gwynne  again  spoke  of  the  weakness  of 
these  two  ministers,  because  they  had  refused  to  take  a 
decided  stand  either  for  or  against  the  Protestant  suc- 
cession.^ 

Unquestionably,  then,  Harley's  addition  to  the  minis- 
try was  timely  and  strengthened  its  power.  Both  his 
associates  were  in  disfavor,  while  he  was  favorably  re- 
ceived by  people  and  politicians  alike.  To  the  Whigs  he 
appeared  as  a  politician  whose  liberal  principles  led  him 
to  support  the  privileges  of  parliament ;  to  the  Tories  he 
seemed  the  champion  of  the  prerogative.  So  it  was  a 
wise  move  on  the  part  of  the  queen  to  delude  the  Tories 
by  elevating  Harley,  one  of  their  number,  to  a  ministerial 
position,  and  to  moderate  the  demands  of  the  impudent 
and  presumptuous  Whigs  by  promoting  a  moderate  Tory 
whom  they  considered  almost  a  Whig.  Godolphin,  more- 
over, seemed  unequal  to  the  task  of  controlling  the  junto 
any  longer,  as  he  feared  both  the  Whigs  and  Tories.  He 
even  began  to  despair  of  retaining  the  support  of  such 
moderate  Tories  as  Harcourt,  and  leaned  more  and  more 
upon  the  obedient  secretary,  whose  letters  about  impor- 
tant state  affairs  were  now  frequently  read  to  Anne.* 
Even  Lord  Dartmouth  bears  witness  that  Godolphin  was 
tottering  to  his  fall  before  Harley's  appointment,  and  his 

1  Burnet,  V.  147-50. 

2  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  f .  86. 

3  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.,  222,  ff.  250-2. 

4  Bath  MSS.,  I.  57-8. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   269 

evidence  is  borne  out  in  part  by  Dr.  James  Drake,  who 
asserted  that  the  lord  treasurer  had  become  the  queen's 
tool  in  advancing  Whigs  to  high  places.^ 

Some  weeks  before  Harley  became  secretary,  he  was 
sworn  of  the  Privy  Council,  of  which  he  remained  a 
faithful  member  for  nearly  four  years.^  In  accepting 
office,  he  insisted  that  his  close  friends,  St.  John  and 
Mansell,  should  enter  the  ministry  with  him,  thus  assur- 
ing the  weight  of  his  own  influence  in  the  cabinet.  It 
was  well  that  he  did  so,  since  he  was  planning  to  take  a 
positive  position.  Though  at  the  outset  he  ''was  equally 
trusted  by  churchmen  and  dissenters,  by  Whigs  and 
Tories,"  that  feeling  soon  wore  off  and  the  Tories,  in 
particular,  looking  upon  him  as  a  renegade,  sought  to 
drive  him  from  the  ministry.^  Indeed,  the  year  1704  had 
not  ended  before  boasts  were  openly  made  that  Harley 
would  soon  be  thrown  out  of  office.  Defoe  had  frequently 
heard  such  reports  in  traveling  through  England  and 
Scotland,  but  the  available  evidence  does  not  disclose  any 
great  danger  of  his  overthrow,  while  on  the  other  hand, 
some  things  indicate  that  his  power  mounted  steadily 
throughout  the  year. 

As  early  as  March,  Vernon  believed  that  Harley 's  im- 
portance in  the  government  was  as  great  as  Godolphin  's.* 
A  stanch  friend,  Stanley  West,  informed  Harley  the  fol- 
lowing August  that  among  the  masses  of  the  people,  the 

1  Memorial  of  the  Church  of  England.  Drake  insisted  that  both  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  voted  the  queen's  sentiments  rather  than  their  own 
on  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill.     Cf.  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  35. 

2  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXX.  114;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  82-4;  Luttrell,  V.  418.  In 
the  first  five  months  after  he  was  sworn,  Harley  attended  every  one  of  the 
fourteen  meetings,  and  is  enrolled  as  * '  speaker ' '  thirteen  times  and  once 
as  "secretary."    P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXX.  passim. 

3  Vernon  insisted  that  ' '  the  Tories  lay  the  late  changes  to  his  door,  and 
the  Whigs  hold  themselves  in  suspense  not  seeing  any  advance  made  toward 
them."     See  also  Wyon,  I.  239;  Leadam,  p.  46. 

*  James,  III.  254,  257.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  146-7. 


270  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

three  leading  ministers  *'are  called  the  'triumvirate.'  "^ 
The  agreement  of  these  two  observers  is  significant  and 
the  accuracy  of  their  statements  is  attested  by  Defoe, 
who  wrote  to  Harley:  ''They  call  the  Duke  of  Marl- 
borough, the  Lord  Treasurer,  and  yourself  the  trium- 
virate who  manage  the  state,  and  that  if  this  knot  [the 
Occasional  Conformity  Bill]  be  broken  in  the  House,  they 
will  prevail  with  the  Queen  to  continue  the  Duke  .  .  . 
abroad  all  winter  .  .  .  and  so  they  will  easily  put  by  all 
the  scheme  of  management. ' " 

The  testimony  of  these  men  and  the  letters  of  Godol- 
phin  and  Marlborough  already  cited  indicate  clearly  the 
importance  of  Harley  in  the  councils  of  the  ministry. 
Moreover  they  shed  some  light  upon  the  origins  of  the 
cabinet.  From  a  constitutional  point  of  view  the  evolu- 
tion of  the  cabinet  is  the  most  important  aspect  of  Anne's 
reig-n.  Inasmuch  as  Harley  was  closely  connected  with 
the  growth  of  this  feature  of  parliamentary  government, 
it  is  necessary  here  to  examine  the  state  of  the  cabinet, 
which  was  slowly  taking  shape  in  the  early  years  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  although  at  no  time  attaining  the 
unity  and  solidarity  which  we  associate  with  the  cabinets 
of  modern  times.  Under  William  III,  the  ministers  were 
advisers  to  the  sovereign  and  little  more.  There  was  no 
requirement  that  they  even  be  in  substantial  agreement 
upon  the  most  important  questions;  in  fact,  the  Tolera- 
tion Act  was  the  only  law  of  consequence  upon  which  the 

^  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  118-9.  West  added:  "You  are  entirely  master  of  two 
opposite  parties,  both  think  you  to  be  theirs  and  confide  in  you  as  such,  to 
promote  their  several  different  interests:  whatever  distinguishing  favour 
you  show  to  either  side,  does  not  lessen  your  esteem  in  the  other  party,  'tis 
all  ascribed  to  a  depth  they  cannot  comprehend,  and  which  they  say  is 
peculiar  to  yourself." 

2  lb.,  147.  Harley  and  Godolphin  had  some  difficulty  over  the  length  of 
the  adjournment,  but  the  former  had  his  way,  which  was  the  only  measure 
"that  has  been  carried  against  the  Court  this  session."  Add.  MSS.,  4743, 
f.  18. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"    271 

members  of  Ms  ministry  were  in  complete  accord.^  In 
the  same  reign,  when  Nottingham  introduced  the  Com- 
prehension Bill  into  the  Lords,  Shrewsbury  and  Car- 
marthen not  only  refused  their  support,  but  indignantly 
walked  out  during  the  first  division.  The  factional  oppo- 
sition of  the  ministry  during  the  crisis  in  the  criminal 
prosecutions  of  1697  reveals  clearly  the  inchoate  state 
of  party  organization  and  indicates  that  party  govern- 
ment as  such  had  not  been  accepted  even  by  the  political 
leaders.  Yet  there  was  in  both  parties  a  gradual  develop- 
ment of  party  chiefs  who  were  soon  to  unite  their  forces 
into  real  parliamentary  and  political  parties.  In  1701, 
however,  the  doctrine  of  ministerial  responsibility  was 
accepted  by  neither  king  nor  parliament,  as  ministers 
held  their  offices  without  regard  to  adverse  majorities  in 
the  Commons.^ 

The  meetings  of  the  cabinet  council  were  not  held 
under  the  bond  of  secrecy,  as  later ;  no  record  of  attend- 
ance was  kept  and  no  member  felt  any  obligation  to  dis- 
cuss the  policies  of  his  particular  department  with  the 
others.  Somers  was  the  only  English  minister  who  was 
informed  of  the  negotiation  and  conclusion  of  the  Parti- 
tion Treaty  in  1700.^  Not  even  a  majority  of  the  ministry 
knew  anything  about  it,  and  at  the  occasional  meetings 
of  the  members  few  were  aware  exactly  what  topics  were 
to  be  discussed.  The  responsibility  of  the  ministers  was 
individual  and  personal,  and  rested  with  the  king,  al- 
though the  dismissal  of  Somers  was  a  sign  of  change.* 
At  least  as  early  as  the  Restoration,  executive  and  admin- 

1  W.  M.  Torrens,  Hist,  of  the  Cabinets,  pp.  4-7. 

2  A  contemporary  account  of  the  quarrel  of  the  Lords  and  Commons  over 
their  relation  to  the  ministry  is  given  in  Swift's  Dissensions  in  Athens  and 
Borne. 

3Mahon,  I.  12. 

*  Turberville,  The  House  of  Lords  in  the  Reign  of  William  III,  p.  244 ; 
Torrens,  op.  cit.,  I.  19-21.     Cf.  Blauvelt,  Development  of  Cabinet  Govern- 


272  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

istrative  functions  in  England  had  been  exercised  under 
the  king,  by  a  small  number  of  the  abler  and  more  trusted 
councillors.  This  select  group  is  spoken  of  under  various 
names,  such  as  cabal,  cabinet,  and  committee,  and  is  well 
recognized  in  the  reign  of  Charles  II,  and  firmly  estab- 
lished by  the  time  of  William  III.  In  Anne's  reign  the 
name  ''cabinet  council"  is  used  again  and  again,^  and  the 
membership  in  that  body  must  have  been  well  estab- 
lished and  extremely  important  or  the  junto  would  not 
have  toiled  for  months  to  persuade  the  queen  to  admit  one 
of  their  number  to  it  without  any  place  in  the  ministry.'' 
No  official  minutes  were  kept  of  these  meetings,  which 
were  considered  of  so  great  importance  by  the  public  men 
of  the  time. 

These  more  or  less  regular  sessions  of  the  cabinet 
council  must  not  be  confused  with  the  secret  meetings  of 
the  ''lords  of  the  committee"  or  "committee  of  the 
council."  This  last  group  was  made  up  of  the  more 
important  members  of  the  cabinet  council,  although 
other  persons  in  the  government  were  often  called  in  con- 
sultation. In  general  it  was  a  more  select  group  than  the 
cabinet  council  and  held  its  meetings  usually  just  before 
the  more  formal  sessions  of  the  larger  body.  These 
"lords  of  the  committee"  deliberated  without  the  queen, 
who  nearly  always  attended  the  cabinet  council  during 
the  first  eight  years  of  the  reign.    Their  purpose  was  to 

ment,  pp.  89,  sq.  Leslie  Stephen  says  that  "It  had  not  yet  come  to  be 
understood  that  the  cabinet  was  to  be  a  mere  committee  of  the  House  of 
Commons,  the  personal  wishes  of  the  sovereign,  and  the  alliances  and 
jealousies  of  the  great  courtiers,  were  still  highly  important  factors  in  the 
political  situation;  as  indeed,  both  the  composition  and  subsequent  be- 
haviour of  the  Commons,  could  be  controlled  to  a  considerable  extent  by 
legitimate  and  other  influences  of  the  Crown."    Life  of  Sivift,  p,  65. 

1  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  ff.  402,  628,  and  passim.  Cal. 
S.  P.  Bom.  (1702-3),  pp.  51,  103,  185,  239,  and  passim;  [Defoe],  An  Ac- 
count of  the  Conduct  of  Eobert,  Earl  of  Oxford. 

2  Coxe,  II.  219;  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  17;  Lecky,  II.  137. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   273 

prepare  their  plans  for  the  meeting  of  the  cabinet  coun- 
cil, and  it  is  to  this  group  that  the  term  ** cabinet"  has 
been  applied.  The  ''lords  of  the  committee"  were, 
perhaps,  a  committee  of  the  Privy  Council,  and  it  was 
probably  this  body  which,  under  the  name  of  Lords  Jus- 
tices, governed  the  realm  during  the  absences  of  the  king. 
The  modern  cabinet  seems,  therefore,  to  have  a  triple 
origin:  as,  cabinet  council,  "lords  of  the  committee," 
and  lords  justices,  all  of  them  made  up  of  a  limited 
number  of  prominent  officials.  Although  the  most  in- 
fluential men  in  the  government  were  members  of  the 
Privy  Council,  the  cabinet  council,  and  the  "cabinet," 
a  select  few  gradually  tended  to  monopolize  adminstra- 
tion  as  "lords  of  the  committee."  This  clique  rarely 
consisted  of  more  than  a  half  dozen  or  so,  but,  acting  as 
a  sort  of  "inner  cabinet,"  they  outlined  their  policies  for 
presentation  to  the  regular  meetings  of  the  cabinet 
council,  which  in  turn  generally  referred  important 
measures  decided  upon  to  the  Privy  Council  for  formal 
ratification.  At  that  time  there  was  no  clear  line  of 
demarkation  between  an  inner  cabinet  as  represented  by 
the  "lords  of  the  committee"  and  an  outer  cabinet  as 
indicated  by  the  cabinet  council.  Contemporaries  prob- 
ably thought  of  them  not  as  two  distinct  bodies,  but  more 
or  less  as  informal  and  formal  meetings  of  the  same 
group,  since  they  had  so  many  members  in  common.^ 

1  The  entire  subject  is  very  complex,  but  many  of  the  difficulties  are 
explained  by  Professor  E.  E,  Turner  in  the  following  articles:  "The  Devel- 
opment of  the  Cabinet,  1688-1760,''  A.  H.  B.,  XVII.  751-68,  XIX.  27-43; 
"Committees  of  Council  and  Cabinet,  1660-1688,"  ih.,  XIX.  772-93;  "The 
Lords  Justices  of  England,  1695-1755,"  E.  E.  B.,  XXIX.  453-76;  "The 
Privy  Council  of  1679,"  ib.,  XXX.  251-70;  "Committees  of  the  Privy 
Council,  1688-1760,"  ib.,  XXXI.  545-72;  "The  Cabinet  in  the  Eighteenth 
Century,"  ib.,  XXXII.  192-203.  See  also  W.  R.  Anson,  "The  Cabinet  in 
the  Seventeenth  and  Eighteenth  Centuries,"  ib.,  XXIX.  56-78,  and  "The 
Development  of  the  Cabinet,  1688-1760,"  ib.,  325-7;  Temperley,  "Queen  and 
Outer  Cabinet  and  Privy  Council,  1679-1783,"  ib.,  XXVI.  682;  "A  Note  on 


274  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Thus,  in  a  constitutional  sense,  Queen  Anne  governed 
with  the  aid  of  her  ministers  taken  individually,  with  her 
cabinet  council,  generally  made  up  of  the  same  ministers 
acting  collectively,  or  through  the  ''lords  of  the  com- 
mittee," which  sometimes  sat  without  her,  a  body  tech- 
nically distinct  from  the  cabinet  council,  but  composed 
of  many  of  the  same  men  acting  as  privy  councillors  in 
committee,  which  prepared  business  for  consideration  in 
the  cabinet  council.  These  leading  officials  of  the  gov- 
ernment, not  constituting  at  this  time  a  fixed  body  or  in 
their  triple  capacity  always  composed  of  the  same  min- 
isters, gradually  became  the  controlling  executive  and 
administrative  force  in  the  kingdom,  destined  eventually 
to  supersede  the  king  himself  in  the  management  of 
affairs. 

In  1704,  Anne  was  aided  by  a  select  group,  the  "trium- 
virate," composed  of  Marlborough,  Godolphin,  and 
Harley,  which,  constituting  only  a  part  of  the  cabinet, 
met  frequently  and  informally,  often  twdce  a  week  and 
at  times  in  the  presence  of  the  queen,  and  planned  im- 
portant ministerial  measures,  which  were  probably  given 
more  definite  form  in  the  sessions  preliminary  to  the 
regular  meetings  of  the  cabinet  council.^ 

In  concluding  this  study  of  Harley 's  speakership,  it  is 
highly  desirable  to  gain  a  more  comprehensive  idea  of 

Inner  and  Outer  Cabinets:  their  Development  and  Eelations  in  the  Eight- 
eenth Century,"  tb.,  XXXI.  291-6;  and  Michael,  "Die  Entstehung  der 
Kabinettsregierung, "  Zeits.  fur  Folitik,  VI.  549.  The  accounts  of  the 
origin  of  the  cabinet  by  the  older  writers,  Torrens,  Blauvelt,  and  Salomon, 
have,  in  general,  been  superseded  for  the  period  of  Anne's  reign. 

1  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  ff.  44,  208,  398-402;  Cal.  S.  P. 
Dom.  (1702-3),  pp.  19,  21,  25;  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  49;  E.  E.  B.,  VIII.  740. 
This  small  group,  the  "triumvirate,"  cannot  be  called  a  " conciliabulum, " 
as  the  name  does  not  appear  until  1757.  It  is  possible  that  it  constituted 
the  ' '  Defense  Committee ' '  discussed  by  J.  S.  Corbett,  * '  Queen  Anne 's 
Defense  Committee,"  Monthly  Beview,  May,  1904,  but  such  identification 
is  largely  conjectural. 


FORMATION  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"   275 

his  character  and  ability  than  could  be  gleaned  from  a 
study  of  a  few  of  his  political  activities.  This  man,  who 
stood  for  so  long  in  such  confidential  relations  with  the 
queen,  was  of  varied  attainments.  Many  of  his  charac- 
teristics seem  absolutely  contradictory.  Born  in  non- 
conformity he  became  a  steady  supporter  of  the  Estab- 
lished Church,  and  as  chief  minister,  permitted  the  High- 
fliers to  pass  such  measures  of  persecution  as  the  Occa- 
sional Conformity  Bill  and  the  Schism  Act.  A  country 
gentleman  by  birth,  he  married  into  the  trading  class  and 
acted  in  conjunction  with  the  monied  interests  for  a  large 
part  of  his  administration  as  first  minister.  He  dis- 
played considerable  ability  as  a  financier,  and  helped  to 
provide  for  the  enormous  debt  occasioned  by  the  war,  in 
which  Great  Britain  acted  as  the  paymaster  of  the  allies, 
a  part  she  has  been  destined  to  play  from  that  day  to  this. 

Harley  was  far  more  than  a  financier ;  he  ranks  as  one 
of  the  shrewdest  statesmen  and  political  managers  of  a 
century  which  boasted  Walpole,  Newcastle,  and  last,  but 
not  least,  George  III.  He  was  shrewd  enough  to  outwit 
such  wily  politicians  as  Swift,  Marlborough,  Boling- 
broke,  and  even  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough.  Further- 
more, he  completely  overwhelmed  that  group  of  Whigs 
known  to  history  as  the  junto,  and  drove  them  from 
power.  For  over  four  years  he  deluded  the  Jacobites 
into  believing  that  he  would  bring  the  Pretender  to  Eng- 
land and  place  him  upon  the  throne  of  his  father, 
when  in  reality,  he  never  took  any  active  steps  in  that 
direction.^ 

He  was  both  a  financier  and  politician,  but  he  was  also 
a  connoisseur  and  patron  of  art,  and  few  Englishmen 
have  done  so  much  for  the  furtherance  of  literature.    He 

1  Birch  MSS.,  Add.  MSS,,  4223,  f.  114;  Defoe,  Secret  History  of  the 
White  Staff,  Pt.  ii.,  pp.  10-24;  Torcy,  Memoirs,  passim;  Eanke,  Eng.  Hist., 
V.  347;  Leadam,  p.  44;  O.  Goldsmith,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  IV.  136. 


276  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

was  the  first  to  discern  the  true  value  and  importance  of 
pamphleteering  in  politics ;  in  a  sense,  he  both  discovered 
and  developed  such  writers  as  Arbuthnot,  Swift,  and 
Defoe/  Fortunately  for  posterity,  his  interest  in  litera- 
ture was  not  confined  to  the  ephemeral  type;  he  was  a 
** collector"  of  consequence,  as  the  Harleian  Manuscripts 
and  the  Harleian  Miscellany  well  testify.  He  stands  as 
one  of  the  leading  founders  of  the  British  Museum,  where 
his  valuable  collections  find  a  home. 

Despite  such  evidences  of  his  ability  and  versatility, 
Harley  was  not  looked  upon  by  his  contemporaries  as  an 
individual  of  power.  In  a  period  when  no  man  might  be 
trusted  with  a  secret  unless  he  was  vitally  concerned  in 
it  himself,  Harley  was  accused  of  being  too  secretive.^ 
Surrounded  by  enemies  in  both  the  Whig  and  Tory 
parties,  he  was  vilified  for  being  slow  and  cautious,  and 
Ms  policy  of  opportunism  gradually  added  to  his  un- 
popularity. Nevertheless,  on  one  occasion,  apparently 
overwhelmed  by  the  united  forces  of  Whigs  and  Tories, 
who  sought  his  ruin,  he  rallied  his  followers  quickly,  and 
with  Anne's  help,  destroyed  the  power  of  this  coalition 
by  creating  a  dozen  peers  in  a  group.  The  criticism  of 
dilatoriness  disappeared  as  if  by  magic.^  Surrounded 
by  men  of  the  most  venal  type,  he  was  never  even  accused 
of  corruption,  despite  the  unparalleled  opportunities 
afforded  him  through  the  rising  expenditures  due  to 
the  war. 

Harley 's  talents  were  most  necessary  to  supplement 
those   of  his  two  colleagues.     Godolphin  was   an  able 

1  John  Forster,  Defoe,  p.  58 ;  John  Tutchin  was  another  of  Harley 's 
prot6g6s,    Dayrolles  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  15866,  f.  58. 

2  See  Bo\ingbroke,  State  of  Parties;  Private  Diary  of  William,  Lord 
Cowper;  Swift,  Free  Thoughts  upon  the  Present  State  of  Affairs;  Salomon, 
p.  6. 

sin  Carte's  Memoranda,  Harley  is  referred  to  as  the  "most  intrepid 
man  in  the  nation."    Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCXI.  38. 


FOEMATION  OF  THE  "TRIUMVIRATE"   277 

administrator  and  financier,  but  was  totally  devoid  of  a 
political  sense  to  understand  or  appreciate  public  senti- 
ment, and  thought  far  more  of  winning  a  cock-fight  or 
a  horse-race  than  an  election ;  whereas  Harley  possessed 
true  political  sagacity/  To  a  greater  extent  than  any  of 
his  colleagues,  he  seems  to  have  appreciated  the  growing 
importance  of  the  aggressive  commercial  classes  in 
politics.  The  lord  treasurer,  moreover,  was  kept  so  busy 
as  first  minister  that  he  had  little  time  for  purely  politi- 
cal affairs.  Marlborough  had  political  insight,  but  he 
cared  nothing  for  the  game  itself,  and  the  increasing 
strain  of  military  and  diplomatic  undertakings  forced 
him  to  depend  increasingly  upon  others  to  rule  parlia- 
ment. He  was  unable  to  trust  to  his  wife's  political 
wisdom,  because  her  inclinations  ran  too  strongly  in 
favor  of  the  Whigs,  whom  Anne  detested,  so  Marl- 
borough decided  early  in  the  reign  that  he  needed  Har- 
ley's  support  and  the  latter  was  taken  in  as  a  kind  of 
junior  partner,  because  the  ministry  needed  an  indus- 
trious, moderate  Tory  to  keep  the  junto  from  forcing  the 
hand  of  sovereign  and  ministers  alike.  Although  con- 
sidered a  Tory,  Harley  favored  the  legislative  supremacy 
of  parliament;  professing  the  highest  regard  for  the 
Anglican  Establishment,  he  remained  at  heart  a  Dis- 
senter; moreover,  he  possessed  two  important  attributes 
not  usually  found  together  in  the  days  of  the  Stuarts — 
political  wisdom  and  sincerity — while  the  political  infor- 
mation which  he  furnished  made  him  invaluable  as  an 
ally.  His  chief  claim,  then,  to  membership  in  the  ' '  trium- 
virate" lay  in  his  political  astuteness,  as  few  understood 
so  well  the  rules  and  procedure  of  the  House  of  Commons, 
and  probably  no  man  in  England  was  more  familiar  with 
the  general  current  of  public  feeling.    As  speaker  during 

1  Birch  MSS.,  4223,  f.  114;  Defoe,  Secret  History  of  the  White  Staff, 
Pt.  ii.,  10-24;  Lord,  p.  80. 


278  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

three  parliaments,  he  had  learned  the  game  of  politics 
as  it  was  played  in  the  early  eighteenth  century,  and  was 
even  able  when  the  time  came  to  interpolate  some  new 
rules  of  his  own.  Prom  the  beginning  of  the  reign  he 
was  useful  to  Godolphin  in  arranging  ministerial  policies, 
and  indispensable  in  turning  them  into  laws.  As  secre- 
tary of  state  he  was  destined  to  prove  of  still  further 
service  to  his  fellow  ''triumvirs." 


CHAPTER  VII 

THE  BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE" 

(1704-1708) 

RoBEKT  Hakley  WES  principal  secretary  of  state  in  the 
Godolphin  ministry  for  nearly  four  years,  during  which 
time  England  passed  through  the  crisis  of  the  greatest 
war  Europe  had  thus  far  seen.  With  the  general  who 
won  the  victories  and  the  parliament  which  supplied  the 
sinews  of  war,  Harley  was  equally  familiar,  and  to  each 
equally  invaluable.  For  almost  a  year,  he  filled  the  posts 
of  secretary  and  speaker  together,  and  in  such  way  as  to 
win  the  admiration  of  friend  and  foe  alike.  As  speaker 
he  played  an  important  and  indispensable  role  in  legisla- 
tion and  politics,  and  as  cabinet  minister  he  became  even 
more  valuable,  although  his  portfolio  lay  in  the  field  in 
which  he  had  the  least  influence.  He  secured  this  position 
of  prominence  partly  as  the  result  of  his  own  achieve- 
ments, and  partly  because  of  the  unpopularity  of  his 
fellow  *  'triumvirs. ' '  As  secretary  he  was  concerned  with 
affairs  that  were  chiefly  political  and  military,  and  in 
this  capacity  was  compelled  to  keep  in  touch  with  do- 
mestic affairs,  and  to  possess  an  accurate  and  extensive 
knowledge  of  war  and  diplomacy.  His  relations  with 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough  necessarily  had  to  be  even 
more  intimate  than  before,  if  he  were  to  do  efficient  work 
as  a  diplomat.^ 

1  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  ff.  2-4;  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  385, 
XX.  35.  In  the  last  reference,  Harley,  acknowledging  the  receipt  of  several 
letters,  says:  "I  read  them  all  to  her  Majesty,  and  -we  have  all  reason  most 


280  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Although  Harley  preferred  to  devote  the  lion's  share 
of  his  time  to  nianipulating  domestic  politics,  he  was  not 
inattentive  to  the  leading  foreign  events,  and  under  his 
administration  of  foreign  affairs,  the  most  decisive 
battles  of  the  war  were  fought  and  won  by  his  colleague. 
These  victories  brought  the  French  monarch  face  to  face 
with  ruin  and  forced  him  to  seek  peace.  It  is  pleasant 
to  speculate  whether  the  peace  terms  of  the  allies,  nego- 
tiated after  Harley  had  left  office,  would  have  been  so 
exorbitant  as  to  drive  the  French  once  more  into  war, 
if  he  had  still  been  secretary,  especially  in  view  of  his 
later  activity  in  negotiating  the  much-criticized  treaty 
of  Utrecht. 

Harley  could  not  be  idle  at  this  time,  as  three  difficult 
questions  were  always  before  him,  clamoring  for  solu- 
tion. Probably  the  most  important  was  that  of  keeping 
the  allies  in  line,  particularly  the  Dutch,  who  displayed 
a  chronic  and  increasing  tendency  to  let  the  English  do 
most  of  the  fighting,  while  at  the  same  time,  paradoxi- 
cally enough,  they  showed  an  almost  insane  fear  lest  Eng- 
land should  make  peace  without  their  consent.^  The 
alarm  of  the  Dutch  arose  partly  as  a  result  of  Louis 
XIV 's  intrigues  with  Marlborough,  and  partly  on  ac- 
count of  their  distrust  of  the  duke's  motives,  which  was 
beginning  to  prevail  in  the  Low  Countries  as  well  as  in 

highly  to  applaud  your  Grace 's  conduct  in  taking  [towns]  as  well  as  winning 
battles."  Harley 's  secret  service  work  excited  even  Marlborough's  admira- 
tion. ' '  Am  very  much  surprised, ' '  he  wrote,  ' '  at  what  you  tell  me  of  my 
journey  for  nobody  knows  of  it  from  me  but  the  Pensioner."  Bath  MSS., 
I.  167.    See  also  pp.  157,  368. 

1  This  seems  groundless  from  Anne 's  letter  to  Marlborough  relative  to 
the  Elector  of  Bavaria.  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34513,  f.  163. 
Yet  a  month  earlier,  Anne  informed  the  duke  he  might  break  away  from 
the  Dutch.  Coxe,  ch.  51 ;  Add.  MSS.,  9025,  if.  71-2.  Indeed,  Marlborough 
feared  that  Holland  might  make  peace  on  account  of  English  party  dis- 
sensions. The  commercial  jealousy  between  England  and  Holland  was  very 
marked.    Thomas,  p.  247.     See  also  Bath  MSS.,  I.  98,  157. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     281 

England/  All  the  tact  of  Marlborough  and  Harley  was 
needed  to  keep  the  Dutch  contented,  but  they  succeeded 
by  strenuous  efforts  in  holding  them  firmly  in  line. 

Of  the  other  allies,  the  Empire  was  most  important, 
and  it,  too,  gave  the  "triumvirate"  much  to  do.  Though 
fully  as  delinquent  as  the  States-General  in  keeping  her 
promises,  Austria's  cry  for  subsidies  was  incessant,  and 
Harley  was  given  the  task  of  negotiating  a  loan  from  the 
wealthy  London  merchants  for  Prince  Eugene's  army.^ 
Indeed,  the  influence  and  ability  of  this  commander, 
coupled  with  Harley 's  tact,  was  all  that  prevented  a 
diplomatic  rupture  with  the  Empire.  The  emperor  had 
earlier  refused  to  salute  Anne  as  "her  Majesty"  and  she 
refused  to  receive  communications  addressed  in  any  other 
way.  Harley  made  it  a  special  duty  to  write  the  imperial 
envoy  about  it,  with  the  result  that  all  official  friction 
disappeared,  although  the  perplexing  problems  as  to 
troops  and  subsidies  still  remained  to  be  solved.^ 

Spanish  affairs  were  also  irritating,  in  some  measure 
because  they  were  closely  connected  with  the  Austrian 
difficulties,  since  an  Austrian  archduke  was  a  candidate 
for  the  Spanish  throne.  Military  matters  had  never  pro- 
gressed favorably  for  the  allies  in  the  peninsula.  In 
1706,  the  rivalry  for  the  position  of  commander  in  chief 
between  General  Earl  Rivers  and  the  Earl  of  Galway 
broke  out,  and  the  following  year  the  defeat  of  Galway 
at  Almanza  gave  Rochester  an  excuse  for  moving  that 
20,000  English  troops  should  be  transferred  from  Flan- 
ders to  Spain.  His  real  purpose  was  to  embarrass 
Marlborough,  whose  speech  in  the  Lords  convinced  the 

1  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  OCX.  ff.  12-3,  19;  Burnet,  V.  386;  Egerton  MSS. 
(B.  M.),  929,  f.  6. 

2  S,  Stebbing,  Genealog.  Hist.,  p.  833 ;  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  389. 

sCoxe  Papers,  XVII,  185;  Stepney  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  7059,  July  3, 
1705.  Miss  Strickland  says  Anne  brought  this  on  herself  by  receiving  in 
her  ignorance  a  Latin  letter  without  the  proper  salutation. 


282  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Highfliers  that  it  would  be  suicidal  to  do  this  in  the  face 
of  the  French  forces.  The  whole  matter  was  brought  to 
a  climax  by  Somers,  the  most  conservative  member  of 
the  junto,  who  moved  that  *'no  peace  could  be  safe  or 
honourable,  till  Spain  and  the  West  Indies  are  recovered 
from  the  House  of  Bourbon. ' '  Still  the  difficulty  was  not 
settled,  and  three  days  later,  Harley,  at  Anne 's  command, 
laid  before  the  Commons  information  about  military 
matters  in  Spain.^  In  all  these  troubles  Harley 's  func- 
tion was  to  act  as  peacemaker  and  aid  men  who  were 
desirous  of  entering  the  consular  and  diplomatic  service.^ 
In  executing  such  duties,  his  talents  showed  to  advan- 
tage, a  fact  that  both  Godolphin  and  Marlborough  fully 
appreciated,^  although  they  did  not  dream  how  great  his 
influence  was  with  the  queen. 

More  difficult,  if  not  more  important,  diplomatic  mat- 
ters were  found  near  home,  as  the  Hanoverian  succession 
had  both  foreign  and  domestic  angles.  It  was  a  dan- 
gerous question  on  account  of  Anne's  uncompromising 
attitude  toward  the  heir  apparent.  The  Jacobites  were 
rather  numerous  in  England;  in  Scotland  their  number 
was  still  larger,  and  this  fact  had  complicated  the  diffi- 
cult negotiations  for  the  union.  Besides,  many  ardent 
High  Churchmen  frowned  upon  the  electress  and  her 
descendants  on  account  of  their  Low  Church  inclinations. 
The  Whigs,  having  aided  the  ministry  in  defeating  the 
Tory  motion  to  invite  over  Electress  Sophia,  now  de- 
manded their  price.    With  the  failure  of  the  *'tack"  and 

iC.  J.,  XV.  476;  James,  III.  300-3;  Timberland,  II.  182.  Indeed, 
Somers 's  resolution  found  its  way  into  the  queen's  address.    Coke,  III.  323. 

2S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VII.  77;  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  6; 
Dayrolles  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  15866,  f.  56;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  213;  S.  P. 
Dom.,  Entry  Book,  CV.  309. 

3  Godolphin  wrote  Harley :  "So  many  disagreeable  things  as  one  meets 
every  day  makes  me  quite  weary  of  my  life;  I  have  often  envied  your 
happier  temper  in  these  matters."    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  155. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     283 

the  ''invitation"  the  troubles  of  the  hard-working  lord 
treasurer  had  seemed  at  an  end  when  they  had  only 
begun.  Almost  at  once,  the  junto  besought  Godolphin  to 
fulfil  the  promises  he  had  given  in  the  queen's  name. 
When  the  ministry  lost  its  zealous  High  Tories  and 
gained  moderate  Whigs,  both  Godolphin  and  Marl- 
borough thought  they  had  a  ministry  by  means  of  which 
Anne  might  stand  aloof  from  political  factions.  Such  a 
position  had  its  advantages,  although  it  placed  the  min- 
istry where  it  would  be  attacked  by  both  parties  and 
defended  by  neither.  As  a  result,  Godolphin  was  impor- 
tuned by  the  junto  to  put  one  of  their  number  in  the  cabi- 
net; while  the  Tories  threatened  a  renewal  of  the  "invi- 
tation, ' '  if  the  Whigs  were  given  too  much  power.  In  his 
distress,  the  first  minister  leaned  upon  Harley,  who  had 
supported  the  ministry  so  successfully  when  the  "tack" 
was  before  parliament.^ 

Anne  was  uneasy  over  the  Hanoverians,  as,  some 
months  after  the  passage  of  the  Regency  Bill,  she  called 
Archbishop  Sharp  into  consultation  and  told  him,  as 
Godolphin  ' '  had  done  before,  that  she  had  apprehensions 
of  the  motion's  being  renewed  ...  of  inviting  over  the 
Princess  Sophia.  .  .  .  And  therefore  she  pressed  me 
earnestly,  that  I  would  endeavour,  in  all  my  conversation, 
to  discourage  the  matter."^  She  had  her  way,  and  her 
spiritual  father  promised  his  aid.  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin  were  also  anxious  about  the  succession,  which 
was  destined  to  disturb  political  life  for  the  remainder 
of  the  reign. 

The  "invitation"  had  clearly  separated  political  fac- 

1  "  I  hope  everybody  will  do  you  the  justice  to  attribute  the  greatest 
share  of  it[8  defeat]  to  your  prudent  management  and  zeal  for  the 
public."    Marlborough  to  Harley,  Coxe,  I.  249.     See  also  Bath  MSS.,  I.  65. 

2  Sharp,  I.  310.  Late  in  1708,  Anne  begged  Sharp  to  support  her  in  all 
matters  relating  to  the  prerogative,  and  not  to  follow  Nottingham  and  the 
Highfliers.     16.,  300.     It  is  at  least  possible  that  she  refused  to  grant  the 


284  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tions  and  aroused  the  queen's  animosity  against  the 
Tories.  Its  defeat  made  the  English  Jacobites  discon- 
solate and  caused  the  Pretender's  supporters  in  France 
to  doubt  the  sincerity  of  such  ministerial  leaders  as 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough.  Furthermore,  this  discus- 
sion aroused  at  the  Hanoverian  court  suspicions  of  the 
Whigs,  which  no  explanations  could  quite  dispel.  In  that 
strenuous  controversy,  Anne  had  taken  a  stand  which  she 
steadfastly  maintained,  and  in  such  a  decided  fashion  as 
to  destroy  the  force  of  the  usual  assertion  that  she  had 
no  power  in  political  affairs.  Harley,  as  usual,  had  kept 
in  the  background  in  this  dispute,  but  he  had  not  been 
idle.  When  it  was  all  over,  and  the  Whigs  demanded 
their  pay,  no  one  could  be  more  necessary  to  Anne's  peace 
of  mind  than  this  dextrous  politician. 

Even  more  fatiguing  than  the  problems  of  the  suc- 
cession were  the  prolonged  negotiations  conducted  by 
Grodolphin  over  the  union.  He  was  an  old  man,  and  the 
interminable  wrangling  over  the  articles  wore  him  out. 
Indeed,  it  is  probable  that  the  negotiations  might  have 
broken  down,  had  it  not  been  for  the  superior  secret  ser- 
vice of  Harley 's  agents  in  Scotland,  in  supplying  the 
ministry  with  information.^ 

Although  military  affairs  were  urgent,  and  the  ques- 
tions of  Scotland  and  Hanover  important,  the  secretary 
had  other  duties  to  perform.  By  the  close  of  1704,  he  had 
become  thoroughly  immersed  in  his  work,  which  proved 
to  be  most  arduous.  Frequent  and  important  letters 
passed  between  him  and  Marlborough  about  military  and 
diplomatic  affairs,  while  his  correspondence  with  Godol- 

Whigs  any  places  uutil  she  was  assured  they  would  prevent  any  such 
motion  being  carried.  Marlborough's  military  successes  probably  forced 
her  hand. 

1  See  particularly  Bath  MSS.,  I.  124,  158.  A  year  earlier  (1705)  Godol- 
phin relied  upon  Harley  to  secure  the  passage  of  the  Scottish  bill  to  pave  the 
way  for  the  final  Articles  of  Union.    lb.,  80. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  *' TRIUMVIRATE "     285 

phin  grew  in  volume  and  value/  Such  confidential  rela- 
tions continued,  for  it  was  not  long  before  Marlborough's 
secretary  informed  him:  ''My  Lord  Duke  desires  you 
will  mention  the  enclosed  papers  to  him  at  the  Cabinet 
Council  in  order  to  receive  the  Queen's  directions."^ 
Gradually  he  became  increasingly  important  in  foreign 
matters.  Sir  Rowland  Gwynne  recognized  this  when  he 
besought  Harley  in  vain  to  use  his  influence  to  get  him 
the  appointment  to  Hanover.^  In  dealing  with  com- 
mercial matters,  Harley  was  for  a  time  given  a  free  hand, 
as  Godolphin  was  too  busy  to  look  after  such  affairs 
while  the  union  was  under  discussion.* 

In  carrying  on  the  routine  duties  of  his  office,  Harley 
hit  upon  an  expedient  to  curry  favor  with  the  queen  and 
at  the  same  time  carry  out  his  ideas  of  government.  This 
was  to  read  important  papers  and  dispatches  to  Anne 
and  then  ask  her  decision.^  It  pleased  the  queen's 
vanity  and  assisted  materially  in  promoting  Harley 's 
cause  at  a  time  when  Godolphin  and  the  duchess  were 
trying  to  ride  roughshod  over  her. 

However  valuable  Harley 's  services  may  have  been  in 
smoothing  out  diplomatic  difficulties,  in  bringing  about 
an  understanding  at  Hanover,  or  in  promoting  the  union, 
his  main  genius  was  for  domestic  politics.  From  long 
experience  he  had  learned  the  rules  of  the  political  game 
and  from  the  reasons  assigned  for  his  appointment,  it 
may  be  concluded  that  his  task  in  the  ' '  triumvirate ' '  was 
not  foreign  affairs,  although  that  department  was  turned 
over  to  him,  but  the  home  affairs  of  England  itself.  For 
the  present,  however,  his  feet  stood  in  slippery  places. 
The  defection  of  the  Highfliers  had  thrown  Godolphin 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I.  83,  95,  98. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  157.    These  papers  related  to  war  and  diplomacy. 
sib.,  IV.  181. 

4  Bath  MSS.,  I.  77. 

6  Coxe  Papers,  XX.  35;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  157.    Cf.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  150,  sq. 


^86  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

into  an  alliance  with  the  junto.  For  months  prior  to 
Harley's  appointment,  the  duchess  had  been  importuning 
her  husband  and  Anne  to  ally  themselves  with  the  Whigs. 
Sunderland  had  made  overtures  to  Godolphin,  hoping  to 
gain  a  portfolio,  and  it  is  possible  that  Marlborough, 
fearing  the  young  earl's  rashness,  favored  Harley,  partly 
to  exclude  his  own  son-in-law  from  the  cabinet.  At  any 
rate,  Harley's  selection  defeated  whatever  immediate 
hopes  the  junto  had  of  a  closer  alliance  with  the  ministry, 
and  it  was  only  natural  if  they  resented  the  intrusion 
of  a  moderate  Tory  into  a  place  which  they  thought  be- 
longed to  them.  The  conflict  between  Harley  and  the 
members  of  the  junto  was  inevitable,  for  they  could  not 
hope  to  work  together  with  any  comfort.  Because  this 
conflict  went  on  quietly,  it  has  been  assumed  that  there 
was  no  particular  struggle  between  them.  The  presump- 
tion is  decidedly  against  such  a  state  of  affairs,  because 
the  junto  was  taken  into  partnership  by  Godolphin  soon 
after  Harley  was  driven  from  the  ministry. 

As  part  and  parcel  of  this  difficulty,  the  speaker  found 
Godolphin  a  timorous  opportunist,  who  at  times  seemed 
willing  to  throw  himself  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the 
Whigs.  Occasionally,  indeed,  it  required  the  combined 
influence  of  Anne  and  Harley  to  restrain  him  from  taking 
the  step.  Just  before  Blenheim,  Godolphin  seemed  to 
have  entirely  lost  his  grip  on  political  aif airs,  and  entered 
into  some  species  of  agreement  with  the  junto.'^  So  it 
remained  for  Harley  and  the  queen  to  take  such  precau- 
tionary measures  as  would  prevent  the  government's 
falling  completely  under  Whig  control,  a  move  mani- 
festly impossible  had  Anne  been  completely  under  the 
control  of  her  favorite. 

This  task  became  even  more  arduous  when  Marl- 
borough's victories  gave  added  weight  to  the  demands 

1  Burnet,  V.  179,  182,  note  by  Dartmouth. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     287 

of  the  duchess,  and  had  it  not  been  for  the  duke's  own 
views,  the  junto  might  have  had  its  way,  on  account  of 
the  lord  treasurer's  fears.  With  Marlborough's  predi- 
lections in  his  favor,  with  the  aid  of  St.  John,  Mansell, 
and  two  other  able  lieutenants,  Harley  was  able  to  keep 
the  junto  out  of  power  nearly  four  years,  although  they 
had  gained  a  foothold  over  a  year  earlier. 

In  this  struggle  with  the  Whigs,  St.  John  was  a  power- 
ful ally.  His  ability  as  a  debater  was  second  to  none  in 
parliament,  and  when  Harley  withdrew  from  the  Com- 
mons, he  did  much  to  overcome  the  loss  of  the  latter  as 
speaker.  In  addition,  he  worked  with  Mansell  in  keeping 
a  close  guard  over  the  appointments  and  patronage.  St. 
John's  other  qualifications  were  many  and  varied.  Few 
men  in  English  public  life  have  been  so  versatile.  As  a 
writer  and  pamphleteer  he  had  few  equals,  at  a  time  when 
Defoe,  Swift,  and  Addison  flourished.  As  a  man  of  the 
world,  he  was  popular  with  everyone  save  the  queen. 
No  group  was  complete  socially  unless  St.  John  favored 
it  with  his  wit  and  pleasantry.  As  a  roue,  he  left  little 
to  be  desired,  manifesting  equal  pride  in  his  reputation 
as  a  politician,  libertine,  and  atheist.  Such  was  the 
mettle  of  the  man  who  was  to  assist  the  ''triumvirate" 
as  secretary  at  war.^  Outside  of  his  great  talent,  his 
chief  strength  lay  in  his  confidential  relations  with 
Marlborough,  whose  correspondence  with  him  was  not, 
as  might  have  been  expected,  concerned  for  the  most  part 
with  military  affairs,  for  a  large  proportion  of  his  letters 
were  personal  in  their  nature.  In  truth,  his  main  func- 
tion seems  to  have  been  to  act  as  an  intermediary  between 
Marlborough  and  Harley,^  rather  than  to  assist  the  duke 
in  administering  military  affairs. 

T- CoTce  MSS.,  III.  32,  49,  61.  Anne's  objections  to  him  arose  from  his 
notorious  licentiousness.     See  also  Eemusat,  I.  145. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XXXI.  177,  XXII.  162,  XXIII.  193,  XVII.  passim;  Von 


288  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

The  communications  between  St.  John  and  Harley  in- 
creased in  number  and  importance  as  time  went  on ;  Man- 
sell  was  also  much  in  evidence;  and  a  new  and  most 
valuable  assistant  came  upon  the  scene.  This  was 
Erasmus  Lewis,  whom  Harley  called  from  his  tasks  as 
a  Welsh  schoolmaster  to  be  under-secretary  of  state. 
Like  his  superior,  Lewis  was  by  no  means  mainly  con- 
cerned with  foreign  affairs.  He  was  Harley 's  political 
secretary,  whose  business  it  was  to  correlate  the  work  of 
such  men  as  Greg,  Defoe,  Paterson,  and  Ogilvie.^  He 
was  most  efficient,  and  the  story  of  his  life,  when  written, 
will  shed  a  flood  of  light  upon  the  political  methods  of  the 
early  eighteenth  century,  since  he  was  apparently  one 
of  the  shrewdest  political  *  'managers ' '  of  his  day.  With- 
out him,  Harley  might  have  traveled  far  in  politics ;  but 
with  his  aid,  the  ambitious  secretary  was  not  to  rest 
content  until  the  highest  political  office  was  his.  Of  the 
exact  details  of  Lewis's  work,  all  too  little  is  known,  as 
his  correspondence  at  this  time,  even  with  Harley,  is 
limited. 

On  the  other  hand,  Defoe  was  the  most  prolific  pam- 
phleteer and  letter  writer  of  his  time.  He  was  already 
in  Harley 's  employ,  when  the  latter  became  secretary, 
and  his  communications  became  more  frequent  and  val- 
uable. In  the  summer  of  1704,  after  receiving  Anne's 
pardon,  Defoe  was  formally  taken  into  her  service.  She 
''approves  entirely  of  what  you  have  promised  him," 
wrote  Godolphin  to  Harley,  "and  will  make  it  good."^ 
Both  Defoe  and  the  secretary  fully  realized  the  value  of 
their  close  co-operation  in  Scotland  and  in  the  election 
of  1705.    Before  starting  on  his  trip  through  England, 

Noorden,  BolinghroTce,  p.  104.     He  thus  increased  the  influence  of  Harley. 
Bath  MSS.,  I.  157. 

1  Z>.  N.  B.,  article  on  "Lewis";  Roscoe,  Harley,  p,  108. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  61 ;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  88. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     289 

Defoe  wrote,  **I  firmly  believe  the  journey  may  be  the 
foundation  of  such  an  intelligence  as  never  was  in  Eng- 
land.'" His  worth  as  a  journalist  was  probably  even 
greater.  After  being  released  from  Newgate,  he  ex- 
pressed his  gratitude  by  publishing  the  Review  in  the 
interests  of  the  ''triumvirate"  and  the  queen.^  This 
paper  was  "more  moderate  in  tone,  more  straight- 
forward in  style,  and  more  varied  and  sound  in  substance 
than  any  political  journal  that  had  been  published  in 
England. ' "  Through  it,  Defoe  became  the  leader  of  the 
lower  middle  class,  whose  "mental  outlook  was  so  near 
akin  to  his  own,"*  and  his  power  is  sufficiently  attested 
by  both  friend  and  foe.  The  Review  was  published  in 
Edinburgh  as  well  as  in  London.  In  England  it  "was 
read  in  every  coffee-house  and  club;  often  copies  were 
stolen  from  these  houses  by  Highfliers,  that  they  might 
not  be  read ;  their  contents  were  quoted  on  every  popular 
hustings;  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  sent  them  over 
to  the  camp  of  Flanders ;  and  the  writer,  on  peril  of  his 
life,  was  warned  to  discontinue  them."*  Defoe's  paper 
was  a  vital  force  in  determining  how  the  masses  would 
vote,  where  elections  had  the  faintest  suggestion  of  being 
popular.  But  it  was  not  only  his  periodicals,  but  his 
pamphlets  as  well,  which  acted  as  important  factors  in 

1  Forth  MSS.,  II.  106 ;  Eoscoe,  Barley,  p.  55. 

2Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  98;  Appeal  to  Honour  and  Justice,  pp.  5-6,  14;  D.  H. 
Stevens,  Party  Politics  and  English  Journalism,  pp.  47-8. 

3W.  P.  Trent,  Defoe:  Bow  to  Know  Bim,  p.  63;  Minto,  Defoe,  p.  67. 
The  Beview  's  principles  were  the  same  as  those  of  Harley  and  Godolphin. 

*Bateson,  "Eelations  of  Defoe  and  Harley,"  E.  B.  B.,  XV.  238.  See 
also  Wilson,  Defoe,  II.  471. 

5  John  Forster,  Defoe,  pp.  63-4;  Defoe's  Beview,  VI.  588.  Forster's 
essay  is  a  careful,  sympathetic  piece  of  work,  but  it  has  been  largely  super- 
seded by  Professor  Trent's  recent  work.  The  latter  has  a  critical  article 
in  the  Cambridge  Bisiory  of  English  Literature,  IX.,  in  which  he  treats 
mainly  the  literary  side  of  Defoe 's  career. 


290  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

settling  the  opinion  of  the  constituencies  represented  by 
the  House  of  Commons.^ 

The  dangers  incident  to  Defoe's  career  were  not  due 
entirely  to  his  writings,  although  for  these  he  was  pil- 
loried. He  was  in  constant  danger  on  his  rounds  through 
the  country  in  the  capacity  of  secret  agent ;  his  creditors 
were  forever  on  his  track;  and  his  enemies,  not  satisfied 
with  vilifying  him  as  few  men  have  ever  been  vilified, 
sought  to  imprison  him.  One  officious  Devonshire  justice 
failed  to  show  him  the  deference  he  thought  his  due,  upon 
which  Defoe  felt  called  upon  to  remind  him:  ''I  have 
with  me  a  certification  from  her  Majesty's  Secretary  of 
State  of  my  having  acquainted  the  government  of  my 
occasions  to  travaile  and  of  my  giving  security  for  my 
fidelity,  requiring  you  as  well  as  all  other  magistrates 
to  offer  me  noe  disturbance  or  molestation  in  my  journey, 
and  being  at  Biddeford  when  I  had  the  notice  of  your 
injustice-like  as  well  as  ungentleman-like  warrant,  I  went 
immediately  to  the  principle  magistrate  of  the  town  to 
show  myselfe  and  the  author  aforesaid  to  any  man  that 
had  reason  to  question  it. '  '^  Despite  this  clear  statement 
of  Defoe's  protection  by  the  ministry,  the  justice  was  in 
doubt  where  his  duty  lay.  He  found  that  Defoe  was  be- 
coming intimate  with  the  Presbyterians  and  other  Dis- 
senters. In  addition,  he  took  violent  umbrage  at  Defoe's 
oft-repeated  accusation  that  the  young  men  in  parlia- 
ment wasted  their  time  and  rushed  into  the  house  at  the 
last  moment  to  vote  as  their  leaders  dictated  on  impor- 
tant motions,  without  regard  to  the  merit  of  the  measures. 

Defoe  was  forever  encountering  such  difficulties. 
However,  they  seem  to  have  had  little  terror  for  him. 

1  Defoe  had  already  written  at  least  a  dozen  tracts  upon  timely  political 
questions,  of  which  some  were  so  popular  that  they  were  frequently  pirated. 
Wilson,  II.  353. 

2  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  VI.  106.  An  account  of  his  political  life  is  found  in 
ib.,  88. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     291 

As  his  knowledge  of  political  and  economic  conditions 
increased,  his  reports  became  more  significant.  At  times, 
his  knowledge  of  the  political  situation  was  almost  un- 
canny, and  frequently  his  prophesies  were  of  inestimable 
benefit  to  the  ministry  which  he  served  so  secretly.^ 
Particularly  was  this  the  case  in  the  election  of  1705,  and 
in  the  Scottish  negotiations. 

Defoe  was  not  the  only  writer  whom  Harley  used  to 
further  the  ends  of  the  ministry,  as  Toland  and  Tutchin 
were  at  this  time  also  working  under  his  patronage.^ 
Neither  was  the  Review  the  only  periodical  in  which  he 
was  interested,  since  early  in  the  reign  he  took  charge 
of  the  London  Gazette,  the  official  organ  of  the  ministry, 
and  did  not  relinquish  it  until  Sunderland  became  secre- 
tary.^ This  placed  in  his  hands  a  powerful  instrument 
for  directing  the  thoughts  of  the  people,  of  which  no  man 
of  his  time  could  make  more  use.  For  a  while  both  Marl- 
borough and  Harley  bewailed  the  fact  that  the  Gazette 
was  so  slovenly  written.  When  this  was  remedied,  they 
decided  that  a  semi-official  publication  was  also  needed, 
and  material  unsuitable  for  the  Gazette  was  printed 
under  Harley 's  direction  in  the  Postman.^ 

Of  course  Harley  and  Godolphin  were  aided  by  others 
besides  Defoe,  Lewis,  and  St.  John.  A  large  number  of 
the  more  moderate  Tories  supported  both  long  after  their 
more  zealous  brethren  had  been  forced  from  the  minis- 
try.®    Yet  the  fact  must  be  steadily  kept  in  mind  that  the 

lAdd.  MSS.,  7121,  f.  25;  28094,  f,  165;  Lee,  Defoe,  I.  116;  Camh.  Hist, 
of  Eng.  Lit.,  IX.  8-17;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  339-41,  350. 

2  Wilson,  Defoe,  II.  877-8;  Dayrolles  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  15866,  f.  58. 

3  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  II.  90;  Cal.  S.  P.  Dom.  (1702-3),  709;  Priv.  Cor.,  I. 
36.  Dr.  Stevens,  in  the  Nation  (N.  Y.),  July  8,  1915,  gives  Sunderland  much 
prominence,  but  fails  to  say  anything  of  the  part  played  by  Marlborough 
and  Harley  earlier.     See  Bath  MSS.,  I.  115. 

^Bath  MSS.,  I.  81;  Coxe  Papers,  XVII.  185. 

5  Salomon  (p.  5)  speaks  of  the  faction  supporting  Harley  as  "ein  dritte 
partei. ' ' 


292  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

''triumvirate"  held  allegiance  to  no  party,  or  set  of  indi- 
viduals, save  as  the  exigencies  of  the  times  might  demand. 
In  this  lies  the  real  political  significance  of  Godolphin's 
ministry,  which  tried  to  administer  the  government  with- 
out the  dictation  of  either  party — the  last  serious  attempt 
of  the  kind  in  English  politics.  Harley  was  taken  into 
the  cabinet  in  an  endeavor  to  prevent  the  interference  of 
the  junto  with  government  policies.  When  the  ''trium- 
virs" could  no  longer  work  independently,  the  co-opera- 
tion of  its  three  members  came  to  an  end. 

Although  holding  to  neither  party,  the  ministry  had 
to  gain  support  from  the  moderates  of  both.  To  some 
extent  this  was  accomplished  by  a  judicious  distribution 
of  the  offices  at  court.  In  the  majority  of  the  important 
changes,  Anne  took  an  intelligent  and  often  decisive  part, 
especially  when  the  ideas  of  punishment  and  reward  were 
joined.  Buckingham  was  dismissed  because  his  attitude 
on  vital  measures  ran  contrary  to  the  wishes  of  the  "tri- 
umvirate ' '  and  the  queen.^  Moreover,  his  dismissal  gave 
the  opportunity  of  gaining  the  services  of  one  of  the 
wealthiest  nobles  in  England,  who  was  also  a  moderate 
Whig  and  Harley 's  firm  friend.  Newcastle's  inclusion 
in  the  ministry,  though  accomplished  with  some  difficulty, 
nevertheless  won  for  the  ministry  the  support  of  many 
independent  Whigs  who  were  not  dominated  by  the  junto. 

Harley  was  mainly  responsible  for  Newcastle's  ap- 
pointment as  lord  privy  seal,  and  nowhere  is  his  political 
management  better  illustrated.  Early  in  1704,  Harley 
made  his  plans,^  even  before  he  had  been  formally  named 
as  secretary  himself.  He  first  had  to  overcome  Godol- 
phin's  objections  to  admitting  a  Whig,   so  prominent 

1  Chamberlen,  p.  188,  One  must  not  forget  that  this  was  before  the 
period  when  ministerial  unity  was  a  sine  qua  no7i.  Anne  was  also  anxious 
to  have  a  ministry  which  was  above  and  apart  from  factions. 

2Por«.  MSS.,  II.  182,  187;  ib.,  IV.  84;  Cal.  S.  P.  Bom.  (1702-3),  p.  485. 


BEEAK-UP  OF  THE  ^'TRIUMVIRATE"     293 

although  moderate,  into  the  government.  Furthermore, 
Anne  was  even  more  averse  to  honoring  any  Whigs  in 
this  fashion.  All  through  the  year,  Harley  labored  in 
his  friend's  behalf.  It  is  possible  that  Newcastle  would 
have  been  content  with  the  position  of  lord  chamberlain, 
but  the  queen  gave  that  place  to  Kent  without  consulting 
either  the  lord  treasurer  or  Harley.^  The  latter  was  not 
discouraged,  as  he  was  soon  striving  to  gain  Newcastle 
another  place  in  the  ministry.  He  even  consulted  Anne 
about  the  matter,  although  he  received  little  encourage- 
ment, and  it  was  not  until  four  months  later  that  he  was 
at  all  certain  that  his  endeavors  would  be  successful.^ 
He  persevered,  however,  with  both  Godolphin  and  the 
queen,  and  Newcastle  was  finally  rewarded  as  Harley 
wished.^  Nottingham's  removal  rid  the  ministry  of  a 
trouble  breeder,  who  attended  to  politics  at  the  expense 
of  foreign  affairs.  Seymour  was  also  primarily  a  poli- 
tician, although  he  lacked  Nottingham's  sincerity,  and 
the  cabinet  gained  noticeable  unity  when  he  and  Jersey 
were  dismissed  in  favor  of  abler  and  more  reasonable 
men,  an  action  absolutely  necessary,  if  the  mixed  ministry 
were  to  continue. 

With  all  the  vehement  Tories  displaced,  the  ''trium- 
virate," strengthened  by  a  great  military  triumph,  felt 
sufficiently  able,  while  the  action  of  the  "tackers"  gave 

1  Forth  MSS.,  II.  184. 

2  7fe.,  185.  Harley  assured  one  of  Newcastle's  supporters  that  they  were 
busy  planning  other  changes  so  that  the  new  minister  would  find  himself 
in  happier  company  when  he  came  into  the  cabinet.  A  few  weeks  later  he 
reported  that  all  was  progressing  favorably,  but  slowly,  as  they  expected 
to  change  the  lord  keeper  as  well  as  the  privy  seal.  lb.,  187.  By  the 
middle  of  November,  Godolphin  had  capitulated  and  they  were  doubtless 
awaiting  the  fate  of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill  before  asking  Anne's 
consent.    lb.,  188-93.    See  Bath  MSS.,  I.  67. 

3  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  f.  33.  Newcastle  later  became  lord  lieutenant  of  the 
North  Elding  and  one  of  the  commissioners  for  negotiating  the  union. 
A.  Collins,  Histor.  Collections,  pp.  180-1. 


294  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

them  the  excuse,  to  make  such  distribution  of  public 
offices  as  would  the  better  build  up  their  power.  They 
labored  slowly,  but  their  work  was  thorough.  They  even 
dismissed  the  justices  of  the  peace,  in  some  cases.^  In 
March,  1705,  information  came  direct  from  the  secretary 
of  state,  that  although  few  changes  had  yet  been  made, 
**all  those  that  are  talked  of,  will  be  made,  as  fast  as  it 
may  be,  and  that  the  other  Tories  will  be  out  of  all.'" 
It  may  be  surmised  that  a  ministry  which  thought  itself 
above  parties  would  be  unlikely  to  carry  out  this  threat 
to  the  letter.  This  conclusion  is  made  reasonably  certain 
by  the  number  of  office  seekers  who  complained  because 
no  vacancies  had  been  created  for  them. 

As  his  political  importance  increased,  Harley  began 
to  exercise  additional  influence  over  civil  appointments. 
This  is  evident  from  Marlborough's  kindly  letter  relative 
to  a  title  for  Cowper,  whose  appointment  as  lord  keeper 
Harley  had  solicited  earlier.  ' '  I  am  impatient  of  having 
your  thoughts  upon  the  methods  of  making  the  Queen's 
business  go  easy  in  the  winter.  I  am  very  glad  you  are 
so  well  pleased  with  Lord  Keeper,  I  am  sure  it  is  my 
hearty  desire  that  the  Queen  should  encourage  everybody 
that  serves  her  well ;  what  you  desire  for  him,  can  be  no 
ways  uneasy,  but  the  engagement  her  Majesty  may  be 
under,  but  you  and  the  Lord  Treasurer  are  the  best 
judges  as  to  the  time. "  Later  he  wrote,  ''What  you  have 
writ  .  .  .  concerning  a  title  for  Lord  Keeper  I  think  so 
reasonable  that  I  shall  with  pleasure  endeavour  to  serve 
him."^ 

Even  if  the  moderate  Whigs  and  moderate  Tories  were 
disappointed  by  the  lack  of  thoroughness  in  removing 
government  officials,  the  Highfliers  imagined  that  the 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  134;  House  of  Lords  MSS.  (n,  s.),  VI.  260-1. 

2  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  ff.  286-7. 

3  Bath  MSS.,  I.  82,  115. 


BEEAK-UP  OF  THE  ' '  TEIUMVIRATE  "     295 

** triumvirate"  would  never  stop  until  every  real  Tory- 
should  be  driven  from  office.  "We  are  continually 
alarmed,"  said  one  of  them,  "that  the  Whigs  are  all  to 
come  in,  and  the  Church  party  to  go  entirely  out,  and 
among  other  changes  they  give  out  that  Lord  Wharton 
is  to  come  hither."^  Harley  and  Godolphin  constantly 
worked  with  the  queen  to  get  rid  of  refractory  officials 
that  she  might  reward  the  faithful.  Although  she  may 
have  been  reluctant  at  first,  Anne  soon  began  to  take  an 
interest  in  these  new  appointments.  Cowper  noted  that 
at  one  of  the  meetings  of  the  council,  she  decided  upon 
whom  she  desired  for  two  important  positions.  In  mak- 
ing some  military  appointments,  which  for  the  most  part 
were  confessedly  under  Marlborough's  direction,  she 
shrewdly  observed  that  she  could  not  be  expected  to  sign 
commissions  unless  she  were  in  possession  of  more  facts.^ 
The  duchess  again  and  again  found  herself  unable  to  aid 
even  her  closest  friends,  but  not  until  she  found  her  plans 
for  Sunderland  going  awry,  did  she  reflect  that  others 
at  times  possessed  the  queen's  ear.  If  this  was  her  in- 
fluence in  1706,  when  her  husband  was  resplendent  with 
the  glory  of  Blenheim  and  Ramillies,  her  power  after 
Mrs.  Masham  and  Harley  became  Anne 's  confidants  may 
be  readily  conjectured. 

To  discover  Harley 's  part  in  royal  appointments  is 
exceedingly  difficult,  as  his  success  depended  on  absolute 
secrecy.  Occasionally,  indications  may  be  found  that  his 
influence  was  by  no  means  negligible  in  determining  ap- 
pointments even  outside  the  secretariat.  General  Cutts, 
the  Ney  of  the  AVar  of  the  Spanish  Succession,  was  highly 
pleased  because  Harley  promised  to  aid  him  secure  pro- 

1  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893,  f .  95,  Wharton  was  lord  lieutenant 
of  Ireland  at  this  time. 

2Boyer,  p.  177;  Cowper,  Diary,  January  5,  3  706;  Ellis  Papers,  Add. 
MSS.,  28892,  f.  357. 


296  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

motions  or  other  court  favors/  For  the  most  part,  Marl- 
borough controlled  military  appointments  and  in  diplo- 
macy he  also  had  his  way,  but  in  domestic  appointments 
he  wielded  less  power.  As  far  as  he  was  represented  in 
such  matters,  it  was  usually  through  Godolphin,  and  not 
through  his  wife,  as  has  heretofore  been  assumed.  Al- 
though the  duke  was  often  absent  on  the  firing  line,  it  is 
improbable  that  any  appointment  of  moment  was  made 
without  a  conference  of  the  ''triumvirate"  with  the 
queen.^  When  Sunderland  at  last  forced  himself  into 
the  ministry  as  secretary  of  state,  Marlborough's  inter- 
ests might  be  assumed  to  have  better  representation. 
Such  was  not  the  case,  as  the  new  secretary  was  by  no 
means  in  entire  accord  with  his  illustrious  father-in- 
law,  whereas  Anne  remained  hostile  to  the  young  earl 
throughout. 

By  the  same  token,  Harley's  influence  with  the  queen 
increased.  Although  Godolphin  kept  assuring  Marl- 
borough that  everything  was  going  as  they  wished  in 
appointments,  the  duke  saw  far  more  than  the  lord  treas- 
urer of  what  was  going  on  behind  the  scenes.  He  was 
fully  aware  that  as  a  cabinet  member,  and  moreover  as 
one  of  the  three  directors  of  government  affairs,  Harley 
was  constantly  besieged  by  men  who  desired  offices  or 
promotions.  A  large  portion  of  Harley 's  time  was  spent 
in  discussing  with  Godolphin  the  best  methods  of  filling 
certain  offices.  When  Marlborough  was  in  England,  he 
also  attended  the  regular  consultations,  one  of  which  was 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  116. 

2  Granville  was  writing  to  all  three  members  of  the  ' '  triumvirate ' '  and 
to  St,  John  to  get  their  support.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  235,  396.  When  he  was 
at  last  successful,  he  thanked  Harley  for  his  aid.  lb.,  216.  See  also  Bath 
MSS.,  I.  77.  Prior  was  another  persistent  office  seeker,  but  was  unsuccess- 
ful, probably  because  he  confined  his  appeals  to  Marlborough.  Coxe  Papers, 
XXII-XXIV.  passim.    See  also  Prior  Papers  (H.  M.  C),  pp.  433-6. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     297 

held  every  Sunday  evening  before  the  usual  meeting  of 
the  cabinet  council/  Shortly  after  Ramillies,  the  duke 
learned  how  slowly  political  matters  were  progressing 
and  wrote  the  secretary  for  suggestions.  A  month  later, 
he  asked  Harley  to  co-operate  closely  with  Godolphin, 
to  whom  he  had  written :  ' '  I  think  .  .  .  Harley  should  be 
instructed  in  the  whole  proceedings,  so  that  he  might 
acquaint  the  Cabinet  Council  with  what  you  [both  ?] 
think  proper.'" 

This  advice  was  probably  the  result  of  the  trouble  over 
Sunderland's  appointment,  since  the  relations  between 
Godolphin  and  Harley  were  cordial  enough  before  that.^ 
Their  estrangement  was  not  a  breach  in  their  relations, 
but  was  rather  due  to  Godolphin 's  disposition  to  sulk 
when  matters  were  going  poorly  with  him.  Indeed,  his 
**blue  Mondays"  were  all  too  frequent,  as  he  had  the  mis- 
fortune to  take  himself  too  seriously.  Another  cause  of 
their  coolness  lay  in  Harley 's  attitude  towards  the  crown, 
which  was  in  perfect  accord  with  that  of  the  queen,  to 
wit,  that  the  sovereign  should  be  above  parties  and  not 
allow  herself  to  descend  to  the  level  of  party  politics. 
**I  take  it  for  granted  that  no  party  in  the  House  can 
carry  it  for  themselves  without  the  Queen's  servants  join 
with  them, ' '  he  wrote.  ' '  That  the  foundation  is,  persons 
or  parties  are  to  come  in  to  the  Queen,  not  the  Queen  to 
them ;  that  the  Queen  hath  chosen  rightly  which  party  she 
will  take  in.  .  .  .  If  the  gentlemen  of  England  are  made 
sensible  that  the  Queen  is  the  Head,  and  not  a  Party, 
everything  will  be  easy,  and  the  Queen  will  be  courted, 

1  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  f.  370;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  179, 
XVIII.  93,  XXII.  124,  151 ;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  181. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XIX.  136.  At  another  time  the  duke  wrote  Harley:  "As 
the  Parliament  draws  near,  I  beg  at  your  leisure  I  may  hear  as  often  as 
may  be. ' '    Bath  MSS.,  I.  105.     See  ih.,  67-104,  passim. 

3  Bath  MSS.,  I.  73. 


298  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

and  not  a  Party,  but  if  otherwise, "^    About  the  same 

time  Harley  suggested  to  Godolphin  that  Anne  should 
be  restored  ''to  an  entire  freedom  of  acting.'" 

From  September,  1705,  the  relations  of  Harley  and 
Godolphin  grew  less  intimate,  but  even  then  they  were 
far  from  the  breaking  point.  Shortly  after  this,  the 
latter  wrote  confidentially  to  the  secretary  about  filling 
the  office  of  lord  privy  seal  and  an  important  judgeship, 
giving  him  complete  control  of  the  latter."*  As  usual,  he 
had  to  call  upon  Harley  to  frame  the  queen's  speech  for 
the  opening  of  parliament.  Cowper,  the  next  year,  de- 
scribed a  cabinet  council  at  which,  **the  Queen  desired 
that  her  speech  might  be  prepared."  Upon  this  diary 
entry.  Lord  Hardwicke  commented,  saying,  ''that  func- 
tion having  been  long  in  the  Great  Seal  is  reverted  back 
to  the  Secretary  of  State."*  From  this  it  is  clear  that 
Harley 's  responsibility  for  Anne's  speeches  was  direct. 
In  the  nerve-racking  contest  for  the  speakership  in  1705, 
Godolphin  enjoyed  his  support,  and  for  a  time,  the  vic- 
tory of  the  Whigs'*  and  Harley 's  success  in  getting  the 
"Queen's  servants"  returned  to  the  Commons  heartened 
the  three  ministers  exceedingly.  At  the  close  of  the  year, 
they  were  working  harmoniously  against  the  Highfliers, 
who  were  bent  on  driving  them  from  power  and  prevent- 
ing the  union  with  Scotland. 

To  defeat  such  plans  the  co-operation  of  the  junto  was 
indispensable  and,  as  we  have  seen,  its  members  were 
never  tardy  in  demanding  their  dues.  At  the  same 
moment.  Lady  Marlborough's  influence  with  Anne  was 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I,  74.  Theoretically  such  were  Godolphin 's  ideas,  which  he 
had  been  forced  to  abandon,  when  he  admitted  Sunderland  to  the  ministry. 

2  An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  Bohert,  Earl  of  Oxford,  p.  28, 
8  Bath  MSS.,  I.  76-7,  96.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  I.  386. 

*  Strickland,  XII.  127;  Cowper,  Diary,  21  October,  1705,  and  21  March, 
1706. 

6  Bath  MSS.,  1.  78;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  175;  Fy.  Hist.,  VI.  449. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     299 

steadily  declining,  and  her  attempts  to  aid  the  Whigs 
became  correspondingly  ineffective/  Still  worse,  if  pos- 
sible, the  other  members  of  the  inner  cabinet  began  to 
distrust  Harley. 

The  credit  for  this  discovery  goes  to  the  duchess,  who 
had  disliked  Harley  from  the  time  of  his  introduction 
into  the  cabinet.^  Yet  even  her  intuition  failed  to  find 
any  specific  charge  against  him  for  a  long  time,  because 
she  did  not  dream  that  he  was  working  through  the 
humble  Abigail  Hill.  Early  in  1706,  Godolphin  suggested 
that  Harley  may  have  been  intriguing  against  the  min- 
istry^ and  by  May  the  duchess  probably  was  convinced 
that  Harley  had  begun  his  * '  undermining  operations ' '  by 
insinuating  to  the  queen  that  she  was  a  figurehead  in  her 
own  government  and  would  remain  so  as  long  as  the 
Marlboroughs  retained  her  favor.*  Cowper  soon  ques- 
tioned the  honesty  of  the  secretary's  professions.^  Not 
until  October  did  Godolphin  inform  the  duke  that  the 
•  duchess  was  certain  "Mr.  Harley,  Mr.  St.  John,  and  one 
or  two  more  of  your  particular  friends  were  underhand 
endeavouring  to  bring  all  the  difficulties  they  could  think 
of  upon  the  public  business  in  the  next  sessions."*  The 
duchess,  unaware  that  Anne  was  completely  in  Harley 's 
confidence,  thought  seriously  of  informing  the  queen  of 
his  equivocal  behavior,  but  Marlborough,  who  had  already 
received  Harley 's  letter  reflecting  upon  the  Whigs  and 
their  policies,  must  have  persuaded  her  to  refrain.    The 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I.  78. 

2  Beid,  p.  229 ;  Coxe,  II.  22-3. 

3  Coxe  Papers,  XXI.  127.  Letter  to  Marlborough.  See  also  Bath  MSS., 
I.  72. 

*  Eeid,  p.  272.  It  is  disappointing  to  find  that  Mr.  Beid  fails  to  quote 
or  give  any  specific  citations  in  defense  of  his  assertions,  but  is  content  to 
refer  casually  to  the  Blenheim  Papers. 

5  See  C6wper,  Diary,  p.  18;  Forth  MSS.,  II.  195;  Leadam,  pp.  123-4. 

8  Coxe,  II.  22.    See  also  ib.,  ch.  52. 


300  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

secretary  had  only  expressed  the  duke's  own  sentiments 
against  putting  the  administration  of  affairs  into  Whig 
hands,  and  he  gave  it  little  more  thought  at  that  time/ 

After  Sunderland  came  into  the  cabinet,  he  at  once 
discovered  what  was  amiss,  and  wrote  in  measured  terms 
against  Harley's  tactics  in  parliament,  suggesting  that 
Anne  was  secretly  supporting  him.^  The  members  of  the 
junto  then  went  about  arousing  their  followers  against 
Harley,  but  even  this  failed  to  awaken  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin  to  the  danger  that  would  follow,  should  he 
gain  a  more  secure  position  under  the  queen's  protection. 
In  his  treatment  of  Anne,  Harley  had  been  most  judi- 
cious. He  managed  to  agree  with  her  upon  every  impor- 
tant subject,  or  caused  her  to  think  that  he  did.  He  con- 
vinced her  that  she  was  being  imposed  upon,  and  that 
her  only  release  from  such  bondage  lay  through  Robert 
Harley,  who  always  did  what  his  sovereign  desired.  As 
secretary,  he  shrewdly  submitted  all  important  matters 
to  her  for  her  approbation,  and  thus,  by  appealing  to  her 
pride,  he  gained  her  confidence  and  esteem.^  With  such 
an  efficient  assistant  as  Abigail  Hill  close  to  Anne's  ear, 
it  was  not  difficult  for  Harley  to  have  his  way  with  her 
in  all  but  vital  government  policies. 

1  Coxe,  II.  20-3.  The  letters  are  given  in  full.  In  fact,  the  relations  of 
Marlborough  and  Harley  seemed  to  grow  more  intimate.  Bath  MSS.,  I. 
167,  sq. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XXI.  158.  Coxe  notes  at  the  end  of  this  letter  that  he  is 
not  certain  from  the  cipher  that  Harley  is  the  one  accused,  as  Sunderland 
may  have  meant  Queensberry.  However,  it  is  rather  obvious  that  it  was 
Harley  and  not  the  Scottish  duke  whom  he  denounced  in  this  unusual  manner. 
Another  peculiar  letter  criticizing  the  secretary  and  complaining  of  Harley 's 
treatment  of  Nottingham  is  in  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  ff. 
459-60. 

3  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  V,  53;  An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  Robert,  Earl 
of  Oxford,  26.  * '  Harley  will  take  the  Queen 's  commands  and  acquaint  you 
with  them,  concerning  the  alteration  of  our  several  foreign  ministers." 
Coxe  Papers,  XIX.  154. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  '^  TRIUMVIRATE "     301 

Godolphin  was  thus  caught  between  two  fires  from 
which  there  seemed  to  be  no  escape.  If  he  did  not  allow 
the  members  of  the  junto  more  representation  in  the 
ministry,  they  would  refuse  to  aid  him  in  continuing  the 
war.  If  he  agreed  to  put  more  Whigs  into  important 
places,  he  was  faced  with  the  queen's  personal  objections, 
which  were  aided  and  abetted  by  Harley's  secret  counsels. 
If  he  favored  the  Whigs,  he  lost  Anne's  support;  if  he 
refused  to  favor  them,  he  was  unable  to  aid  Marl- 
borough's campaigns.  The  year  1707  was  destined  to 
be  a  nervous  one  for  both  the  duke  and  his  faithful,  timid 
colleague. 

To  add  to  Godolphin 's  troubles,  his  suspicions  of 
Harley  grew  rapidly  at  this  time.  Harley's  attitude  on 
the  Drawback  Bill  of  1707  is  the  reason  usually  assigned 
for  the  coolness  between  him  and  the  lord  treasurer ;  yet, 
at  the  time,  his  attitude  was  not  looked  upon  as  dis- 
loyalty to  his  chief.  Indeed,  had  the  latter  come  out 
squarely  against  this  measure,  it  is  doubtful  if  the  secre- 
tary would  have  fathered  it.  The  truth  is,  the  lord  treas- 
urer seemed  willing  to  give  Harley  a  carte  blanche  in  the 
whole  matter.  At  any  rate,  the  disagreement  was  not 
serious,  as  Godolphin 's  arguments,  backed  by  one  of 
Defoe's  letters,  seemed  to  have  caused  Harley  to  drop 
the  bill.^  As  soon  as  the  union  was  a  reality,  Harley 
joined  himself  with  Sunderland,  Cowper,  and  Godolphin 
in  an  endeavor  to  make  it  succeed.  Difficulties  innumer- 
able and  trying  arose  and  were  adjusted  with  tactfulness. 
That  the  lord  treasurer  and  the  secretary  differed  fre- 
quently in  their  opinions  is  evident,^  but  there  was  no 
open  quarrel. 

lEoscoe,  Harley,  p.  77;  Portl.  MSS.,  II.  415,  Consult  Py.  Hist.,  VI. 
579;  Portl.  MSS.,  II.  407;  Bath  MSS.,  1.  169. 

2  See  the  letters  of  December  .5-9,  1702,  between  Harley  and  Godolphin. 
Bath  MSS.,  I.  179-88.  It  is  possible  that  Harley  did  not  believe  that  the 
danger  in  Scotland  was  as  great  as  Defoe  had  suggested.    Portl,  MSS.,  II. 


302  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Late  in  March,  Godolphin  met  with  three  members  of 
the  junto,  who  demanded  increased  recognition.  He  was 
so  perplexed  that  he  wrote  a  hurried  note  to  Marl- 
borough, complaining  of  their  obstinacy.  He  had  scarcely 
become  accustomed  to  the  new  state  of  affairs,  when 
Harley  aroused  the  Whigs  by  causing  parliament  to  be 
prorogued  a  week  longer  than  they  wished.  Godolphin 
had  to  inform  Marlborough  of  this  unfortunate  incident, 
but  Harley 's  account  written  three  days  earlier^  was  a 
quiet  way  of  informing  the  duke  exactly  what  he  had  done 
against  the  junto,  and  it  took  most  of  the  edge  off  Godol- 
phin's  complaint  when  it  finally  arrived.  However,  the 
letters  between  the  duke  and  the  lord  treasurer  grew 
more  frequent,^  while  Sunderland  occasionally  added  his 
jeremiad  to  the  general  burden  of  censure  heaped  upon 
the  queen  for  her  obstinacy. 

Little  good  resulted  from  all  this  correspondence. 
Marlborough's  note  to  Anne,  at  the  same  time  polite  and 
threatening,  met  a  fate  similar  to  that  of  the  others.  She 
was  not  to  be  moved;  she  did  not  like  the  Whig  leaders, 
and  was  unwilling  to  have  any  more  such  men  as  Sunder- 
land in  her  employ.  Even  the  duke's  impassioned  appeal 
in  behalf  of  the  much-abused  lord  treasurer  failed  to 
move  her  compassion,  although  she  had  no  mind  to  wound 
him.'  By  this  time  the  harangues  of  the  duchess  injured, 
rather  than  helped,^  their  cause.  Threats  of  resignation 
made  no  impression  upon  the  queen.  Indeed,  some  of 
Marlborough's  statements  seem  more  like  dead  earnest 
than  veiled  threats.  **What  you  say  concerning  the  un- 
easiness between  the  Queen  and  Lord  Treasurer — if  that 

382.    Consult  Koseoe,  Harley,  p.  58.     Sunderland  invited  Harley  to  a  meet- 
ing of  the  cabinet  with  the  Scottish  lords.     See  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  405,  415. 
iCoxe  Papers,  XXL  115,  156,  171. 

2  Coxe,  II.  99,  sq. 

3  Thomas,  p.  254. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     303 

continues,  destruction  must  be  the  consequence,  of  the  cir- 
cumstances of  our  affairs  abroad,  as  well  as  at  home," 
he  wrote  to  Sunderland.  "I  am  sure,  to  the  best  of  my 
understanding,  and  with  the  hazard  of  my  life,  I  will 
always  endeavour  to  serve  the  Queen.  But  if  she  inclines 
more  to  be  governed  by  .  .  .  Harley,  than  .  .  .  [Godol- 
phin],  I  would  sooner  lose  my  life  than  persuade  him  to 
continue,  ...  in  the  service  of  the  Queen.  This  is  only 
to  yourself ;  but  you  may  depend  upon  it  that  if  ever  I  be 
advised  with,  this  will  be  my  opinion. '  '^ 

The  fundamental  cause  of  the  breach  between  Harley 
and  Godolphin  lay  in  their  different  political  policies. 
Godolphin  estimated  that  the  Commons  contained  one 
hundred  and  ninety  Whigs,  one  hundred  and  sixty  Tories 
and  one  hundred  ''Queen's  servants."^  He  thought  that 
the  last  class  could  be  depended  upon  to  support  the  first, 
so  he  favored  the  Whigs  as  much  as  possible,  as  he  felt 
that  the  ministry  could  continue  only  with  their  support. 
"Without  them,  and  their  being  intire,  the  Queen  cannot 
be  served, ' '  he  wrote,  and  if  these  were  not  satisfied, ' '  the 
majority  will  be  against  us  upon  every  occasion  of  con- 
sequence.'" To  these  opinions,  Harley  could  not  agree, 
as  he  believed  that  it  would  be  easier  to  get  along  with 
court  affairs,  if  the  Tories  and  queen  were  kept  in  good 
humor,  as  the  clergy  and  some  fifteen  of  the  "Queen's 
servants ' '  naturally  inclined  toward  the  Tories.*  In  this 
opinion  it  would  appear  that  he  had  Anne's  moral  sup- 
port, and  he  insisted  that  although  he  was  deeply  at- 
tached to  both  Marlborough  and  Godolphin,  he  could  not 
concede  that  the  queen's  friends  must  speak  as  well  as 
vote  for  all  ministerial  measures. 

1  Coxe,  II.  103. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  291. 

3  Bath  MSS.,  I.  107. 

4  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  291.  His  estimate  was  based  upon  the  number  who 
voted  for  speaker.     See  also  Leadam,  p.  127. 


304  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

The  differences  were  vital  and  irreconcilable,  but  the 
duke  consented  to  act  as  peacemaker.  He  wrote  Godol- 
phin  that  the  attitude,  not  only  of  Harley,  but  of  Anne 
as  well,  gave  him  some  disquietude,  and  strongly  urged 
him  to  take  the  secretary  with  him  to  wait  upon  the 
queen,  and  then  and  there  demand  an  understanding. 
So  far  as  known,  Godolphin  never  was  able  to  screw  up 
his  courage  sufficiently  to  attempt  this  stroke.  Harley 
and  he  drifted  farther  apart.  The  earl  was  ready  to  quit, 
but  the  duke  was  unwilling  that  he  should  try  that  final 
alternative,  until  all  other  means  were  exhausted;  when 
he  found  Godolphin  reluctant  to  face  Anne  or  the  secre- 
tary, he  counseled  writing  the  queen,  and  calling  her 
attention  to  the  state  of  affairs  without  any  threat  of 
resigning.^  This  advice  was  followed  with  the  same 
results  as  before.  Harley  hated  and  feared  all  the  junto 
except  Halifax,  and  in  self-defense  showed  Anne  his 
colleagues '  shortcomings,^  so  that  even  Marlborough  was 
moved  to  such  summary  measures  that  he  was  willing  to 
inform  the  queen  exactly  what  policies  she  should  follow, 
''and  if  that  be  not  agreeable,  that  she  should  lose  no 
time  in  knowing  of  Mr.  Harley  what  his  scheme  is,  and 
follow  that.'"  Marlborough  believed  that  when  Anne 
learned  of  these  threatened  resignations,  she  would  be 
likely  to  hesitate,  and  in  that  way  he  would  gain  time. 
He  counted,  too,  upon  Harley 's  natural  hesitation  to 
accept  the  entire  administration  of  affairs  before  he  had 
effected  an  alliance  with  the  Tories.  In  the  meantime, 
the  duke  tried  to  win  St.  John  from  his  colleague,  but  all 
his  efforts  seemed  tardy,  for  just  as  he  thought  Godol- 

iCoxe,  11.  103-6,  Marlborough's  letter  of  7  July,  1707,  advised  Godol- 
phin to  take  Harley  to  task  individually.  Coxe  Papers  (XXII.  160,  and 
XXIII.  passim)  also  deal  with  the  same  topic. 

2  In  the  meantime,  Harley,  with  Godolphin 's  consent,  was  active  in  filling 
valuable  political  offices.    Bath  MSS.,  I.  171-81 ;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  407-13. 

3  Coxe,  II.  107.    Cf.  Bath  MSS.,  I.  175-7. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     305 

phin  had  gained  control  of  the  situation,  he  was  shocked 
to  learn  that  the  latter  despaired  of  having  any  voice  in 
filling  three  vacant  bishoprics/  To  add  to  the  general 
gloom,  the  Whigs  became  more  exacting  than  ever,  and 
left  both  the  duke  and  Godolphin  with  little  hope  of 
ultimate  success.^ 

Yet,  neither  Godolphin  nor  the  duke  ceased  to  impor- 
tune the  queen.  Most  of  their  letters,  it  is  true,  con- 
cerned the  vacant  sees,  but  some  of  them  referred  to 
Harley  as  well.  In  their  desperation,  they  decided  to 
place  their  resignations  in  Anne's  hands.  The  effect  is 
best  observed  in  her  reply,  which  denied  emphatically 
having  disturbed  any  of  the  ministerial  measures,  ''for 
I  cannot  think,"  she  wrote,  ''my  having  nomi[na]ted  Sir 
William  Daws  and  Dr.  Blackall  to  be  bishops  to  be  any 
breach,  they  being  worthy  men,  and  all  the  clamour  that 
"is  raised  against  them  proceeds  from  the  malace  of  18 
[the  Whigs],  which  you  would  see  very  plainly  if  you 
were  here.'"  With  such  an  attitude,  there  was  no  hope 
that  she  would  listen  to  reason  and  the  bishops  she  had 
named  were  duly  inducted  into  office. 

Despite  Anne's  insistence  that  Harley  had  nothing  to 
do  with  selecting  the  bishops,  there  is  no  doubt  that  he 
influenced  her  decisions  in  other  ways  less  open  to  dis- 
covery. He  was  always  upon  the  ground,  and  Mrs. 
Masham  was  constantly  reminding  the  queen  of  her  de- 
pendent state.  Lady  Marlborough's  power  over  Anne 
was  now  lost.*  The  duke  realized  this,  yet  he  felt  that 
he  must  answer  Anne's  doubts,  and  attempt  a  reconcilia- 
tion between  the  women.     So  he  called  Mrs.  Morley's 

1  Morrison,  IV.  148.    See  also  Coxe,  II.  106-8. 

2  Mahon,  p.  317.  It  is  strange  that  Marlborough  was  not  certain  who 
had  supplanted  him  in  Anne's  affections.     Coxe,  II.  110. 

s  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  41. 

*Cox«,  II.  99,  157;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  106;  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  83-5. 


306  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

attention  to  Mrs.  Freeman's  sincerity,  and  assured  her 
that  their  purpose  was  not  to  place  her  at  the  mercy  of 
the  Whigs,  but  rather  to  keep  her  out  of  the  grasp  of  the 
hot-headed  Tory  leaders. 

In  these  trying  times,  Godolphin  appealed  to  Harley 
for  his  hearty  co-operation.  ''I  can't  forbear  adding 
upon  this  occasion, ' '  he  wrote,  ' '  that  if  we  who  have  the 
honour  to  serve  the  best  Queen  in  the  world  can't  agree 
upon  the  proper  measures  for  her  service  at  home,  what- 
ever we  do  abroad  will  signify  very  little. '  '^  The  secre- 
tary's  reply  reassured  Godolphin  for  only  a  few  days. 
Matters  did  not  mend  with  them,  even  though  Harley 
asserted  his  innocence  of  intriguing  and  hinted  that  his 
resignation  might  be  acceptable.  Godolphin  promptly 
and  emphatically  denied  this  insinuation:  '*I  never  had, 
nor  never  can  have,  a  thought  of  your  being  out  of  the 
Queen's  service  while  I  am  in  it;  but  I  am  as  sure  I 
neither  desire  nor  am  able  to  continue  in  it,  unless  we  can 
agree  upon  the  measures  by  which  she  is  to  be  served  at 
home  and  abroad. '  '^ 

The  representations  of  Godolphin  and  the  duchess  at 
last  aroused  the  duke.  He  put  the  matter  before  the 
intriguer,  who  again  denied  working  against  the  ministry, 
but  conceded  that  he  was  opposing  the  pretensions  of 
the  junto.  '^I  am  satisfied  .  .  .  there  can  be  no  other 
centre  of  union  but  the  Queen,  by  the  ministrations  of 
your  Lordship  and  the  Duke,"  he  wrote  the  lord  treas- 
urer, * '  and  there  the  bulk  of  the  nation  will  fix  themselves, 
if  they  may  be  suffered,  all  other  expedients  are  wretched 
things,  and  will  end  but  very  ill."^  Late  in  September, 
the  duke's  letters  to  Harley  were  more  caressing,  but  at 

1  Bath  MSS.,  I.  180. 

2  76.,  183;  T.  Somerville,  Queen  Anne,  p.  626.  The  lord  treasurer  also 
insisted  that  Harley  attend  council  meetings  as  usual. 

a  Bath  MSS.,  181;  Coxe,  II.  171;  Hardwicke  State  Papers,  II.  483. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     307 

the  same  time  Marlborough  sought  the  aid  of  Newcastle 
in  overthrowing  the  secretary.^  In  endeavoring  to  stem 
the  tide,  Harley  prepared  a  letter  to  the  duke,  which  after 
some  consideration,  he  decided  not  to  send.  In  it,  he 
denied  being  ''uneasy"  in  the  ministry,  because  "I  have 
not  intermeddled  with  anything.  I  have  not  solicited  for 
nor  against  any  person,  I  know  nothing  wherein  I  am  a 
grievance,  but  that  I  have  two  eyes,  and  yet  I  wink  as 
hard  as  anybody.'"  In  the  letter  which  he  did  send, 
Harley  was  less  explicit,  but  even  more  insistent  upon  the 
danger  to  the  government,  if  it  were  controlled  by  the 
junto. 

Despite  such  statements,  however,  all  three  men  were 
uneasy,  although  they  went  about  their  public  business 
as  though  there  was  not  the  slightest  friction.  Thor- 
oughly discouraged,  but  hoping  that  they  might  be  able 
to  straighten  out  their  troubles,  Godolphin  asked  per- 
mission to  call  on  Harley  at  his  office.  "  'Tis  true  the 
affairs  at  home  would  require  a  good  deal  to  be  said  upon 
them,"  he  wrote,  "but  I  find  they  must  go  as  they  will, 
and  I  can  do  no  more  than  I  have  done. ' "  Harley  agreed 
to  a  conference  and  advised  that  unless  Godolphin 
initiated  a  program,  the  people  would  certainly  follow 
some  other  politician  who  did  put  forth  a  policy.  The 
meeting  took  place  with  little  satisfaction  to  either 
minister. 

In  the  meantime,  to  prevent  matters  going  any  further 
against  the  duchess  at  court,  Marlborough  advised  her 
not  to  annoy  Anne  by  such  frequent,  disagreeable  refer- 
ences to  Mrs.  Masham.*     His  wife,  obedient  for  once, 

1  Coxe,  II.  163.  For  Marlborough's  correspondence,  see  Bath  MSS.,  I. 
184-6;  Portl.  MSS.,  II.  200. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  186.    This  letter  exemplifies  Harley 's  oracular  utterances. 
8  lb.,  I.  186.    See  also  ib.,  185. 

*  Coxe,  II.  161. 


308  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

agreed  to  do  as  he  wished,  but  the  provocations  were  too 
great  for  her  to  hold  her  tongue  long.  Matters  failed  to 
mend,  although  the  duke  continued  his  protestations  to 
the  queen,^  to  his  wife,  to  the  lord  treasurer,  and  to  Har- 
ley.  He  began  to  lose  hope  of  keeping  Godolphin  in  office. 
**If  he  stays  in  his  place,  and  does  not  entirely  govern  the 
Queen,"  he  wrote  Lady  Marlborough,  "he  will  be  duped 
by  Mr.  Harley ;  and  if  he  does,  which  is  certainly  the  best 
for  himself,  quit,  he  will  do  great  hurt  both  to  the  busi- 
ness at  home  and  abroad.'"  Yet  the  three  struggled  on 
against  the  secretary,  hoping  that  some  modus  vivendi 
might  be  reached.  Anne  seemed  almost  reasonable  at 
times.  She  showed  no  desire  to  rid  herself  of  Godolphin 
as  long  as  he  would  carry  out  her  wishes,  and  was  more 
reluctant  to  permit  Marlborough  to  leave  the  army. 
These  points  she  made  exceedingly  clear  to  the  duchess, 
who  might  have  saved  her  pride  had  she  been  less  impa- 
tient. *'I  never  did,  nor  never  will  give  them  any  just 
reason  to  forsake  me,  and  they  have  too  much  honour  and 
too  sincere  a  love  for  their  country  to  leave  me  without  a 
cause.  And  I  beg  you  would  not  add  that  to  my  other 
misfortunes,  of  pushing  them  on  to  such  an  unjust,  and 
unjustifiable  action. ' "  She  was  not  content  to  rely  upon 
Sarah's  magnanimity,  or  even  upon  Harley,  but  once 
more  she  asked  her  good  friend.  Archbishop  Sharp,  to 
aid  her. 

Because  her  consort  was  its  titular  head,  the  queen  had 
a  special  interest  in  the  Admiralty,  which  just  now  was 
under  the  usual  fire  of  criticism  that  has  attended  the 
English  navy  in  all  its  great  wars.  The  chief  supporter 
of  Prince  George  was  Admiral  Churchill,  who  was  as 
impetuous  as  his  great  brother  was  cool.    An  attack  was 

1  Morrison,  IV.  148. 

2  Coxe,  II.  162. 

3  Conduct,  p.  202. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  *' TRIUMVIRATE "     309 

made  upon  Churcliill  in  parliament.  Anne  was,  of  course, 
his  champion,  and  appealed  to  the  archbishop  to  vote  for 
him/  Sharp  failed  to  give  her  a  satisfactory  answer, 
and  a  week  later  she  once  more  begged  him  to  support 
the  Admiralty. 

While  Anne  was  thus  interesting  herself  in  naval 
affairs,  Godolphin  was  forcing  Harley  to  a  decision.  It 
is  scarcely  accurate  to  call  the  secretary's  ambiguous 
replies  satisfactory  answers  to  the  lord  treasurer's 
question  whether  he  might  count  Harley  as  a  supporter 
or  a  rival,  and  his  shuffling  behavior  assured  both  his 
colleagues  that  they  had  nothing  to  expect  from  him, 
however  much  the  secretary  might  protest  his  innocence 
of  treachery  towards  them.  Both  dreaded  the  meeting 
of  parliament,  and  discussed  the  advisability  of  putting 
it  off  until  Marlborough  could  arrive  in  England. 
Godolphin  also  feared  to  have  Anne  address  parliament 
until  the  duke  was  on  the  scene.  Eventually,  they  allowed 
parliament  to  proceed  as  usual,  but  Marlborough  hurried 
back  to  find  things  in  as  ill  a  state  for  his  party  as  could 
be  pictured.  While  still  at  The  Hague  awaiting  favor- 
able winds,  Marlborough  asked  to  see  Harley  upon  his 
arrival  in  London.^  If  the  meeting  ever  occurred,  it 
accomplished  nothing. 

When  everything  seemed  darkest,  and  Godolphin  was 
at  the  end  of  his  resources,  help  came  from  an  unexpected 
quarter — from  the  secretary  himself.  He  certainly  did 
not  intend  to  aid  his  adversaries,  but  his  lack  of  atten- 
tion to  the  details  of  his  office  paved  the  way  for  his 

1  Sharp,  I.  302.  A  similar  instance  of  royal  interference  on  behalf  of 
her  spouse  is  noted  in  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28070,  f.  8,  which  con- 
tains Anne's  very  emphatic  letter  to  Godolphin.  Before  the  session  was 
over,  Anne  a  third  time  called  the  archbishop  to  her  to  ask  aid  against  the 
bill  to  dissolve  the  Scottish  council.  Sharp,  I.  303.  The  bill  failed.  Wyon, 
II.  7. 

2  These  letters  are  printed  in  Bath  MSS.,  I.  187,  and  Coxe,  II.  174-5. 


310  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

undoing.  With  so  much  work  upon  his  hands  as  secre- 
tary, coupled  with  his  extraordinary  activity  as  a  poli- 
tical agent,  Harley  was  always  a  busy  man,  though  never 
a  methodical  one.  While  engaged  in  political  intrigues, 
he  had  no  time  to  carry  out  any  except  the  most  impor- 
tant details  of  his  duties.  He,  like  his  predecessor,^  left 
valuable  papers  scattered  about  his  office  where  subor- 
dinates might  easily  read  them.  Indeed,  the  burden  of 
his  work  fell  to  under-secretaries  and  clerks.  One  of  the 
latter  was  Greg,  who,  disappointed  at  his  failure  to 
receive  from  the  ministry  proper  recognition  for  his  ser- 
vices, decided  to  sell  important  diplomatic  secrets  to 
Louis  XIV.  His  intrigues  proceeded  only  a  short  time 
before  he  was  discovered  and  arrested. 

Of  Greg's  guilt  there  was  no  doubt,  but  to  what  extent 
Harley  was  implicated,  remained  an  open  question.  The 
Whigs  as  well  as  Godolphin  and  Marlborough  insisted 
that  Greg  had  done  no  more  than  carry  out  his  supe- 
rior's plans,^  and  absence  of  satisfactory  proof  was  for 
some  time  more  than  offset  by  exuberance  in  accusation. 
The  incident  failed  to  shake  Anne 's  faith  in  Harley,  who 
now  became  the  butt  of  the  attack  of  the  infuriated  junto 
and  lost  the  chance  to  build  up  a  personal  party  under  the 
queen's  direction.  With  all  his  shrewdness,  he  was 
unable  to  see  this.  He  knew  he  was  innocent,  and  failed 
to  understand  how  the  circumstance  would  weaken  him. 
The  frantic  attacks  of  his  political  opponents  rather 
strengthened  his  case  than  otherwise,  as  Greg  was  brave 

1  See  an  "Unpublished  Political  Paper  of  Defoe,"  E.  E.  B.,  XXII.  131. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  469,  V.  648.  Edward  Harley 's  account  is  in  Mackin- 
tosh Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f.  132.  Harley 's  enemies  held  that  his 
spies  had  been  responsible  for  Fourbin's  success  against  the  English  mer- 
chant marine.  Cooke,  BolinghroTce,  I.  90.  It  was  soon  evident  that  Harley 
was  innocent  of  intentional  misconduct,  but  when  men  learned  how  careless 
he  had  been  with  important  diplomatic  documents,  they  began  to  doubt  if  he 
would  prove  an  efficient  first  minister. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     311 

enough  to  testify  in  common  with  two  other  suspects  that 
Harley  had  not  the  slightest  knowledge  of  their  intrigues.* 

Harley,  meanwhile,  pursued  the  even  tenor  of  his  way. 
He  still  continued  to  act  as  the  champion  of  the  ' '  trium- 
virate" in  the  Commons  on  as  important  a  matter  as  the 
land  tax.^  At  his  urgent  solicitation,  apparently  against 
Godolphin's  wishes,^  a  meeting  of  the  three  men  was  held, 
and  the  secretary  continued  active  in  important  legisla- 
tive affairs  and  in  preparing  Anne 's  speech.*  Just  before 
the  holidays,  he  appeared  before  the  Commons  *'to  open 
to  us  the  state  of  the  war ;  I  suppose  the  same  in  substance 
as  the  Duke  .  .  .  had  done  in  the  .  .  .  Lords  .  .  .  He 
told  us  it  was  what  her  Majesty  had  directed  him  to  lay 
before  the  Commons  when  they  came  upon  the  considera- 
tion of  Spanish  affairs. ' '° 

The  strife  within  the  inner  cabinet  drew  Harley 
closer  to  the  queen  than  he  had  been  before.  Because  of 
Anne's  obstinacy,  Harley 's  enemies  sought  in  vain  from 
September,  1707,  until  February,  1708,  to  drive  him  from 
the  ministry.  Having  failed  to  make  much  capital  of 
the  Greg  case,  they  sought  for  other  means  to  put  pres- 
sure upon  the  recalcitrant  queen.  Harley  worried  little 
about  his  place,  since  several  times  before  the  junto  had 

1  Greg's  confession  is  in  S.  P.  Dom.,  IX,  Vallifire  and  Barr6,  two  smug- 
glers under  Harley 's  protection,  -were  also  imprisoned  for  acting  as  French 
spies.  S.  P.  Dom.,  Entry  Book,  LXXVII.  43-6;  S.  P.  For.  Ministers, 
CXXI.  17. 

2  James,  III.  283;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  188. 

8  "  I  humbly  beg  ...  to  wait  upon  your  Lordship  this  evening  at  your 
house  at  eight,  having  some  account  .  .  .  which  I  think  in  duty  to  your 
service  I  ought  to  acquaint  you  with;  and  I  should  be  glad  my  Lord  Duke 
.  .  .  would  be  present. ' '  Bath  MSS.,  I.  188 ;  Somerville,  Queen  Anne,  p.  627. 
The  same  day  Godolphin  complained  to  Harley  about  the  Leicester  by- 
election.    Forth  MSS.,  IV.  464. 

4  Campbell,  Lives  of  the  Lord  Chancellors  (1874),  V.  170;  James,  III. 
289 ;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  188. 

5  A  letter  from  Vernon  to  Shrewsbury,  James,  III.  302 ;  Bath  MSS.,  I. 
188-9. 


312  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

foretold  his  downfall.  Throughout  his  career  as  secre- 
tary, the  cabinet  had  been  looked  upon  as  '*a  weak  min- 
istry, that  must  support  itself  by  partyes'"  and  now  it 
had  become  weaker  still,  by  internal  dissensions.  The 
election  of  1705  had  bettered  matters  only  for  a  time, 
and  then  the  Whig  element  demanded  the  price  of  their 
continued  support,  which  kept  the  **  triumvirate "  in  hot 
water  all  the  time.  Yet,  with  the  ministry  in  such  straits, 
Harley  had  dared  to  start  intriguing  on  his  own  responsi- 
bility against  his  colleagues.  He  had  the  courage  to  stand 
with  the  queen  in  an  attempt  to  keep  the  government 
from  being  thrown  entirely  into  the  hands  of  the  Whigs. 
A  month  after  Greg's  treason  became  known,  Anne  con- 
fided to  her  favorite  prelate  that  ''she  meant  to  change 
her  measures,  and  give  no  countenance  to  the  Whig  Lords 
but  that  all  the  Tories,  if  they  would,  should  come  in,  and 
all  Whigs  likewise,  that  would  show  themselves  to  be  in 
her  interests,  should  have  favour.'"  It  is  interesting 
to  note  that  the  queen  sent  many  little  comforts  and 
necessities  to  Greg,  while  he  was  awaiting  trial,^  and  she 
murmured  at  the  junto's  refusing  to  accept  Greg's 
statement  of  Harley 's  innocence.* 

The  queen,  then,  was  determined  to  save  Harley. 
Added  weight  is  given  to  Sharp's  account  by  Vernon, 

1  Hanover  Papers,  Stowe  MSS.  (B.  M.),  222,  f.  281.  See  also  Forth 
MSS.,  IV.  146-56. 

2  Sharp,  I.  323.  Sharp 's  biographer  says  that  the  Diary  contains  much 
more  evidence  on  political  affairs,  which  he  unfortunately  does  not  see  fit 
to  print.  Apparently  it  is  highly  personal,  as  Anne  poured  out  her  whole 
mind  to  the  archbishop. 

3  Strickland,  XII.  172. 

4  "  '  It 's  strange, '  said  she  once  upon  that  occasion,  '  that  they  would  not 
have  us  believe  the  man  now  he  acquits  Mr.  Harley,  when  they  would  have 
believed  him  if  he  had  accused  him;  and  that  they  will  not  believe  the 
man's  dying  words,  when  it  is  evident  they  would  have  had  great  weight 
upon  them  if  he  had  lived.'  "  An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  Bobert,  Earl 
of  Oxford,  pp.  18-9. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  ''TRIUMVIRATE"     313 

who  says  it  was  generally  known  at  court  that  ''messages 
have  been  carried  as  from  the  Queen  to  several  leading 
members  among  the  Tory  party  to  engage  them  to  stand 
by  her  Majesty  against  the  Whigs  whose  management 
she  was  dissatisfied  with,  and  no  less  with  the  influence 
they  had  with  the  ministers.  This  is  laid  to  the  charge 
of  Mr.  Attorney  [General]  and  Mr.  St.  John,  but  more 
particularly  the  latter,  so  that  they  [and  Harley]  are 
looked  upon  as  a  triumvirate  that  were  framing  a  new 
scheme  of  administration,  and  Mrs.  Hill  the  dresser  is 
said  to  be  engaged  with  them  in  the  project."^ 

Roger  Coke^  gives  still  further  information  of  the 
activity  of  these  three  Tories,  while  Addison  and  Dean 
Swift  describe  Harley 's  schemes  in  considerable  detail."^ 
All  three  agree  that  Harley  and  St.  John  had  been 
maturing  a  plan  to  remove  Sunderland  and  Godolphin 
from  the  ministry,  with  the  full  expectation  that  Marl- 
borough would  remain  in  charge  of  the  army  after  his 
political  influence  had  been  lost.*  Anne  was  working 
hand  and  glove  with  the  conspirators,  as  within  the  space 
of  a  single  week  she  sent  Harley  two  informal  notes,  the 
intimate  tone  of  each  clearly  indicating  how  friendly  she 
had  become  with  him.  In  one,  she  requests  an  interview ; 
in  the  other,  St.  John  is  specifically  mentioned  as  being 
in  their  confidence.^     These  notes  prove  how  valiantly 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XIII,  240.    Letter  to  Shrewsbury. 

2  "But  some  of  them  (Tories)  .  .  .  had  for  some  time  been  playing  an 
underhand  game  to  put  themselves  at  the  head  of  affairs;  the  principal 
of  which  was  Mr.  Secretary  Harley.  The  project  was  to  remove  the  Lord 
Treasurer,  and  .  .  .  Sunderland  was  to  be  out  such  a  day,  he  being  the 
person  they  resolved  to  begin  with. ' '    Coke,  III.  323. 

3  Ball,  F.  Elrington,  Cor.  of  Swift,  I.  74-5;  Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M.  C), 
95.    The  scheme  included  Powlett,  Hanmer,  Harcourt,  and  St.  John. 

4  Burnet,  V.  343,     Cf.  Coxe,  II.  191. 

5 ' '  Not  being  sure  when  I  shall  have  an  opportunity  of  speaking  with 
you,  I  writt  this  to  desire  you  would  com  to  me  to  morrow  morning  at  eleven 
o'clock,  or  the  next  day  at  the  same  hour,  as  is  most  convenient  to  yourself. 


314  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Anne  fought  for  Harley's  retention  in  the  ministry,  for 
she,  too,  hoped  the  duke  would  remain  as  commander  in 
chief  after  the  ministry  had  been  remodeled. 

This  was  a  fundamental  error,  because,  if  Godolphin 
was  lacking  in  initiative,  Marlborough  was  not.  From 
his  arrival  in  November,  1707,  until  February,  1708,  he 
never  ceased  to  force  the  issue  upon  the  queen.  Godolphin 
was  heartened  by  his  presence  and  broke  with  Harley.^ 
Previous  threats  of  resignation  having  had  no  effect  save 
to  bring  forth  protestations  from  Anne  expressing  the 
hope  that  the  loyalty  of  her  general  and  lord  treasurer 
would  keep  them  from  any  such  move,^  Marlborough 
decided  to  risk  everything  upon  a  final  coup,  so  both  he 
and  Godolphin  made  known  their  determination  to  resign. 
The  queen  gave  them  no  satisfaction,  so  the  duke  retired 
into  the  country,  doubtless  imagining  that  the  struggle 
was  lost,^  as  did  many  others.  When  the  cabinet  council 
met,*  Harley  assumed  charge  of  the  meeting  until  he  was 
interrupted  by  Somerset,  who  said  he  did  not  believe  that 
such  important  matters  should  be  discussed  in  the 
absence  of  Marlborough  and  Godolphin.  Other  members 
supported  him,  Harley  had  to  give  way®  and  the  queen 

I  am  with  all  sincerity.     Your  very  affectionett  friend.     Anne  R. "     Bath 
MSS.,  I.  189.    See  also  t6.,  I.  70;  Ed.  Eev.,  CXVIII.  414. 
■i-Bath  MSS.,  I.  189-90;  Somerville,  Queen  Anne,  p.  628. 

2  Conduct,  p.  212;  Tindal,  IV.  529;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  41. 

3  Rumors  had  been  spread  abroad  that  a  new  ministry  was  being  formed. 
Burnet,  V.  350.  Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  95;  James,  III.  343. 
Marlborough  had  made  overtures  to  the  Whigs,  particularly  to  Somerset  and 
Newcastle,  but  he  was  doubtful  of  their  support.  Forth  MSS.,  II.  200, 
IV.  506. 

4  This  was  not  the  Privy  Council  as  some  have  supposed,  for  that  body 
had  no  meeting  between  February  1  and  15.  Anne  must  have  felt,  how- 
ever, that  both  of  these  sessions  were  important,  as  she  had  Prince  George 
attend.  Somerset,  Marlborough,  and  Godolphin  were  present  at  both  meet- 
ings, but  Harley's  place  in  the  second  was  taken  by  Boyle.  P.  C.  Reg., 
LXXXI.  5,  sq. 

5F.  E.  Ball,  Cor.  of  Swift,  I.  74-5;  Salomon,  p.  16;  Burnet,  V.  351. 


BREAK-UP  OF  THE  '^  TRIUMVIRATE "     315 

left  the  council  in  tears.  She  was  unwilling  to  give  up, 
but  Harley  was  convinced  the  struggle  was,  for  the 
moment,  hopeless,  and  asked  her  to  accept  his  resigna- 
tion,^ which  she  did  with  great  reluctance. 

As  in  December,  1706,  Anne  was  forced  to  give  way  to 
Marlborough  and  the  Whigs,  but  she  did  it  with  a  poor 
grace.  It  is  probable  that  had  it  not  been  for  the  pre- 
carious state  of  her  own  health  as  well  as  that  of  her 
husband,^  she  might  have  chosen  to  fight  it  out  rather 
than  cherish  her  resentment  until  later.  The  queen's 
concessions  put  the  junto  into  the  saddle.  It  is  true  no 
other  member  of  that  group  was  put  into  ofl&ce  imme- 
diately, but  they  expected  to  bring  that  to  pass  in  due 
time.  For  Godolphin,  although  it  was  not  the  begin- 
ning, it  certainly  was  not  the  end  of  his  difficulties  as 
ministerial  leader.  This  victory  of  the  Whigs  only 
served  to  make  them  eager  for  additional  favors.  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  were  now  absolutely  dependent 
for  support  on  the  junto  and  the  still  more  uncertain 
** Flying  Squadron"  from  Scotland,^  as  they  could  expect 
little  aid  from  a  stubborn,  sullen  queen.  They  soon 
learned  to  their  cost,  that  Harley,  even  in  retirement, 
would  cause  them  great  difficulties,  as  he  still  retained 
Anne's  ear  through  his  faithful  cousin,  Mrs.  Masham.* 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add,  MSS,,  34515,  ff.  130-1;  Hearne,  II.  93;  Ed- 
wards, Founders,  p.  212.  Prince  George,  probably  at  Harley 's  instigation, 
used  his  influence  with  the  queen.    Wilson,  Defoe,  III.  6. 

2  James,  III.  229,  338;  Beyer,  p.  35;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  130. 

3  Defoe,  Conduct  of  Parties,  p.  15. 

*  Defoe  wrote  to  Harley,  '  *  'Tis  also  my  opinion  you  are  stUl  rising.  I 
wish  you  as  successful  as  I  believe  you  unshaken  by  the  storm."  Portl. 
MSS.,  IV.  477.    See  also  Conduct,  p.  213. 


CHAPTER  VIII 

THE  STRUGGLE  BETWEEN  THE  QUEEN  AND 
THE  JUNTO  1709 

The  purpose  of  this  chapter  is  to  show  how  the  Whigs 
attempted  to  gain  power  after  Harley  was  expelled  from 
the  ministry;  and  to  ascertain  the  ways  and  means 
employed  by  him  and  the  queen  to  defeat  the  ends  of 
the  Whigs  and  Godolphin.  The  first  matter  of  impor- 
tance that  occurred  after  the  secretary's  dismissal  was 
the  Scottish  expedition.  The  Scottish  Jacobites  had  long 
been  restless,  but  the  culmination  of  their  intrigues  lay 
in  the  Pretender's  attempt  to  invade  Scotland.  Too 
much  cannot  be  said  of  the  seriousness  of  the  situation, 
as  Scotland  was  never  in  better  mind  to  aid  the  Stuart 
claimant  than  in  the  spring  of  1708.^  The  Scottish  plot 
in  1703  had  left  much  resentment,  which  in  many  quar- 
ters was  increased  by  the  negotiations  which  eventually 
resulted  in  the  union.  Commercial  affairs  had  also  added 
to  the  friction  between  the  two  countries,  which  was  fur- 
ther augmented  by  the  heated  discussion  over  the  Equiva- 
lent and  the  Drawback  Bill.  The  disgruntled  opponents 
of  the  union  could  not  swallow  all  their  rancor  at  once. 
The  Jacobites,  in  particular,  did  not  remain  idle  long,^ 
and  in  a  few  weeks  intrigues  with  Louis  XIV  and  St. 

iMar  and  Kellie  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  447;  Thornton,  Brunswick  Acces- 
sion, p.  97. 

2  They  were  probably  never  inactive  in  this  period,  as  they  were  in- 
triguing before  the  union.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV,  296 ;  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS., 
28892,  ff,  220,  303.  Some  of  the  Presbyterians,  however,  repudiated  the 
Pretender  at  once.    Defoe,  Review,  V.  3. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     317 

Germain  were  in  full  sway;  within  a  few  months,  plans 
for  the  Pretender's  invasion  of  Scotland  were  in  the 
making.  The  Chevalier's  supporters  saw  that  the  only- 
way  to  insure  his  claim  to  the  English  throne  lay  in  his 
gaining  a  foothold  upon  the  island  before  Anne's  death, 
and  organizing  his  supporters.  To  this  plan,  the  treaty 
of  union  added  strength,  as  many  Jacobites  now  fully 
expected  that  the  Pretender  would  succeed  his  sister  at 
Whitehall.  Another  faction  of  the  discontented  felt  that 
the  union  made  the  accession  of  the  Chevalier  hopeless 
unless  they  struck  at  once  and  struck  hard.^ 

The  time  was  auspicious;  England  seemed  unsuspect- 
ing and  unprepared;  the  Pretender  was  anxious  to  win 
his  spurs,  while  Louis  XIV,  assured  that  Scotland  was 
prepared  to  rise,  agreed  to  furnish  twenty-six  ships  under 
the  command  of  Pourbin,  probably  hoping  by  this  feint 
to  draw  off  Marlborough  from  the  Low  Countries.^  As 
a  result,  the  interest  in  England  was  intense.  The  min- 
istry was  aroused,  and  London  was  greatly  excited,''  fear- 
ing lest  James  Edward  should  succeed  in  landing  and 
make  a  junction  with  his  Jacobite  supporters,  who  were 
numerous  throughout  Scotland.  This  junction  once 
made,  James  might  be  able  to  secure  sufficient  aid  from 
his  English  sympathizers  to  march  on  London,  and  live 
as  heir  apparent  until  Anne's  death.* 

It  seemed  probable  that  he  might  be  able  to  land  in 

1  See  J.  Oldmixon,  Memoirs  of  North  Britain,  pp.  218,  sq. 

2  See  Carstares,  State  Papers,  p.  763 ;  LocTchart  Papers,  I.  224-7 ;  Boyer, 
p.  334. 

8  J.  Hervey,  Letter  BooTcs,  I.  231.  Louis  had  not  planned  this  invasion 
until  after  strict  examination  of  the  conditions.  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.), 
CLXXX,  99-107.  Mme.  Maintenon  indicated  that  every  one  at  court  ap- 
proved of  the  venture  before  the  king  did.  Atkinson,  Balph  Thoreshy,  the 
Topographer,  II.  25. 

*Wyon,  II.  17;  Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28892,  ff.  220,  303.  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  may  have  been  intriguing  with  the  Pretender. 
Macpherson,  I.  695. 


318  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Scotland.  The  greatest  secrecy  was  used  in  the  prepara- 
tion of  the  expedition.  Even  the  Pretender  himself  was 
ignorant  of  its  objective  until  he  was  on  his  way  to  the 
ship  that  was  to  carry  him  across  the  Channel.  And 
if  the  English  did  get  word  of  the  expedition,  the  defense 
of  the  island  would  fall  upon  the  Admiralty,  which  as 
usual,  was  the  most  criticized  branch  of  English  admin- 
istration! An  unforeseen  accident  aided  the  English 
naval  authorities.  As  the  Dunkirk  force  was  ready  to 
weigh  anchor,  the  Chevalier  contracted  the  measles.^  A 
messenger  was  sent  at  once  to  the  French  king,  asking  for 
new  instructions.  This  took  time  and  in  the  meanwhile 
the  English  ministry  received  news  of  the  expedition 
and  preparations  were  made  to  meet  it.  Byng  imme- 
diately set  out  with  forty  sail  to  find  Fourbin,  who,  fav- 
ored both  by  wind  and  tide,  was  well  ahead  of  the  Eng- 
lish admiral,  and  soon  arrived  off  Edinburgh.  Greatly 
to  his  consternation,  the  Scots  showed  no  disposition 
to  welcome  him,  much  less  to  fight  the  English.^  Fourbin, 
discouraged  by  such  pusillanimity,  put  back  into  a  French 
port,  despite  the  Pretender's  entreaties,  without  striking 
a  blow,  and  with  the  loss  of  but  one  vessel.^  The  attempt 
was  an  ignominious  failure,  the  Pretender  was  made  the 
laughing-stock  of  Europe,  and  no  more  expeditions  of 
the  kind  troubled  England  during  Anne's  reign. 

However,  there  was  a  time  when  the  English  financiers 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  263,  XXIV.  50,  94.  The  government  had  ample 
warning  of  the  expedition.  Portl.  MSS.,  VIII.  313;  Luttrell,  VI,  274-9; 
Manchester,  Court  and  Society,  II.  297;  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXXII.  5-14. 

2  Defoe  said  that  Scotland  was  not  entirely  hostile.  Beview,  V.  6.  See 
also  J.  Oldmixon,  supra  cit.,  pp.  218-24.  Berwick  said  that  the  Scots  waited 
impatiently  for  the  landing  of  the  Pretender.  Mimoires,  II.  54-6.  Lock- 
hart's  comment  is  among  the  best.     LocTchart  Papers,  I.  375,  sq. 

3  Hearne,  II.  100;  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  IX.  81.  To  account  satisfactorily 
for  Fourbin 's  actions  is  perhaps  impossible.  Some  have  maintained  that 
the  whole  affair  was  to  dupe  the  Stuart  prince,  but  this  is  hardly  tenable, 
as  things  went  too  far  for  the  French  fleet,  under  ordinary  conditions,  to 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     319 

were  not  smiling  over  the  Scottish  invasion,  which  at  the 
outset  augured  better  for  success  than  either  the  expe- 
dition of  1715  or  that  of  1745.  The  effect  upon  English 
finance  was  out  of  all  proportion  to  Fourbin's  actual 
achievements.  It  is  difficult  to  account  for  the  slump  of 
fifteen  per  cent  in  the  price  of  securities.^  During  the 
uncertainty  as  to  the  outcome  of  the  expedition,  the  stock 
of  the  East  India  Company  dropped  from  108  to  99.  A 
run  on  the  Bank  of  England  placed  the  government  in  a 
quandary,  since  nearly  a  half  of  its  capital  had  been 
advanced  on  the  security  of  exchequer  bills,  and  there  was 
little  left  in  the  bank  with  which  to  pay  its  creditors. 

The  ministry  acted  with  praiseworthy  promptness. 
Anne  informed  the  creditors  that  six  per  cent,  instead  of 
three  per  cent,  would  be  paid  on  all  bank  bills  for  the 
following  six  months,  and  that  all  the  money  available  in 
the  exchequer  would  be  turned  over  to  the  directors  of 
the  bank,  if  they  wished  it.  A  number  of  wealthy  nobles, 
including  Marlborough,  Somerset,  and  Newcastle,  rallied 
to  the  support  of  that  institution,'^  which  was  destined  to 
become  the  bulwark  of  English  credit.  The  governing 
body  of  the  bank  was  thankful  for  these  promises  of  aid, 
but  they  accepted  no  outside  help,  contenting  themselves 
with  asking  permission  to  double  their  capital  stock, 
which  request  was  no  sooner  granted  than  the  subscrip- 
tions were  filled.^    All  danger  of  a  panic  passed  away 

have  reached  France  in  safety.  It  was  probably  due  to  jealousy  existing 
among  officials  in  the  French  navy.  Macpherson,  II.  116;  Memoir es  de 
St.  Simon,  XV.  414;  Michael,  Eng.  Gesch.,  I.  245. 

1  A.  Andrfedes,  Hist,  of  BanTc  of  Eng.,  p.  120.  The  only  reasonable  sup- 
position is  that  there  was  a  real  fear  of  a  change  of  dynasty.  It  was  felt 
that  if  the  Pretender  succeeded  in  landing,  the  bank  would  be  ruined. 
Macpherson,  II.  165;  Luttrell,  VI.  297;  An  Account  of  the  late  Scotch 
Invasion,  p.  5. 

zChamberlen,  289;  Tindal,  IV.  544;  Andrgadls,  op.  cit.,  121;  Lecky,  I. 
199. 

sDayroUes  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  15866,  f.  101.     Henry  Boyle  cited  this 


320  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

upon  the  arrival  of  information  that  the  Pretender  had 
landed  in  France.  The  resentment  of  the  monied  classes 
against  the  Jacobites  was  greater  than  ever,  and  caused 
them  for  some  years  to  cling  still  closer  to  the  "Whigs. 
Other  effects  of  this  attempted  invasion  may  be  briefly 
noted.  The  Admiralty  had  been  in  particularly  poor 
repute,  and  the  criticisms  of  Prince  George  and  his 
adviser.  Admiral  George  Churchill,  were  as  pointed  as 
they  were  plentiful,  on  account  of  the  latter 's  particular 
talent  for  getting  himself  embroiled  with  colleagues  and 
enemies  alike. '^  He  kept  Godolphin  and  Marlborough  on 
tenter-hooks  all  the  time,  and  only  Anne's  interposition, 
doubtless  at  the  suggestion  of  her  consort,  prevented  his 
being  dropped  from  the  list  of  admirals.  Yet,  the  move- 
ment against  him  was  gradually  gaining,  when  Byng's 
success  against  Fourbin  increased  the  prestige  of  the 
Admiralty  and  temporarily  postponed  all  attacks  upon 
him.^  The  failure  of  the  Scottish  expedition  also  made 
Anne  more  popular  than  ever,  a  fact  which  the  members 
of  the  junto  were  not  likely  to  view  with  any  great  degree 
of  complacency,  even  though  it  increased  their  own 
strength  by  making  the  Tories  of  Jacobite  proclivities 
odious  to  both  nation  and  queen.^  As  a  consequence,  the 
junto's  demands  were  more  incessant  than  ever  to  dis- 
place all  the  ''War"  Tories,  with  whom  Anne  was  so 
reluctant  to  part.  The  year  1708  is  one  of  continuous 
political  strife  by  Marlborough  and  the  lord  treasurer 

subscription  as  evidence  that  the  English  were  not  excited  over  the  invasion. 
It  took  only  four  hours  to  fill  the  subscription,  and  £1,000,000  was  carried 
back  by  those  who  wished  to  invest.    Impartial  View,  p.  139;  Burnet,  V.  410. 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XLI.  96. 

2  lb.,  XXV.  129.  Some  maintained  that  the  temporary  success  of  the 
expedition  was  due  to  ministerial  mismanagement.    See  the  Examiner,  IT.  36. 

3  A  pamphlet,  Vox  Fopuli,  contains  many  loyal  addresses  from  Somerset, 
Kent,  and  other  counties.  See  also  Defoe,  Eeview,  V.  37-44;  Clarke  and 
Foxcroft,  Burnet,  p.  433;  Journal  de  Dangeau,  XII.  111. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     321 

against  the  Whigs  on  the  one  hand  and  Queen  Anne  on 
the  other. 

The  war  itself  was  filled  with  political  importance. 
Although  English  patriotism  was  sufficient  to  cause  an 
ever  increasing  appropriation  for  its  prosecution,  the 
Tories  continually  criticized  the  emphasis  placed  by 
the  duke  upon  the  Flemish  campaigns.  Such  men  as 
Rochester  reluctantly  consented  to  England's  participa- 
tion in  the  Continental  war.  They  made  the  most  of  the 
quarrel  between  Galway  and  the  Earl  of  Peterborough, 
who  succeeded  him  as  general  in  the  peninsula,  over  the 
responsibility  for  the  defeat  at  Almanza,  and  assisted  by 
the  moderates,  who  had  been  expelled  from  the  ministry, 
they  insisted  that  Spain  should  assume  the  principal  role 
in  the  succeeding  campaigns.  Such  moves  aroused  the 
resentment  of  Marlborough  and  Godolphin  against  the 
Highfliers,  who  were  already  discredited  by  the  Pre- 
tender's expedition,  and  made  a  closer  alliance  with  the 
Whigs  inevitable.  Moreover,  the  votes  in  parliament 
proved  to  the  ministry  how  narrow  was  their  majority, 
even  with  the  co-operation  of  the  junto,  the  members  of 
which  now  knew  to  a  certainty  that  they  held  the  whip 
hand  in  politics.^ 

Anne's  attitude  and  the  Tory  opposition  aroused  the 
fears  of  the  Dutch  lest  England  should  withdraw  some  of 
her  support  from  the  duke  in  Flanders.  Men  in  the  army 
felt  the  effect  of  these  floating  rumors.  An  officer  sta- 
tioned at  Ghent  wrote:  ''We  have  been  a  little  alarmed 
at  the  struggles  of  your  parties  at  court.    I  pray  God 

1  Manchester,  Court  and  Society,  II.  292 ;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  214.  On 
the  question  of  the  mismanagement  of  Spanish  affairs,  the  ministry  had  a 
margin  of  55  votes,  but  on  a  statute  relating  to  cathedral  churches  they 
could  muster  only  about  half  that  majority.  Cf.  DayroUes  Papers,  Add. 
MSS,,  15866,  f.  100.  On  the  question  of  raising  recruits,  the  vote  was  185 
to  177;  on  the  deliverance  from  the  Scottish  invasion,  180  to  70.  Coxe 
Papers,  XIII.  222 ;  Wentworth  Papers,  p.  78. 


322  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

give  us  a  good  British  Parliament  the  next  we  have,  for 
all  depends  on  that.  I  shall  never  be  persuaded  that,  if 
it  be  true,  that  there  was  a  design  to  lay  the  Duke  .  .  . 
and  .  .  .  Treasurer  aside,  that  those  who  designed 
that  could  mean  well  or  be  real  friends  to  the  present 
Government.  .  .  .  There  are  no  men  free  of  faults,  but 
I  do  not  believe  any  man  living  at  this  time  could  be  put 
in  .  .  .  Marlborough's  place,  but  would  prove  fatal  to 
Britain,  and  to  the  interest  of  the  Protestant  religion. 
Nor  do  I  think  any  man  can  come  in  his  place  that  can 
be  either  more  sincere  or  zealous  to  bring  the  war  to  a 
speedy  and  a  happy  conclusion."^  The  duke  was  not 
desirous  of  prolonging  the  war  for  the  honor  he  could  get 
out  of  it,  because  he  was  anxious  to  return  to  private  life, 
as  political  administration  was  becoming  extremely  diffi- 
cult. Under  no  circumstances,  however,  was  he  willing  to 
end  the  war  upon  any  terms  that  might  suit  Louis  XIV 's 
caprice.  In  that  sentiment,  the  queen  sided  with  him. 
Marlborough  opposed  the  proposed  basis  of  peace,  and 
wrote  her  to  that  effect  early  in  1708.  * '  I  am  intirely  of 
your  opinion  thinking  it  neither  for  my  honour  nor  inter- 
est," she  replied,  "and  do  assure  you,  whatever  insinua- 
tions my  enemies  may  make  to  the  contrary,  I  shall  never 
at  any  time  give  my  consent  to  a  peace,  but  upon  honour- 
able terms."  She  added  the  significant  warning,  ''Be 
so  just  to  me  as  not  to  let  any  misrepresentation  that  may 
be  made  of  17  [queen]  have  any  weight  with  40  [Marl- 
borough]."^ 

The  duke  may  have  heeded  her  last  injunction  for  the 
time,  but  even  that  is  open  to  doubt,  as  he  knew  that 
Anne  was  sometimes  too  diplomatic  to  speak  the  entire 
truth.    At  any  rate,  it  was  not  long  before  he  once  more 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  487,  497. 

2  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  52.  A  week  later  Anne  wrote  again  to  the  same  effect. 
Conduct,  p.  215. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     323 

mistrusted  her  attitude  towards  foreign  affairs,^  and  this 
is  also  shown  by  the  urgent  demands  of  his  wife,  Sunder- 
land, and  Godolphin  that  he  hasten  back  to  England,  to 
assist  in  bringing  the  queen  to  realize  that  she  must 
depend  on  the  Whigs,  or  incur  the  wrath  of  the  Tories 
and  a  disgraceful  peace.^  It  boded  ill  for  his  colleagues 
that  he  was  unable  to  return  at  that  time.  Not  only  was  it 
impolitic  to  leave  his  army  in  Flanders,  when  the  Dutch 
were  already  questioning  his  good  intentions,  but  affairs 
at  Hanover  also  demanded  his  presence. 

The  elector  had  commanded  a  part  of  the  allied  army  so 
successfully  the  previous  year  that  he  now  dreamed  of 
emulating  Caesar  or  Alexander.  For  obvious  reasons, 
neither  the  duke  nor  Prince  Eugene  had  sufficiently 
exalted  ideas  of  his  military  genius  to  take  seriously  his 
request  for  a  command,  and  he  was  not  even  invited  to 
the  council  of  war  which  planned  the  next  campaign.^ 
His  dignity  was  touched  by  this  oversight,  and  it  required 
a  diplomat  of  Marlborough's  calibre  to  soothe  his 
wounded  feelings,  a  matter  of  imperative  importance, 
because  the  elector  not  only  had  the  disposal  of  a  large 
number  of  troops,  of  which  the  allies  stood  in  direct 
need,  but  he  was  an  heir  to  the  English  throne.  The 
duke's  stay  in  Hanover  was  exceedingly  brief,  but  it 
seems  to  have  been  fruitful,  as  we  hear  no  more  of  the 
elector's  opposition. 

In  England,  in  the  meantime,  the  efforts  of  Godolphin 
and  his  supporters  to  gain  Anne 's  support  were  far  from 

i"I  do  not  expect  good  nature  or  justice  from  42  [queen].  You  will 
be  pleased  to  communicate  my  letter  to  Lady  Marlborough,  for  I've  no  time 
to  copy  it."  He  believed  that  Anne  would  accept  81  [peace]  rather  than 
lose  39  [Marlborough]  as  general.     Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  216, 

2  Coxe,  II.  209-16.  Various  letters  of  Godolphin,  Sunderland,  and  the 
Marlboroughs. 

3  Wyon,  11.  37;  Lediard,  Marlb.  II.  11.  See  also  the  duke's  letter  to 
Godolphin,  3  May.     Coxe,  II.  215.     The  elector  neither  forgot  nor  forgave 


324  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

successful.  Military  and  dynastic  affairs  were  bound  up 
with  a  new  project  for  bringing  over  the  electoral  prince, 
a  move  as  unpopular  in  the  queen's  eyes  as  that  of  two 
years  previous  in  favor  of  Sophia.  The  duke  was  involved 
in  this  plan,  hoping  that  he  might  convince  Anne  of  its 
advisability,  since  he  would  gain  thereby  the  support  of 
the  Hanoverian  family.  ''Information  has  come  from 
Hanover,  that  the  .  .  .  Prince  is  to  make  the  campaign 
under  Marlborough,"  wrote  Erasmus  Lewis  to  Harley. 
"I  am  further  told  that  the  Duke  will  next  winter  bring 
him  or  his  grandmother  over  hither,  in  such  a  manner 
that  they  shall  have  obligation  neither  to  the  Whigs  or 
Tories  but  entirely  to  himself  and  the  Lord  Treasurer.'" 
Anne  was  ignorant  of  these  schemes,  but  the  electress 
was  not,  and  lauded  the  duke  to  the  skies  for  his  kind- 
ness, although  she  was  perfectly  aware  that  neither  the 
queen  nor  either  of  the  parties  had  taken  cognizance  of 
the  matter.^  The  Whigs  were  certainly  alarmed  lest  by 
subterfuge  the  duke  might  gain  his  freedom  from  the 
thraldom  they  imposed  upon  him.  Anne  must  have  been 
thoroughly  frightened  when  Lord  Haversham  quietly  told 
her  that  the  ''invitation"  would  be  shortly  renewed  in  a 
much  more  dangerous  form.*    She  opposed  the  plan  so 

this  slight.  When  he  became  king  Marlborough  received  no  exceptional 
favors.  In  February,  1708,  Wharton  had  suggested  that  the  elector  might 
succeed  the  duke  as  commander-in-chief,  if  the  latter  resigned.  Lecky, 
I.  154. 

iPortl.  MSS.,  IV.  490.  See  also  Bagot  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  341;  S.  P. 
Dom.,  Anne,  XXV.  245.  "You  judge  very  right  of  the  Queen,"  he  said, 
"that  nothing  will  go  near  her  heart  as  the  invitation.  I  think  the  project 
very  dangerous;  I  wish  the  Whigs  would  think  well  of  it,  but  I  am  at  too 
great  a  distance  to  be  advising. ' '    Marlborough  to  Godolphin,  Coxe,  II.  288. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  491.    Lewis  to  Harley. 

3  Anne  laid  down  the  law  about  the  ' '  invitation. ' '  Speaking  of  Haver- 
sham's  conversation  with  her,  she  wrote  to  Marlborough,  "I  told  him  I 
was  sensible  that  this  was  a  thing  talked  of,  to  asperse  your  reputations  .  .  . 
but  if  this  matter  should  be  brought  into  parliament,  whoever  proposed  it, 
whether  Whig  or  Tory,  I  should  look  upon  neither  of  them  as  my  friends." 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     325 

vigorously   that   it   was   not   formally   brought   to    the 
attention  of  parliament. 

While  the  composite  ministry  were  worrying  over  dip- 
lomatic and  dynastic  difficulties,  the  junto  was  putting 
its  house  in  order  preparatory  to  increasing  the  pressure 
upon  the  queen.  When  Harley  resigned,  three  of  his  inti- 
mate friends  also  retired.^  Robert  Walpole  succeeded  St. 
John  as  secretary  at  war,  Mansell  was  displaced  by  the 
Earl  of  Cholmondeley  as  comptroller  of  the  household, 
but  Harcourt's  resignation  as  attorney-general  left  a 
vacancy  which  the  ministry  was  unable  to  fill.  The  junto 
was  determined  to  place  in  this  position  Sir  James  Mon- 
tagu, a  brother  of  Halifax,  but  Anne  saw  clearly  that  such 
an  appointment  would  mark  an  extension  of  Whig  influ- 
ence in  her  administration,  so  she  refused  to  permit  it. 
Never  had  Godolphin  been  so  exasperated  with  her.  He 
was  so  angry  that  expression,  spoken  or  written,  seemed 
alike  impossible.  In  an  interview,  Anne  was  inflexible, 
and  it  **  ended  with  the  greatest  dissatisfaction  possible 
to  both.  They  had  had  of  late  many  great  contests,  as  I 
am  told,  upon  the  subject  of  4's  [Halifax]  brother,  .  .  . 
but  without  any  ground  gained  on  either  side.  This  day 
it  held  longer  than  usual  .  .  .  [her]  obstinacy  was  unac- 
countable, and  the  battle  might  have  lasted  until  mid- 
night, if  after  the  clock  had  struck  three,  the  Prince  of 
Denmark  had  not  thought  fit  to  come  in  and  look  as  if 
he  thought  it  were  dinner-time.'"  And  it  was  not  alone 
in  this  one  instance  that  Anne  succeeded.  Atterbury,  one 
of  Harley 's  closest  friends,  and  a  Tory  of  the  most  pro- 

Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  42.     Lewis  said  she  was  ill,  and  suggested  that  it  might 
have  been  due  to  the  new  move  towards  Hanover.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  491. 

1  Their  resignations  show  something  of  ministerial  unity,  although  the 
intrigues  of  St.  John  and  Harcourt  had  rendered  their  places  insecure. 
Nevertheless  they  resigned  and  were  not  dismissed. 

2  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  242.  This  interruption  may  not  have  been  accidental. 
Coxe,  II.  218. 


326  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

nounced  High  Church  views,  remained  as  the  queen's 
chaplain  and  must  have  been  a  thorn  in  the  flesh  to  the 
Whigs.  He  was  decidedly  useful  to  Anne  and  Harley, 
who  also  had  the  valuable  aid  of  Mrs.  Masham.  With 
such  support,  the  queen  was  able  to  do  much,  even  though 
the  active  Whigs^  and  the  monied  interests  were  against 
her  policies. 

However  important  these  two  appointments  may  be  for 
us  in  deciding  whether  or  not  Anne  really  did  any  of  her 
own  thinking,  the  facts  in  the  case  of  the  junto 's  attempt 
to  force  another  of  its  number  into  the  inner  cabinet  to 
keep  company  with  Sunderland  are  of  greater  conse- 
quence. This  time,  the  junto  used  a  great  deal  of  cir- 
cumspection in  choosing  its  candidate,  and  selected 
Somers,  the  most  moderate,  and  probably  the  greatest  of 
the  group,  for  the  presidency  of  the  council.  Unques- 
tionably he  was  most  thoroughly  equipped  for  the  place, 
but  there  remained  two  objections  to  his  candidacy:  he 
was  one  of  the  Whigs  whom  Anne  detested,  and  the  posi- 
tion was  already  being  filled  most  acceptably  by  the  Earl 
of  Pembroke. 

For  the  members  of  the  junto,  this  demand  was  a  part 
and  parcel  of  their  plan,  if  not  in  truth  the  keystone  of  it, 
and  shows  the  importance  that  was  now  being  attached  to 
a  place  in  the  cabinet  council.^  They  practically  made 
the  demand  a  party  measure,  and  for  eight  months,  the 
bitterest  kind  of  a  struggle  ensued.  After  Harley 's  resig- 
nation, the  two  remaining  "triumvirs"  demanded  the 
right  to  determine  all  appointments,  whether  civil  or 
ecclesiastical.  For  a  time,  the  queen  acquiesced,  but  both 
ministers  soon  realized  that  they  did  not  enjoy  her  full 

1  The  wife  of  Bishop  Burnet  insisted  that  if  Anne  had  not  given  in  when 
she  did,  most  of  the  bishops  would  have  supported  the  ministry.  Coxe, 
II.  195. 

2  Anson,  Law  and  Custom  (3d  ed.),  II.  94.    Cf.  Lecky,  I.  430. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     327 

confidence.^  Still  the  ministry  stood  between  and  above 
political  parties^  and  without  Harley  found  it  increas- 
ingly difficult  to  keep  in  touch  with  popular  opinion. 
Instead  of  being  ground  between  the  Whigs  and  Tories, 
they  were  in  the  predicament  of  attempting  to  force  upon 
the  sovereign  an  individual  whom  she  did  not  desire,  in 
order  that  they  might  retain  Whig  support.  The  Tories 
were  no  longer  a  political  force,  their  old  leaders  were 
now  discredited,  and  it  remained  for  the  organizing 
genius  of  Harley,  combined  with  the  gravest  political 
errors  of  the  junto,  to  lead  them  to  victory. 

Soon  after  the  vacant  places  in  the  ministry  were  filled, 
the  queen  was  asked  to  make  Somers  lord  president. 
With  her  prompt  refusal,  the  contest  began,  which  really 
divided  itself  into  three  parts.  The  first  phase  came 
prior  to  the  election;  the  second  was  the  election  itself, 
which  may  be  considered  a  struggle  by  the  junto  to  place 
Somers  in  the  council;  and  the  third  occurred  after  the 
results  of  the  election  were  apparent. 

The  junto  was  supported  in  its  demands  by  such  influ- 
ential men  as  the  powerful  dukes  of  Devonshire,  Somer- 
set, and  Newcastle,  as  well  as  by  Cowper,  who,  together 
with  Newcastle,  had  gained  much  favor  in  Anne's  sight. 
Such  co-operation  among  the  political  leaders  had  no 
effect  upon  her,  for  she  knew  that  if  Somers  were 
admitted  to  the  cabinet,  it  would  be  only  a  question  of 
time  until  the  spiteful,  licentious  Wharton  would  also 
gain  a  seat.'    In  addition  to  his  character,  ability,  and 

1  Burnet,  V,  355;  Conduct,  p.  213;  Paul,  Queen  Anne  (Goupil  ed.),  p.  40. 

2  LocTchart  Papers,  I.  295. 

3  Ball,  Cor.  of  Swift,  I.  85 ;  Mahon,  I.  195.  Shrewsbury  was  mentioned 
for  the  place.  Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  97.  Somers  had  been  fre- 
quently suggested  as  leading  minister,  and  he  always  had  hopes  in  that 
direction,  but  he  seems  to  have  been  too  simple-minded  to  succeed  in 
eighteenth  century  politics.  Nottingham  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  29589,  f.  185. 
See  also  Ilearne,  I.  313. 


328  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

such  backing,  Somers  enjoyed  the  friendship  of  the  Marl- 
boroughs.  It  is  more  than  probable  that  the  duke's 
objections  to  any  other  member  of  the  junto  would  have 
prevented  the  mention  of  his  name  to  the  queen.  With 
his  aid,  however,  Godolphin  was  willing  to  support 
Somers  and  his  Whig  colleagues.  When  the  original 
scheme  to  oust  Pembroke  had  failed,^  Marlborough  was 
urgently  requested  to  hurry  back  to  London,  if  only  for 
a  single  interview  with  Anne.  He  was  unable  to  leave 
pressing  diplomatic  affairs,  so  the  lord  treasurer  was 
left  to  fight  his  battles  with  the  queen  alone. 

To  Godolphin 's  surprise,  he  discovered  that  Anne  had 
a  new  ally,  in  the  person  of  her  husband. ' '  I  really  believe 
this  humour,"  he  wrote,  '^ proceeds  more  from  her  hus- 
band than  from  herself,  and  in  him  it  is  very  much  kept 
up  by  your  brother  George,  who  seemed  to  me  as  wrong 
as  possible  when  I  spoke  to  him."^  With  these  allies,  in 
addition  to  the  disgruntled,  intriguing  Harley  and  the 
omnipresent  Mrs.  Masham,  the  queen  was  more  deter- 
mined than  ever  to  stand  out  against  the  junto. 

To  meet  this  unforeseen  situation,  the  Whig  leaders 
decided  to  surprise  Anne  with  a  new  proposal.  With  no 
previous  intimation  of  their  purpose,  they  sent  Newcastle 
and  Devonshire  to  her  to  urge  the  case  of  Somers.  She 
naturally  expected  the  original  proposal,  and  absolutely 
refused  to  reconsider  her  decision.  Then  they  suddenly 
suggested  that  she  allow  Somers  to  join  the  council,  with- 
out any  post  in  the  ministry.  They  expected  to  catch 
Anne  off  her  guard,  as  she  never  had  been  noted  for  quick 
thinking,  but  in  this  they  were  disappointed.  She  first 
suggested  that  such  a  move  was  unusual,  but  when  they 
countered  by  showing  instances  w^here  it  had  actually 
been  done,  she  closed  the  discussion  by  assuring  them 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34518,  f.  44;  Coxe,  II.  219-21. 

2  Coxe,  II.  218. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     329 

that  she  ''thought  the  'Cabinet  Council'  was  full  enough 
already. ' '  The  next  morning  she  sent  an  urgent  call  for 
Godolphin,  demanding  that  he  give  her  his  views  on  the 
question;  and  when  he  sided  with  the  Whig  nobles,  she 
told  him  that  she  would  write  the  duke  immediately  to 
enlist  his  support. 

Her  letter  shows  not  only  a  strong  determination  to 
resist  the  Whig  oligarchy,  but  at  the  same  time,  a  decided 
yearning  also  for  sympathy  and  support,  because,  like  the 
duke  himself,  she  preferred  the  quiet  of  domestic  life  to 
the  stress  and  strain  of  political  strife.  Like  all  the 
Stuarts,  she  was  lazy  and  never  exerted  herself  when 
matters  went  as  she  wished.  "Their  arguments  did  not 
at  all  convince  me  of  the  reasonableness  nor  the  propriety 
of  the  thing, ' '  she  wrote,  ' '  that  I  .  .  .  had  no  thoughts 
of  employing  any  but  those  that  served  me  well  in  Parlia- 
ment .  .  .  and  would  countenance  all  that  served  me 
faithfully,  [but]  looking  upon  it  as  the  utter  destruction 
to  me  to  bring  Lord  Somers  into  my  service.  And  I  hope 
you  will  not  join  in  soliciting  me  in  this  thing,  though 
Lord  Treasurer  tells  me  you  will,  for  it  is  what  I  can 
never  consent  to."^  Marlborough's  reply  was  scarcely 
reassuring.  He  called  her  attention  to  the  great  efforts 
already  being  made  by  the  Tories  to  make  her  believe 
they  would  carry  the  next  election.  Such  a  claim  was 
absolutely  nonsensical,  he  insisted,  because  the  Scottish 
expedition  had  brought  them  under  the  suspicion  of 
treason.  If  she  favored  them  in  the  election  (which  she 
could  not  help  doing  by  opposing  Somers)  it  would  prove 
to  the  world  that  both  Godolphin  and  himself  had  lost  all 
influence  with  her.  The  day  before,  he  had  written  his 
colleagues  that  he  despaired  of  having  any  effect  upon  the 
queen's  mind,  "for  if  she  be  obstinate,  I  think  it  is  a  plain 
declaration  to  all  the  world  that  you  and  I  have  no  credit, 

1  Coxe,  II.  219-20. 


330  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

and  that  all  is  governed  underhand  by  Mr.  Harley  and 
Mrs.  Masham."^ 

While  Anne  waited  for  Marlborough's  letter  to  arrive, 
the  junto  and  Godolphin  were  moving  heaven  and  earth 
to  make  her  change  her  decision,  but  their  outlook  was 
discouraging  as  to  both  Somers  and  Montagu.  Although 
all  the  Whigs  who  could  gain  access  to  the  queen  waited 
upon  her  to  add  their  influence,  the  lord  treasurer  had  to 
report  his  repeated  failures.^  The  architect,  Vanbrugh, 
observed  that  affairs  were  in  *'an  odd  way  at  court;  all 
the  interest  of  the  Lord  Treasurer  and  Lady  Marl- 
borough, backed  by  every  man  in  the  cabinet  can  [notl 
prevail  with  the  Queen  to  admit  my  Lord  Somers  into 
anything  not  so  much  as  to  make  him  attorney  general. 
She  answers  little  to  them,  but  stands  firm  against  all 
they  say.'"  The  duchess  tried  her  best,  but  she  was 
equally  pessimistic.  Secretary  Boyle  received  a  letter 
from  Marlborough  which  he  was  to  deliver  to  Anne,  but 
being  called  away,  he  asked  Godolphin  to  do  it  for  him. 
Upon  receiving  the  letter,  ''she  laid  it  down  upon  her 
table,  and  would  not  open  it  while  I  stayed  in  the  room, 
by  which  I  am  afraid  it  is  not  like  to  have  any  more  effect 
than  some  other  representations  of  the  same  kind  have 
had  from  [me]."* 

The  duke  was  now  thoroughly  depressed,  for  he  be- 
lieved that  no  ordinary  means  could  move  Anne  to  admit 
Somers  into  her  cabinet,  so  the  "Whigs  must  be  angry 
and  consequently  38  [Godolphin]  and  39  [Marlborough] 
not  only  are  uneasy,  but  unsafe.  All  this  39  could  bare  if 
he  could  be  so  happy  as  to  gain  the  love  and  estime  of  270 

1  Coxe,  II.  220. 

2Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  210;  Coxe,  II.  222. 
3  Colville,  p.  198. 

*  Godolphin  to  the  duke.  Coxe,  II.  223.  See  also  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV. 
200,  XXV.  1. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     331 

[Anne]."^  Godolphin  continued  to  write  that  Anne 
remained  firm,  and  at  last,  both  he  and  the  junto,  although 
they  did  not  cease  to  importune,  began  to  look  towards 
the  elections  as  the  only  hope  of  gaining  any  relief  from 
her  ** tyranny."^  As  a  last  resort,  before  plunging  into 
the  intricacies  of  the  election,  the  Whigs  intimated  that 
in  the  autumn  they  would  again  move  that  the  *  invita- 
tion" be  reopened.  It  was  a  foolish  step,  for  until  the 
elections  were  over,  it  would  be  only  an  idle  threat ;  if  the 
Whigs  failed  at  the  polls,  it  could  never  become  anything 
more.  In  other  words,  the  junto  must  win  by  a  substan- 
tial margin,  if  it  was  to  be  able  to  coerce  the  queen.  But  it 
had  no  monopoly  of  this  idea,  for  Ilarley  was  equally  well 
informed,  and  made  his  plans  accordingly. 

In  a  sense,  then,  the  canvass  was  a  struggle  of  Anne 
and  Harley  against  the  ministry  and  junto.  Both  sides 
made  early  preparations  for  this  election,  which  must 
come  before  the  close  of  1708.  Harley  and  his  agents 
were  exceedingly  active  long  before  he  ceased  to  be  sec- 
retary,^ and  it  is  probable  that  his  industry  along  these 
lines  had  increased  the  suspicions  of  his  colleagues,  who 
brought  about  his  disgrace  before  he  could  mature  plans 
for  the  new  election.  If  his  opponents  expected  to  lessen 
Harley 's  activity,*  they  were  mistaken,  although  Greg's 
treason  certainly  did  diminish  his  influence.  Harley 
began  to  make  ready  early  in  1707,  and  probably  con- 

1  Marlborough  to  his  wife.  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV,  161.  Some  students 
believe  that  this  letter  was  written  to  Anne.  The  cipher  here  is  most 
difficult. 

zLansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.),  1236,  f.  234;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  186. 

s  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  437.  For  the  general  activity,  see  Defoe 's  Review,  V., 
and  Conduct  of  Parties;  Coxe,  II.  226;  Kenyan  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  442; 
Ellis  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28893,  ff.  241,  278,  322,  329;  Other  Side,  pp. 
380-2. 

*  It  is  strange  that  after  the  election  was  in  full  sway  Marlborough  began 
to  doubt  whether  Harley  and  Mrs.  Masham  had  been  implicated  in  the 
opposition  to  Somers.     Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  199. 


332  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

trolled  the  elections  in  Wales  and  western  England.^ 
After  receiving  a  letter  from  Tewkesbury,  Harley  decided 
to  seek  William  Penn's  aid  in  influencing  the  Quaker 
vote.^  Only  a  month  before  his  resignation  St.  John 
bewailed  the  fact  that  he  was  unable  to  find  a  borough 
where  he  could  be  sure  of  a  return,  and  asked  the  secre- 
tary to  render  such  help  as  he  could.^  Even  after  Febru- 
ary, 1708,  Harley  continued  to  be  active,  and  sought  with 
some  success  to  secure  Shrewsbury's  support.*  In  the 
rotten  borough  of  Tregony  he  busied  himself,  while  at 
Abington  his  influence  was  conspicuous,"  although  he  was 
unable  to  keep  the  election  out  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

It  was  well  that  Harley  and  St.  John  had  been  most 
diligent,  for  neither  Godolphin  nor  the  junto  spared 
effort  or  money  in  endeavoring  to  defeat  the  Tory  can- 
didates. Fully  as  well  as  the  Marlboroughs,  they  real- 
ized that  the  ministry's  existence,  and  probably  the  con- 
tinuation of  the  war,  depended  upon  their  efforts.  Scot- 
land's fortune,  too,  lay  in  the  balance,  for  a  Tory  victory 
would  probably  mean  a  disruption  of  the  union,  which 
had  been  brought  about  with  such  great  difficulty.  After 
the  dissolution  of  parliament,  the  junto  and  Godolphin 
entered  into  a  close  agreement  to  carry  the  poll.® 

The  industry  of  Harley  and  his  followers  was  now 
greater  than  ever,  although  they  found,  to  their  dismay, 
that  Marlborough  was  not  at  all  remiss  in  his  political 
duties,''  since  he  had  heard  that  Harley  was  thoroughly 

-i-Fortl.  MSS.,  IV.  329,  454.  Harley 's  influence  in  this  part  of  England 
was  based  upon  his  control  of  official  appointments.  lb.,  IV.  386,  sq.; 
Bath  MSS.,  I.  171. 

zPortl.  MSS.,  IV,  461. 

3  St.  John  had  looked  into  matters  at  Cricklade,  Devizes,  and  Westbury. 

*Bath  MSS.,  I.  190-1;  Buccleiigh  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  IL,  Pt.  ii.  720. 

sRoscoe,  Harley,  p.  13;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  517.  Cf.  Macknight,  Boling- 
"broke,  p.  124. 

6  Loclchart  Papers,  I.  293-5. 

7  Hearne,  II.  2-3,  400. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     333 

organizing  his  campaign.  Harley's  kinsman,  Thomas 
Foley,  was  very  active,  and  much  worried  over  his  chance 
in  Hereford,  because  he  feared  the  effect  of  the  great 
amount  of  money  being  spent  by  his  opponent,  as  well  as 
the  vigorous  opposition  of  the  Jacobites/ 

Bribery  played  a  large  part  in  deciding  some  of  the 
elections  in  1708.  Explicit  charges  of  its  use  were  made 
in  petitions  involving  twenty-two  seats. ^  One  politician 
thought  a  large  sum  would  be  required  to  carry  the 
election  in  Devizes,  and  his  statement  well  illustrates 
the  political  methods  then  current.  He  asserted  that  if 
£500  should  be  judiciously  employed  in  buying  up  one  of 
the  twenty-four  councilmen,  it  would  enable  '*Mr. 
Child  .  .  .  [to]  elect  a  Mayor  and  as  many  burgesses, 
living  in  and  out  of  the  borough,  as  they  please,  and  by 
that  means  secure  the  election  of  members  to  serve  in 
Parliament  forever. ' '  To  this  politician,  the  chief  merit 
of  the  plan  lay  in  the  fact  that  the  £500  ''will  not  be 
bribery  within  the  power  of  the  House  of  Commons,  it 
being  only  to  elect  a  mayor. ' "  Outright  bribery  was  not 
as  common  as  in  1705,  although  there  are  a  few  interest- 
ing cases.  At  Shrewsbury,  two  of  the  candidates  ordered 
two  thousand  pairs  of  shoes,  with  the  implication  that 
they  would  be  paid  for  if  the  shoemakers  voted  for  them. 
At  the  same  place,  other  electors  were  promised  loans  out 
of  the  borough  treasury,  without  interest,  for  their  votes, 
and  charity  funds  were  used  to  influence  the  election.* 

iPriv.  Cor.,  II.  25^;  Portl.  MSS.,JY.  4:37,  483-7. 

2  C.  J.,  XVI,  9-389,  passim. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  486.  See  also  C.  J.,  XVI.  22,  436.  Eobert  Pitt,  mem- 
ber for  Old  Sarum,  reported  that  Clarendon  Park,  which  controlled  the 
borough  elections  of  Christchureh,  was  for  sale  at  the  neat  price  of  £35,000. 
Fortescue  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  I.  34. 

4  C.  J.,  XVI.  212,  247.  At  Wallingford  there  appeared  to  be  no  end  of 
petty  bribery.    /&.,  XVI.  129,  242. 


334  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Bribery  was  extensive  at  Cambridge,  and  the  Commons 
overruled  the  decision  of  the  committee  on  elections.^ 

The  poll  at  Thetf  ord  was  a  mere  mercantile  transaction, 
where  among  the  magistrates,  fifty  guineas  was  the  cus- 
tomary price.  ''One  Mr.  Baylis,  a  stranger,  was  their 
last  chapman  [purchaser],  to  whom  they  have  sould 
themselves  much  dearer ;  for  it  hath  cost  him  £3,000  to  get 
a  return  from  thence  for  the  next  Parliament,  and  that  is 
but  a  litigious  one,  for  Sir  John  Woodhouse  will  be 
petitioner  against  him."^ 

At  Camelford  the  sitting  member  offered  to  spend 
£300  on  the  election  and  as  much  as  £20  was  offered  for 
a  single  vote.  Not  only  were  the  voters  bribed,  but  the 
witnesses  who  were  to  appear  before  the  committee  of 
the  house  were  tampered  with."  ''Treating,"  however, 
was  the  most  usual  form  of  bribery.  At  New  Shoreham, 
"five  days  before  the  election,  .  .  .  above  30  strangers 
came  .  .  .  and  spent  great  sums  of  money  upon  the 
election."  Indeed,  the  majority  of  the  publicans  of  the 
borough  received  from  the  sitting  member  at  least  £5 
apiece  for  general  entertainment,  but  the  House  decided 
in  his  favor  on  the  technical  ground  that  the  treating  had 
occurred  before  the  "teste  of  the  writ."*  In  fact,  the 
whole  spirit  of  the  election  seemed  to  have  been  to  cir- 
cumvent the  plain  intent  of  the  laws  passed  against  elec- 
toral corruptions  during  the  previous  twelve  years.** 

Elections  throughout  the  realm  were  not  as  tempestu- 

1  C.  J.,  XVI.  300-4. 

2  E.  M.  Thompson,  Letters  of  Prideaux,  p.  200.  C.  J.  (XV.  21)  names 
the  four  candidates  and  Woodhouse 's  name  is  not  among  them,  Beturn  of 
the  Members  of  Parliament  (II.  12)  does  not  mention  him.  See  also 
J.  Hervey,  Letter  Books,  I.  234.  £50  was  paid  for  a  single  vote  at  Ludger- 
hall.    Aileslury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  201. 

3  C.  J.,  XVI.  274.    For  the  St.  Ives  election,  see  C.  J.,  XVI.  15, 

4  Ih.,  XVI.  53,  263. 

5  Defoe,  Beview,  V.  38,  42,  63-4,  69-70,  118,  142. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     335 

ous  as  three  years  before,  though  definite  charges  of  vio- 
lence were  presented  in  cases  involving  the  right  to  nine 
seats.  At  Leominster  the  petitioner  complained  that  the 
agents  of  his  rival,  Edward  Harley,  *' behaved  themselves 
in  so  rude  and  violent  a  manner,  ...  to  those  who  came 
to  vote  for  the  petitioner,  that  it  appeared  a  sedition, 
rather  than  an  election.'"  The  usual  election  trickery, 
such  as  changing  the  date  of  the  poll  or  making  '* faggot" 
voters  was  much  resorted  to  by  both  Whigs  and  Tories.^ 
The  outcome  of  the  contest  was  for  a  long  time  doubt- 
ful, but  the  heats  of  the  previous  and  succeeding  elections 
were  lacking,  Lewis  scarcely  knew  what  to  think  about 
the  pollings  after  they  had  been  in  progress  a  month, 
although  he  was  aware  that  the  Whigs  expected  to  use 
the  controverted  elections  as  a  means  of  strengthening 
a  somewhat  precarious  hold  upon  the  majority  in  the 
Commons.^  Granville  wrote  that  since  the  elections  in 
which  he  had  influence  had  not  all  gone  as  he  desired,  he 
should  be  unable  to  do  anything  for  St.  John,  in  whose 
behalf  Harley  never  ceased  to  labor  until  he  had  found 
him  a  seat.*  Early  in  the  elections,  Godolphin  felt  that 
with  the  Whig  support,  his  party  was  sure  to  win.  ' '  The 
generality  of  them  are  as  good  as  can  be  desired,"  he 
noted,  ''and  there  is  little  reason  to  doubt  but  the  next 
Parliament  will  be  well  inclined  to  support  the  war  .  .  . 
Mrs.  Morley  continues  to  be  very  inflexible.    I  still  think 

1  C.  J.,  XVI,  14,  Nevertheless,  the  petition  was  withdrawn.  lb.,  XVI. 
138.  For  other  examples  of  violence,  see  Hearne,  I.  336.  S.  P,  Dom.,  Anne 
(IX.  100),  contains  an  account  of  the  Guildford  election. 

2  See  C.  J.,  XVI,  15,  22,  52,  55,  67,  93,  108.  A  Boyer,  Political  State, 
II.  604;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  489,  517;  Colce  MSS.,  III.  81. 

3  Add.  MSS.,  4743,  ff.  93-5;  Newcastle  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  33084,  f. 
177.    The  London  election  was  close.    Luttrell,  VI.  302-4. 

4  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  489.  St,  John 's  candidacy  aroused  a  great  deal  of 
interest  among  the  moderate  Tories.  The  clergy  were  enlisted  in  St,  John's 
behalf  before  the  matter  was  concluded,  and  Atterbury's  letters  show  that 
the  laity  had  no  monoply  of  election  tricks.     7b,,  490-501,  passim. 


336  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

that  must  alter.  My  only  fear  is  that  it  will  be  too  late/ 
The  lord  treasurer  probably  felt  that  Anne  would  con- 
sent to  nominate  Somers  after  the  election,  but  he  feared 
that  then  it  would  be  too  late  to  influence  favorably  the 
rather  shaky  condition  of  internal  affairs.  At  any  rate, 
he  went  ahead  with  his  election  activities  and  was  ably 
seconded  by  Marlborough,  who  took  a  conspicuous  part 
in  the  Banbury  election.^  Sunderland  worked  with  them, 
and  felt  even  more  confident  of  the  result  than  either, 
although  he  was  pessimistic  about  the  use  Godolphin 
would  make  of  the  victory.  ' '  Our  elections  go  on  hitherto 
very  prosperously,"  he  confided  to  Marlborough,  ''and 
there  is  no  reason  to  doubt  but  we  [have]  a  very  good 
Parliament,  but  if  the  court  go  on  in  the  way  they  are,  it 
will  be  much  alike  whatever  Parliament  is  chosen."^ 

Sunderland  did  his  most  daring  work  in  Scotland, 
where  the  Whigs  were  too  weak  to  carry  the  election  of 
peers  without  Tory  aid.  After  the  Pretender's  failure,  a 
goodly  number  of  Scots  had  been  imprisoned  under  sus- 
picion of  treason,  among  the  most  important  of  whom 
was  the  Duke  of  Hamilton.  To  gain  his  support  in  the 
Scottish  elections,  Hamilton  was  liberated  through 
Sunderland's  aid,  and  at  once  began  canvassing  among 
his  Scottish  friends  in  behalf  of  the  Whigs.  The  means 
employed  were,  even  for  those  days,  somewhat  summary, 
and  there  was  a  complaint  of ' '  such  influence  used  against 
us  by  great  folks  at  London,  that  a  great  many  of  our 
old  friends,  and  who  are  in  the  Queen's  service,  were 
frightened  from  us,  so  that  it  was  a  wonder  we  carried  so 
many    [peers]."*     Sunderland's   methods,   in   general, 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  178.     See  also  Burnet,  V.  369;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  123. 

2  Hearne,  II,  2,  Their  candidate  was  defeated.  76.,  I.  400.  Py.  Hist., 
VI.  745. 

3  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  167. 

4  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  269,  The  Earl  of  Mar  to  Marlborough,  Hamilton 's  first 
wife  was  Sunderland's  sister.     Coxe,  II.  229,  231,     See  also  Portl.  MSS., 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     337 

were  too  crude  to  please  Anne,  who  reminded  Godolphin 
of  his  assurance  that  Sunderland  should  resign  when  his 
conduct  ceased  to  satisfy  her.  Nevertheless  the  plans  of 
the  junto  had  the  merit  of  succeeding/  both  in  the  Lords, 
to  which  Scotland  elected  twenty-eight  members,  and  in 
the  lower  house,  where  its  contribution  was  forty-five. 
Such  results  made  the  ministerial  majority  in  the  Com- 
mons'secure.  Hamilton  said  that  they  had  seventy  more 
votes  than  at  the  beginning  of  the  last  session,^  a  margin 
which  was  considerably  augmented  in  ways  best  known 
to  those  who  conducted  the  disputed  elections.  In  decid- 
ing these  contests  the  discovery  was  soon  made  that  the 
balance  of  power  was  held  by  the  Scottish  members,  who, 
true  to  their  traditions,  were  seeking  to  make  the  most 
of  their  position.^ 

The  first  trial  of  strength  between  the  ministers  and  the 
Tories  came  in  the  election  of  the  speaker.  Although 
there  was  not  the  same  intensity  of  feeling  as  in  1705,  the 
ministers  breathed  more  freely  when  the  voting  was  over. 
Harley  had  begun  to  prepare  for  this  struggle  months 
before,  and  the  constant  proroguing  of  parliament  gave 
him  sufficient  time  to  organize  his  forces  thoroughly.  As 
the  time  for  the  meeting  of  parliament  drew  near,  Harley 
seemed  doubtful  whom  his  opponents  would  name  as 
their  candidate.    This  is  not  to  be  marveled  at,  because 

II.  204;  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  243-68.  When  Sunderland  found  the  difficulties  in 
Scotland  greater  than  he  anticipated,  he  wrote  the  Scottish  Whigs,  ' '  bidding 
them  not  be  bullied  by  the  pretence  of  court  interest,  and  the  great  names 
of  the  court  party;  for  the  Q***  could  not  support  that  faction  long." 
Defoe,  State  of  Parties,  p.  25. 

iPriv,  Cor.,  II.  268-9;  Mahon  (II.  91)  did  not  think  they  gained  such  a 
decided  success  among  the  peers,  but  believed  that  the  court  had  its  way  in 
a  goodly  number  of  cases.    Cf.  Coxe,  II.  231-3. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XXV.  8.  The  Earl  of  Manchester  learned  it  was  44. 
Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M,  C),  p.  99. 

3  S,  P.  Dom,,  Anne,  XXIV.  245 ;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.,  XXV.  passim. 
See  also  LocTchart  Papers,  I.  531,  and  Other  Side,  p.  380. 


338  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

the  members  of  the  junto  were  in  a  quandary  themselves. 
The  most  prominent  candidate,  for  a  time,  was  Sir  Peter 
King,  who  had  a  strong  following.  At  first  Anne  refused 
to  be  a  party  to  any  selection,  and  allowed  matters  to  go 
their  way  before  she  expressed  her  dislike  of  King^  and 
her  preference  for  Sir  Thomas  Hanmer.  This  made  the 
junto  uneasy,  and  its  members  preserved  the  greatest 
secrecy  as  to  what  they  proposed  to  do.^  Finally,  after 
providing  a  place  for  King,  they  compromised  with 
Godolphin  by  accepting  Sir  Eichard  Onslow  as  their 
candidate.^  This  move  upset  Harley's  plans.  He  had 
expected  a  contest  between  King  and  Onslow,  which 
would  allow  him  to  nominate  Hanmer.*  As  it  happened, 
however,  a  contest  between  Whigs  and  Tories  never  took 
place,  for  another  critical  situation  arose  which  tem- 
porarily put  an  end  to  party  struggles,  and  Onslow  was 
chosen  without  difficulty. 

With  the  election  of  a  speaker,  the  ministry  gained 
another  advantage  over  Harley  and  the  queen.  The 
latter,  for  a  while,  took  no  interest  in  public  affairs,  and 
the  former  carried  on  the  unequal  struggle  alone. 
Already  the  ministry  had  made  political  capital  out  of 
Anne's  indisposition,  and  now  they  pressed  their  advan- 
tages in  the  controverted  elections.  The  corruption  and 
irregularities  of  this  election  were  large,  as  petitions 

1  Anne  disliked  King  because  she  suspected  him  of  being  active  in  moving 
the  Admiralty  investigations.     Priv.  Cor.,  I.  115-6. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  I.  192.  James,  III.  366-7;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  274-5.  At 
first,  Anne  favored  Bromley.  Mahon,  p.  373;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  483.  Both 
Bromley  and  Hanmer  were  speakers  later  in  the  reign. 

^Marlh.  MSS.,  p.  35;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  505;  Lansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.), 
1236,  f.  244,  See  also  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  121.  Nevertheless,  a  month  later,  Sun- 
derland wrote  Newcastle  "to  speak  or  send  Mr.  Jessop  about  the  matter  of 
the  speaker,  to  engage  him  for  Sir  Peter  King."  Lansdowne  MSS.,  1236, 
f.  242. 

*  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  745.  Harley  may  also  have  had  B^omley^in  mind.  Portl. 
MSS.,  IV.  483. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     339 

disputing  the  right  to  ninety  seats  were  presented/  Yet 
these  petitions  were  not  as  striking  as  in  the  elections  of 
1705  and  1710.^  The  disputed  election  cases  which  arose, 
partly  to  settle  the  most  notorious  instances  of  bribery 
and  partly  to  permit  the  ministry  to  increase  appreciably 
its  majority,  were  chiefly  interesting  because  this  was  the 
first  opportunity  to  test  the  new  act,  which  required  all 
persons  accepting  office  under  the  crown  to  resign  and 
stand  for  re-election. 

This  law  seems  to  have  caused  no  great  difference  in 
the  way  politicians  handled  disputed  elections.  These 
controversies  continued  to  be  heard  at  the  bar  of  the 
house,  by  vote  of  the  majority,  it  is  true,  although  it  was 
some  years  before  the  practice  became  established.  At 
the  same  time,  the  Commons  decided  to  try  a  new  method 
of  balloting,  which  was  in  substance  identical  with  that 
employed  by  many  secret  societies  today.  The  voting 
was  done  by  balls,  which  were  carried  around  in  a  box  to 
each  member's  desk.  But  the  new  method  of  voting,  like 
the  law  on  controverted  elections,  was  found  entirely  too 
cumbersome  for  these  enterprising  eighteenth  century 
politicians,  and  after  consuming  more  than  three  quarters 
of  an  hour  on  one  ballot,  ''it  was  found  so  very  tedious 
and  troublesome  'tis  thought  it  will  never  be  made  use  of 
again.  "^  Even  then  the  house  disposed  of  controverted 
elections  slowly,  and  except  in  the  most  flagrant  cases, 
had  little  ''regaird  for  law  or  justice,    [in  that]   they 

1  C.  J.,  XVI.  9-389,  passim. 

2  See,  however,  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  486-7,  513;  Ailesbury  MSS.  (H.  M.  C), 
pp.  199-201.  Cf.  Defoe's  Review,  V.;  Coxe  Papers,  XXVI.  148;  Porritt, 
Unreformed  House  of  Commons,  I.  537-9, 

sDayroUes  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  15863,  f.  100;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  247-9, 
258.  It  was  first  employed  in  the  trial  of  the  Ashburton  election  in  1706. 
Later  it  was  suggested  that  they  use  it  in  electing  the  speaker,  but  Sir 
Peter  King  opposed  it.  Cf.  XV.  577.  Godolphin  complained  that  by  such 
a  method,  the  house  would  spend  half  its  time  on  controverted  elections. 


340  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

turned  out  or  brought  in  whom  they  pleased ;  and  thereby 
made  up  a  certain  majority  in  all  events,"^  for  they  had 
to  make  their  position  safe  against  any  future  attacks  by 
Anne  and  Harley. 

Among  others  whom  the  Whigs  disqualified  in  trying 
the  elections,  was  Harcourt.^  Neither  in  this  case  nor  in 
any  of  the  others  where  a  division  occurred,  was  the  vote 
sufficiently  close  or  the  attendance  sufficiently  large  to 
judge  of  the  relative  strength  of  the  two  parties,^  but  the 
**  partiality  manifested  in  the  decisions  fully  proved  the 
ascendancy  of  the  Whigs. '  '*  In  eighteen  cases,  the  peti- 
tioner won ;  in  fourteen,  the  sitting  member  was  favored ; 
twenty  remained  undecided;  eighteen  were  withdrawn, 
and  five  were  declared  void.  So  it  is  difficult  to  come  to 
any  decision  as  to  the  results  of  these  controverted  elec- 
tions or  the  reasons  of  the  delay  in  hearing  some  petitions 
and  of  the  failure  to  hear  others. 

As  a  result  of  the  new  law,  the  number  of  by-elections 
was  unusually  large.  Of  the  sixty-seven  seats  vacated, 
twenty-four  were  due  to  the  resignation  of  members  who 
had  accepted  office  under  the  queen ;  sixteen  members  had 
been  elected  for  two  constituencies,  sixteen  others  had 
died,  eight  had  been  made  peers  and  three  elections  had 
been  declared  void.  Of  the  members  who  stood  for 
re-election,  only  four  failed  to  be  returned  at  the  by- 
elections. 

While  the  pollings  were  going  on,  the  struggle  over 
Somers  continued.  When  the  elections  began,  Anne  stood 
resolute  against  all  efforts  to  force  Somers  into  the  cabi- 
net.   As  his  candidacy  was  one  of  the  questions  at  issue, 

tLockhart  Papers,  I.  297;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  513. 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  518. 

3  The  Cirencester  election  petitioner  won  135  to  116.  In  the  Shrewsbury 
election,  he  won  127  to  85.  Some  of  these  contests  occasionally  went  against 
the  court.    Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  514;  Hearne,  I.  77. 

4  Coxe,  II.  376.     Cf.  Burnet,  V.  396. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     341 

new  developments  might  be  expected  as  the  canvass  was 
being  made.  Indeed,  the  efforts  of  Somers  's  supporters 
suffered  no  cessation,  for  their  greatest  hope  lay  in  wear- 
ing out  the  pertinacity  of  the  queen.  Marlborough,  too, 
realizing  that  Godolphin  was  unable  to  cope  with  the 
situation  alone,  gave  up  all  hopes  of  ruling  by  means  of 
a  bi-partisan  ministry  and  was  ready  to  throw  himself 
into  the  hands  of  the  junto.^  Despite  an  informal  agree- 
ment, the  duke,  while  bitterly  assailing  the  Tories,^  never 
ceased  to  criticize  the  excessive  demands  of  the  Whig 
quintet.  Unfortunately  for  his  peace  of  mind,  he  con- 
tinued to  be  disturbed  by  the  machinations  of  Whigs  and 
Tories  before  he  could  return  to  look  after  political 
affairs  in  person. 

The  queen  was  several  times  accused  by  both  Godolphin 
and  the  junto  of  allowing  Mrs.  Masham  to  dictate  her 
policies.  Anne  denied  that  she  consulted  either  Harley 
or  his  cousin,  so  that  the  duchess  and  Godolphin  believed 
that  a  mistake  had  been  made  and  the  wrong  person 
accused.  In  seeking  for  the  miscreant,  the  duchess  and 
the  junto  concluded  that  the  man  was  Admiral  Churchill, 
working  through  Prince  George,^  and  for  a  brief  season 
they  concentrated  their  attack  upon  him  in  an  effort  to 
force  him  to  resign.  The  entire  matter  was  most  embar- 
rassing to  one  as  sensitive  as  the  duke,  but  he  wrote  a 
strong  letter  to  his  brother,  appealing  to  his  patriotism 

1  It  is  asserted,  on  questionable  authority,  that  Wharton  held  Godolphin 
in  his  power,  through  secrets  which  he  possessed  of  the  treasurer's  in- 
trigues with  St.  Germain.  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  30.  Priv.  Cor., 
I.  120.  His  changed  attitude  was  due  to  Harley 's  activity  in  1707.  Godol- 
phin's  part  in  Scottish  elections  is  indicated  by  a  fragment  of  John  Ker's 
"Secret  Memoirs"  found  in  S.  P.  Dom.,  Anne,  XXIV.  245. 

2  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  42.  However  much  the  duke  may  have  been  alienated 
from  Harley,  he  received  the  election  results  from  Lewis,  Add.  MSS.,  4743, 
ff.  93-5. 

3  Godolphin  to  Marlborough.  Coxa,  II.  223.  Marlborough  and  Godol- 
phin soon  realized  that  Anne  had  deceived  them. 


342  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

and  emphasizing  the  danger  of  weakening  the  administra- 
tion at  a  critical  time  in  the  war/  Admiral  Churchill 
proved  only  a  little  less  obstinate  than  the  queen;  his 
brother's  appeal  availed  little  except  to  make  him  more 
uneasy,  and  increase  his  resentment.  His  proneness  to 
gossip  made  matters  worse.  He  repeated,  presumably  on 
the  authority  of  Walpole,  the  secretary  at  war,  that  Har- 
ley  had  so  far  prevailed  with  Marlborough  as  to  secure 
the  appointment  of  a  certain  Colonel  Jones  as  the  head  of 
a  regiment.^  This  rumor  created  a  suspicion  among  the 
Whigs  that  the  duke  was  playing  his  usual  game  of  deceit, 
(despite  Walpole 's  emphatic  assurance  that  Churchill 
had  manufactured  the  story  out  of  the  whole  cloth),  while 
it  increased  the  sense  of  security  enjoyed  by  the  queen 
and  her  consort,  rendering  the  former  still  more  imper- 
vious to  the  lord  treasurer's  recommendations.^ 

By  this  time,  the  junto  was  becoming  restless,  and 
planning  not  only  to  rid  themselves  of  Churchill  but  to 
force  Prince  George's  resignation  through  an  inquiry 
into  the  numerous  miscarriages  in  the  Admiralty.  Should 
this  plan  succeed  the  position  of  the  prince  as  lord  high 
admiral  would  be  available  for  Pembroke,  who  could  thus 
vacate  his  offices  of  lord  president  and  lord  lieutenant  of 
Ireland  in  the  interest  of  Somers  and  Wharton  respec- 
tively.* By  this  move  they  had  all  to  gain  and  absolutely 
nothing  to  lose,  since  it  was  impossible  to  increase  Anne's 
displeasure  against  the  Whigs  as  a  party  and  the  junto 
as  individuals.  Sunderland  was  thoroughly  alarmed  by 
the  queen's  threat**  to  demand  his  resignation,  because 

1  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  134. 

2  Godolphin  to  Marlborough.     Coxe,  II.  228.     See  also  p.  285. 
8  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  273.     See  also  Coxe,  II.  228. 

4  A  year  and  a  half  earlier,  when  Ormond  ceased  to  be  lord  lieutenant, 
it  was  rumored  that  Pembroke  would  succeed  him  and  relinquish  the  lord 
presidency  to  Somers.    Hearne,  II.  5. 

B  Sunderland   was  bitter   for   a   time   against   Marlborough,   but   Mayn- 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     343 

of  his  activities  in  Scotland.  Wharton,  the  most  active 
politician  of  the  junto,  had  been  interviewed  by  her  agent, 
and  Halifax  was  wavering  under  the  importunities  of 
Harley,  because  his  brother  had  not  been  appointed 
attorney-general.^  Harley 's  opposition  had  forced  the 
Whigs  to  abandon  Sir  Peter  King  as  their  candidate  for 
speaker,  and  choose  one  more  to  Anne's  liking,  so  it  was 
really  a  matter  of  self-preservation  which  led  the  junto 
to  threaten  Prince  George  unless  the  queen  should  give 
heed  to  their  wishes. 

Harley 's  intrigues  were  thus  closely  bound  up  with  the 
queen's  activities.  Not  only  was  he  endeavoring  to  win 
over  Halifax,  the  most  wavering  member  of  the  junto, 
but  he  had  made  overtures  to  Shrewsbury,  who,  angry 
at  the  attitude  of  the  ministry  towards  his  romantic  mar- 
riage to  his  Italian  mistress,  a  Catholic,  was  ready  under 
her  influence  to  return  to  his  early  associations.  The 
ladies  at  court  looked  askance  at  his  new  duchess,  and 
Shrewsbury  felt  inclined  to  desert  the  scheming  Whigs 
who  had  so  little  regard  for  his  wife  and  were  no  longer 
willing  to  recognize  his  claims  to  office.^  Through  his 
co-operation,  Harley  saw  an  opportunity  to  form  a  coali- 
tion between  the  moderate  Whigs  and  Tories,  a  plan 
which  not  only  aroused  the  junto  but  thoroughly  alarmed 
Marlborough  and  Godolphin.^ 

waring  and  Devonshire  counseled  moderation,  since  Anne  was  willing  to 
wait  for  the  duke's  advice  before  taking  the  seals.     Priv.  Cor.,  I.  150-2. 

1  This  agent  was  Somerset,  and  his  endeavors  were  unsuccessful.  Mayn- 
waring  reported  that  "nobody  could  have  .  .  .  better  pretensions  to  any 
employment  than  his  Lordship  [Wharton]  and  that  he  might  command  his 
services  and  good  offices  with  the  Queen,  for  whatever  could  be  acceptable 
to  him."  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  156.  Harley  endeavored  throughout  to  keep  on 
good  terms  with  Halifax.     Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  490. 

2  Shrewsh.  Cor.,  p.  663;  Buccleugh  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  II.  Pt.  ii.  720;  Bath 
MSS.,  I.  191.  Lady  Marlborough  had  been  trying  to  gain  Shrewsbury  for  the 
ministry.     Priv.  Cor.,  I.  114-5. 

3  See  Lewis's  letter  to  Harley.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  490,  and  Marlb.  MSS., 
p.  42. 


344  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

In  the  meantime,  the  former  was  forced  to  take  cogni- 
zance of  Sunderland's  offensiveness  and  pleaded  with 
Anne  not  to  dismiss  him.  *'For  God's  sake,  Madam,  con- 
sider that  whatever  may  be  said  to  amuse  or  delude  you, ' ' 
he  wrote,  '4t  is  utterly  impossible  for  you  to  have  more 
than  a  part  of  the  Tories;  and  though  you  could  have 
them  all,  their  number  is  not  capable  of  doing  you  good, 
no  more  than  their  inclination. '  '^  Neither  this  letter  nor 
any  of  the  many  others  from  Marlborough  shook  her 
determination,  and  the  attempt  to  alarm  her  by  threaten- 
ing to  bring  over  Sophia  or  the  electoral  prince  had  only 
a  brief  success,  since  she  was  becoming  accustomed  to 
these  threats  about  Hanover. 

At  the  least  suggestion  of  attacking  the  record  of  her 
husband,  she  was  again  galvanized  into  instant  action.^ 
It  was  well  for  the  Whig  leaders  that  Providence  was  on 
their  side.  Prince  George  was  very  sick,  and  on  account 
of  his  fondness  for  intoxicating  liquors,  it  was  certain 
that  he  could  not  live  long.  Anne,  being  a  model  of  affec- 
tion and  devotion,  preferred  to  nurse  him  rather  than 
to  develop  political  schemes  with  Harley  to  circumvent 
the  junto.  Her  own  health,  too,  was  suffering,  while  the 
duke 's  influence  increased  because  of  his  third  great  vic- 
tory at  Oudenarde,  the  news  of  which  reached  England 

1  Coxe,  II.  215. 

2  Already  Anne  had  written  some  pointed  things  to  Marlborough  about 
certain  expressions  he  employed  in  a  letter  to  Godolphin,  which  the  latter 
gave  her  to  read.  Coxe,  II.  281.  A  week  earlier,  she  was  not  greatly  dis- 
turbed by  Marlborough's  threat  to  resign  at  the  close  of  the  campaign, 
probably  because  she  did  not  believe  he  meant  it.  Marlb,  MSS.,  p.  42. 
Even  in  her  letter  of  felicitation,  Anne  could  not  refrain  from  criticizing 
one  of  Marlborough's  letters  in  which  he  said  that  victory  would  bring 
advantages  to  England,  if  she  "would  please  make  use  of  it."  Anne 
answered  sharply  that  she  would  "never  make  ill  use  of  so  great  a  bless- 
ing ...  I  shall  be  glad  to  know  what  use  you  would  have  me  make  of  it, 
and  then  I  will  tell  you  my  thoughts  very  freely  and  sincerely."  Eeid,  p. 
259. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     345 

just  as  the  election  returns  pointed  to  the  success  of  the 
Whigs. 

It  might  be  surmised  that  with  an  advantage  like  this 
the  junto  would  gain  an  easy  as  well  as  an  early  triumph 
over  the  queen  and  Harley.  Such,  however,  was  not  the 
case.  Immediately  after  his  return,  Marlborough  in- 
formed Anne  that  he  would  take  no  further  part  in 
domestic  affairs,  but  confine  himself  to  military  matters. 
To  this  she  replied,  *  *  I  shall  always  look  upon  you  as  both 
[counselor  and  general]  and  never  separate  the  two 
characters,  but  ask  your  advice  in  both  capacities  on  all 
occasions."^  Anne's  frankness  in  this  and  other  letters, 
apparently  disarmed  Marlborough's  suspicions  of  the 
queen  whom  he  had  always  respected  and  loved,^  and  his 
attitude  became  more  friendly  as  the  Whigs  began  to 
complain  more  than  ever  of  the  equivocal  behavior  of  the 
duke  and  the  lord  treasurer.  The  Earl  of  Marchmont 
reported  that  Somers  noticed  Godolphin's  neglect  of  the 
junto  almost  immediately.  The  Scottish  peer  noted  that 
the  situation  at  court  ''appears  very  odd.  The  Treas- 
urer, who  was  the  sole  management,  seems  to  have  little 
deference  for  the  Whig  lords,  of  which  they  seem  them- 
selves very  sensible;  and  at  the  same  time  it  is  hard  to 
imagine  how  [he]  shall  be  able  to  support  himself  with- 
out them.  Some  talk  of  attempts  and  interviews  towards 
a  good  correspondence  between  him  and  the  Tories,  which 

1  Eeid,  p.  256;  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  42.  This  letter  gives  some  idea  of  Anne's 
ability  to  defend  herself.     See  also  Eeid,  p.  260. 

2  Here  is  one  of  Anne 's  letters,  which  breathes  sincerity  in  every  line :  "  I 
hope  you  cannot  doubt  of  my  esteem  and  friendship  for  you,  nor  think  that 
because  I  differ  with  you  in  some  things,  it  is  for  want  of  either:  no,  I  do 
assure  you.  If  you  were  here  you  would  not  think  me  so  much  in  the  wrong 
in  some  things  as  I  fear  you  do  now,"  Coxe  Papers,  XXV.  128.  Of  Marl- 
borough's reverence  for  Anne,  there  is  no  question.  "I  own  to  you,"  he 
wrote  his  wife,  "I  have  a  tenderness  for  the  Queen,  and  being  persuaded 
it  is  the  fault  of  those  whom  she  loves,  and  not  her  own  when  she  does 
what  is  wrong."    Coxe,  II.  280. 


346  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

seems  more  odd,  that  he  should  take  a  party  by  the  hand, 
that  seems  weaker  this,  than  any  were  the  last  session  of 
Parliament. ' " 

This  change  of  policy  by  the  ministerial  leaders  was 
quite  natural.  At  all  times,  they  chafed  under  the  junto 's 
arrogant  demands.  Consequently,  when  Marlborough's 
added  prestige  gave  them  their  opportunity,  they  sought 
once  more  to  rise  above  the  political  factions  in  their 
administration. 

Though  the  two  ministers  were  turning  for  the  moment 
away  from  the  Whigs,  they  fully  realized  that  they  could 
expect  little  support  from  the  Tories,^  despite  the  prom- 
ises of  Harley  and  St.  John,  both  of  whom  they  dis- 
trusted.^ At  the  same  time,  each  gradually  realized  that 
Mrs.  Masham  had  gained  more  and  more  of  Anne's  con- 
fidence. Rumors  were  also  current  that  Lord  Eaby  (late 
envoy  at  Berlin),  Baron  Haversham  (formerly  a  strenu- 
ous Whig),  and  Peterborough  had  joined  '' Harley  and 
all  that  Cabal"  against  the  Whigs,  and  that  Rochester 
had,  through  the  mediation  of  Bromley,  affected  a  full 
reconciliation  with  Harley.*  Worst  of  all,  the  candidacy 
of  Somers  seemed  to  make  no  progress,  despite  all  the 
agencies  promoting  it. 

For  the  members  of  the  junto,  all  was  not  gloom,  how- 
ever, as  Harley 's  new  alliances  drove  the  duke  and  Godol- 
phin  into  a  closer  union  with  them.    Indeed,  both  were 

TiMarchmont  Papers  (H.  M,  C),  HI.  335-6.     See  i&.,  332. 

2  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess.  Coxe,  II.  273.  The  duke  was  by  no 
means  certain  that  the  Whigs  could  support  him  in  the  prosecution  of  the 
war,  so  he  asked  Sunderland  to  get  the  opinion  of  the  three  other  active 
members  of  the  junto  and  report  to  him  at  once.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  496; 
Eeid,  p.  256. 

3  St.  John  kept  up  his  correspondence  with  the  duke  after  he  resigned 
from  the  ministry.    Coxe  Papers,  XXX.  9;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  277. 

*Priv.  Cor.,  II.  279;  Coxe,  II.  282,  291,  303.  The  duke  was  plainly  dis- 
turbed at  the  "dismal  prospect." 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     347 

now  willing  to  force  Churchill  from  the  Admiralty,  al- 
though the  duke  refused  to  bind  himself  to  act  entirely 
against  Anne's  wishes.  He  agreed  to  oppose  the  Tories, 
''but  as  to  the  invitation,  or  what  else  may  be  personal 
to  the  Queen,  in  regard  to  myself,  as  well  as  concern  for 
her,  I  must  never  do  anything  that  looks  like  flying  in 
her  face  ...  I  must  be  master  of  my  own  actions,  which 
may  concern  the  Queen  personally.'"  In  answer  to  the 
junto 's  insistent  importunities,  he  wrote  a  little  later  that 
he  was  willing  to  ally  himself  closely  with  it,  but  ''for 
their  sakes,  and  that  of  the  public,  as  well  as  my  own 
reputation,  I  must  be  master  of  judging  of  my  own 
actions  towards  the  Queen;  for  sooner  or  later  we  must 
have  her  out  of  the  hands  of  Mrs.  Masham,  or  every- 
thing will  be  labour  in  vain. '  '^ 

Were  the  queen  as  negligible  a  factor  in  political  life 
as  is  generally  supposed,  it  is  difficult  to  account  for 
the  value  which  Marlborough  placed  upon  her  influence 
in  state  affairs.  More  important  still,  the  complaints  of 
Godolphin  about  Harley's  increasing  authority  and  the 
animosity  of  the  junto  towards  queen  and  ministers  alike 
are  inexplicable,  unless  we  assume  that  Anne  possessed 
great  potential  power,  which  she  was  not  afraid  to  exer- 
cise when  her  will  was  crossed.  The  fears  of  the  lord 
treasurer  and  the  duke,  as  well  as  the  criticism  of  the 
junto,  show  that  a  vast  deal  depended  upon  her  decisions. 
The  struggle  over  Somers  seems  clearly  to  indicate  this. 
Although  the  duke  refused  to  go  all  lengths  against  the 
queen,  the  members  of  the  junto  decided  to  make  the 
most  they  could  of  his  aid  against  the  Tories.     Mean- 

1  Coxe,  II.  288. 

2  Marlborough  to  Godolphin.  Coxe,  II.  282,  "I  can't  entirely  agree  with 
your  opinion  of  the  Queen ;  "  he  wrote  his  wife  later,  ' '  I  must  own  I  have 
a  tenderness  for  her,  and  would  willingly  believe  that  all  which  is  amiss 
proceeds  from  the  ambition  and  ill  judgment  of  Mrs.  Masham,  and  the 
knavery  and  artfulness  of  Mr.  Harley."    76.,  II.  297. 


348  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

while  they  continued  to  weary  poor  Godolphin  with  new 
and  insistent  demands  for  action,  and  urged  the  duchess 
to  continue  harassing  her  husband  with  similar  sugges- 
tions, particularly  with  regard  to  his  brother.  Willing 
as  he  was  to  rid  the  ministry  of  such  a  discordant  mem- 
ber, Marlborough  was  yet  reluctant  to  force  the  issue 
upon  the  queen.  After  some  consideration,  he  decided 
that  the  only  way  to  keep  from  offending  her  was  to  avoid 
making  suggestions  about  domestic  affairs,  though  Anne 
saw  in  this  decision  an  ominous  threat  of  the  loss  of  his 
support,  and  took  him  again  to  task,  maintaining  she 
could  not  ''forbear"  consulting  him  and  asking  his 
' '  opinion  in  everything ;  there  being  nobody  but  you  and 
Lord  Treasurer  that  I  do  advise  with,  nor  can  rely  on, 
which  I  will  yet  hope  you  will  believe. '  '^  She  closed  her 
letter  by  reminding  him  that  she  was  one  whose  opinions 
of  the  Whigs  remained  the  same  as  ' '  ever  they  were  from 
the  time  that  I  have  ever  been  capable  of  having  notions 
of  things  and  people ;  and  I  must  own  I  can  see  no  reason 
to  alter  mine. ' '  In  other  words,  she  could  not  conscien- 
tiously favor  the  admission  of  even  the  most  moderate 
of  the  junto  into  her  council,  because  she  disapproved  of 
their  so-called  republican  principles.  Besides,  she  dis- 
liked Somers  personally,  because  he  was  the  "first  pro- 
moter of  Whiggism  as  a  political  faith"  and  because  his 
record  as  William's  minister  had  displeased  her,  but 
more  particularly  because  her  husband  thought  him  the 
' '  real  author  of  the  recent  attacks  upon  the  admiralty. '  '^ 
To  the  objections  the  queen  urged  against  putting  her- 
self under  the  control  of  the  junto,  Marlborough  answered 
that  if  she  were  reasonably  complaisant,  she  need  "not 
to  apprehend  falling  into  any  hands  but  ours  [the  duke's 
and  Godolphin 's],  who  have  done  you  so  very  many  faith- 

1  Coxe,  II.  284.     This  letter  clearly  shows  Anne's  spirit  of  determination. 
'      2  Mahon,  II.  88;  Society  in  the  New  Eeign  (1904),  p.  139. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     349 

ful  services."^  This  failed  to  convince  her,  but  their 
joint  threat  of  resignation  brought  forth  both  another 
protest  and  another  clever  appeal  to  their  patriotism. 
' '  I  can  never  be  satisfied  the  junto  mean  well  to  my  ser- 
vice," she  said,  'Hill  they  behave  themselves  better  than 
they  did  in  the  last  Parliament,  and  have  done  ever  since 
the  rising  of  it ;  for  from  that  minute  they  had  been  dis- 
puting my  authority,  and  are  certainly  designing,  when 
the  new  one  meets  to  tear  the  little  prerogative  the  Crown 
has  to  pieces."^  The  kernel  of  the  whole  matter  lay  in 
the  word  'prerogative,'  truly  a  magic  word  for  all  the 
Stuarts.  For  it  Anne  would  fight  to  the  last,  as  her 
father  and  grandfather  had  done  before  her. 

Faced  with  such  determination,  there  is  little  wonder 
that  the  junto  became  peevish,  particularly  the  impa- 
tient, impertinent  Sunderland.^  The  question  of  the  suc- 
cession remained  an  open  one,  while  the  war  abroad  was 
still  in  a  critical  stage ;  but  worst  of  all  was  the  fear  lest 
the  duke's  military  victories  should  render  him  more 
independent  of  the  Whigs  and  make  practicable  another 
alliance  with  the  moderate  Tories.*  Before  affairs 
should  come  to  that  pass,  they  determined  to  force 
Prince  George  to  resign.  Had  they  possessed  either 
mercy  or  patience,  they  would  have  waited  to  ascertain 
the  outcome  of  the  latter 's  serious  illness,  but  the  mem- 
bers of  the  junto  possessed  neither  of  these  virtues; 

1  Marlborough  to  the  queen.  Coxe,  II.  293.  It  is  doubtful  whether  this 
is  an  exact  transcript  of  Marlborough's  letter,  as  it  comes  from  the  draft 
sent  him  by  Godolphin  as  best  suiting  the  needs  of  the  occasion,  and  may 
have  been  slightly  changed. 

2  Coxe,  II.  292.  See  also  it.,  II.  291,  for  Lady  Marlborough's  letter  to 
the  duke. 

sLansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.),  1236,  f,  236.  He  foolishly  imagined  that 
the  ministerial  leaders  planned  to  bring  over  the  Pretender,  and  urged  the 
Whigs  to  cut  loose  from  the  ministry.    HardwicTce  State  Papers,  II.  479. 

*  Mayn waring  to  the  duchess.    Priv.  Cor.,  I.  155. 


350  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

besides  they  could  afford  to  take  no  chances.  Their  op- 
portunity lay  in  his  condition,  as  it  not  only  occupied 
Anne's  leisure^  but  rendered  her  willing  to  make  con- 
cessions, if  they  would  only  permit  her  beloved  husband 
to  be  free  from  the  excitement  accompanying  an  investi- 
gation of  his  official  conduct.  To  shield  the  stricken 
prince,  they  believed  she  would  yield  to  any  ordinary 
demand.  In  these  hours  of  great  distress,  when  she 
realized  that  there  was  no  chance  of  George's  recovery, 
the  queen  stood  almost  alone.  Only  the  faithful  Mrs. 
Masham  remained  to  comfort  her.  Occasionally,  per- 
haps, Harley  was  able  to  send  in  a  word  of  consolation. 
The  junto  was  relentless,  Godolphin  obdurate,  the  duch- 
ess unfriendly;  so  the  stricken  woman  was  left  uncon- 
soled.  It  was  manifest  as  the  days  passed  that  she  must 
choose  between  seeing  her  husband's  dying  moments  dis- 
turbed with  the  fury  of  partisan  political  attacks,  and 
allowing  the  "Whigs  to  have  their  way. 

The  duke,  unaware  of  the  prince's  critical  illness,  had 
given  up  all  hope  of  securing  Somers  's  appointment,  save 
by  the  removal  of  Mrs.  Masham,  and  he  was  doubtful  if 
that  could  be  accomplished.  The  members  of  the  junto 
again  threatened  to  abandon  Godolphin,  and  Marl- 
borough knew  that  they  would  keep  their  word  unless 
Anne  relented.  So  he  decided  to  appeal  to  his  brother 
in  an  effort  to  avert  the  disaster.^  It  is  inconceivable 
that  any  letter  could  be  more  brutally  frank  than  one  the 
duke  sent  to  the  admiral,  on  this  occasion.    However,  as 

iLansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.),  825,  f.  79;  Coxe  Papers,  XIII.  130;  Duke 
of  Manchester  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  Pt.  ii.  90.  Dartmouth  said  of  Mrs.  Masham, 
' '  at  night  she  slept  on  a  pallet  in  the  ante  room  of  her  Majesty 's  bedroom 
within  call;  the  Queen  often  supported  Prince  George  when  he  was  labour- 
ing under  the  dreadful  attacks  of  asthma,  and  she  required  some  help 
beyond  what  her  strength  could  afford."    Strickland,  XII.  149. 

2  Coxe  Papers,  XXV.  156.  He  thought  military  success  alone  would 
enable  him  to  keep  down  the  junto,  if  the  queen  refused  to  allow  their  plans 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     351 

it  was  the  last  of  several  on  the  same  topic,  some  of  its 
candor  may  be  justified.  ''Finding  you  still  continue  in 
the  Prince's  Council,  and  the  Parliament  now  so  near,  I 
cannot  be  so  wanting,  either  to  you  or  to  myself,  as  not 
to  tell  you  plainly  with  all  the  kindness  of  a  brother, 
and  the  sincerity  of  a  friend,  that  if  you  do  not  take  an 
unalterable  resolution  of  laying  down  that  employment 
before  the  Parliament  sits,  you  will  certainly  do  the 
greatest  disservice  imaginable  to  the  Queen  and  Prince, 
the  greatest  prejudice  to  me,  and  bring  yourself  into  such 
inconveniences  as  may  last  as  long  as  you  live,  and  from 
which  it  is  wholly  impossible  to  protect  you. '  '^ 

Anne  was  still  reluctant,  and  the  Whigs  blamed  Godol- 
phin  for  failing  to  appoint  Somers.  To  the  querulousness 
of  Sunderland  was  now  added  the  complaint  of  Somers, 
that  * '  after  the  service  which  I  and  my  friends  have  per- 
formed in  promoting  the  Union,  they  [Godolphin  and 
Marlborough]  will  hardly  treat  me  with  common  civil- 
ity. '  '^  Cowper,  moderate  Whig  though  he  was,  and  daily 
growing  in  the  queen's  favor,  felt  constrained  to  ask 
Newcastle  to  hurry  to  London,  that  the  party  leaders 
might  take  counsel  how  best  to  prevent  a  division  among 
the  Whigs,  which  might  bring  the  Tories  into  power.^ 
In  his  despair,  Sunderland  held  conferences  with  such 
important  Whigs  as  the  dukes  of  Bolton  and  Devonshire, 
Lords  Oxford  and  Coningsby.  They  made  pointed  re- 
flections upon  Prince  George 's  administrative  ability,  and 
decided  to  ask  Godolphin  to  put  Pembroke  in  his  place. 

to  go  through.  August  2,  the  duke  wrote  his  wife,  "I  know  the  Queen 
would  venture  everything  to  effect  the  dividing  of  the  Whigs."  Coxe,  II. 
282,  286.  Seven  weeks  later,  he  averred  that  Anne  was  "not  capable  of 
being  changed  hj  reason."    Priv.  Cor.,  I.  160. 

iCoxe,  II.  357.  See  Klopp,  XII.  178.  See  also  Marlborough's  letters 
to  the  duchess.    Coxe,  II.  282-91;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  132-6;  Mahon,  II.  50. 

2  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry,  p.  14;  Coxe,  II.  355. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  II.  205. 


352  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Wharton,  another  member  of  the  junto,  displayed  his 
plentiful  temper  upon  receiving  the  lord  treasurer's 
usual  promises  of  co-operation/ 

Until  after  October  19,  1708,  the  leading  members  of 
the  junto  continued  to  act  upon  the  supposition  that  the 
queen  would  not  give  way.  Harley's  friends  kept  him 
well  informed  of  the  trials  and  tribulations  of  Godolphin 
and  the  junto.  Early  in  October  he  heard  that  Anne  had 
refused  "to  enter  into  any  capitulation"  with  the  junto 
or  permit  Godolphin  to  do  so,  although  he  used  Somerset 
as  his  intermediary.  Neither  would  she  accept  the  lord 
treasurer's  resignation,  nor  give  him  or  the  Whigs  any 
satisfaction  about  Somers.^  On  the  other  hand,  Harley 
was  urged  to  hasten  to  court,  as  his  influence  with  Anne 
might  be  decisive,  since  affairs  were  rapidly^  reaching  a 
climax.  Matters  looked  desperate  for  the  ministry.  To 
so  adept  a  politician  as  St.  John,  it  seemed  that  the  *'pear 
was  ripe"  and  the  Tories  might  defeat  the  junto.  To 
Harley  he  wrote:  ''You  broke  the  party,  unite  it  again, 
their  sufferings  have  made  them  wise,  and  whatever 
piques  or  jealousies  they  may  entertain  at  present,  as 
they  feel  the  success  of  better  conduct  these  will  wear 
off  and  you  will  have  it  in  your  power  by  reasonable 
measures  to  lead  them  to  reasonable  ends. '  '*  The  Hano- 
verian family  grew  restive  because  of  the  ministerial 
attitude  and  the  junto  must  have  known  it.  Another 
evidence  of  the  close  quarters  into  which  Sunderland  and 
his  brethren  were  driven  lies  in  the  fact  that  they  had 

iLansdowne  MSS.  (B.  M.),  1236,  f.  238;  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  508-9.  Godol- 
phin refused  to  consider  this  proposition,  but  suggested  that  they  allow  the 
prince  to  remain  in  office,  and  empower  his  council  to  act  for  him, 

2  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  507-9.     Edwards,  Founders  of  Br.  Museum,  p.  213. 

3  ' '  Your  friend  thinks  your  being  here  is  very  necessary,  and  that  her 
Majesty  .  .  .  would  be  the  better  of  assistance  and  good  advice. ' '  Harleian 
MSS.  (B.  M.),  7526,  f.  237. 

4  Bath  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  I.  192. 


THE  QUEEN  AND  THE  JUNTO     353 

written  to  friends  on  the  Continent  asking  them  to  strive 
for  peace  with  France,  insinuating  that  both  Marlborough 
and  Godolphin  would  oppose  it.^ 

Prince  George  held  the  real  key  to  the  situation  as  he 
lay  wheezing  for  breath  to  sustain  him  from  hour  to 
hour.  The  faithful  queen,  overwhelmed  with  grief,  with 
her  own  health  undermined  by  patient  vigils  at  his  bed- 
side,^ could  fight  no  longer,  and  she  made  a  conditional 
surrender,  permitting  Sir  James  Montagu  to  become 
attorney-general.^  With  real  relief,  Godolphin  wrote  his 
colleague,  ''The  Queen  is  at  last  brought  to  allow  me  to 
make  such  condescensions,  which,  if  done  in  time,  would 
have  been  sufficient  to  have  eased  most  of  our  difficulties." 
Yet,  even  then,  he  felt  that  the  Whigs  would  demand 
more  than  she  might  be  willing  to  grant,  and  urged  Marl- 
borough to  hurry  to  his  aid,  for  the  "Queen  suspended 
her  decision,  [and]  an  interval  of  several  days  elapsed 
which  was  marked  with  the  highest  anxiety."*  Godol- 
phin 's  cares  did  not  last  long.  Prince  George  died  Octo- 
ber 28,  leaving  his  post  vacant.  Churchill,  his  favorite, 
unable  to  stand  unaided  against  the  onslaughts  of  the 
Whigs,  retired.  The  queen  was  for  a  time  inconsolable, 
and  left  all  administrative  affairs  to  Godolphin. 

After  more  than  eight  months'  ceaseless  importuning, 
Anne  surrendered  unconditionally.  Montagu  was  at  last 
appointed,  Wharton  became  lord  lieutenant  of  Ireland, 
Pembroke  lord  high  admiral,  and  Somers  won  the  coveted 

1  Forth  MSS.,  IV.  507-9. 

2  Since  October  4,  he  had  been  given  up  by  all  his  physicians.  Portl. 
MSS.,  II.  205.  "The  Queen  watched  with  him  all  last  night,  but  .  .  .  has 
promised  to  take  some  rest  this  afternoon. ' '    MarW.  MSS.,  p.  35. 

3  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  509.    Northey  had  expected  the  place.    lb.,  IV.  501. 

*  Coxe,  II.  358.  Six  days  before  the  prince  passed  away,  it  looked  as  if 
Harley's  solicitations  had  won  over  Halifax,  but  the  assurance  that  his 
brother  would  be  made  attorney-general  kept  him  faithful  to  the  junto. 
Priv.  Cor.,  I.  162-6. 


354  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

position  of  lord  president.^  The  queen  had  resisted  as 
long  as  possible,  and  had  delayed  the  fulfilment  of  the 
wishes  of  the  junto  for  nearly  a  year  after  Harley  had 
been  driven  from  court.  With  the  support  of  Mrs. 
Masham,  she  had  been  almost  a  match  for  her  leading 
ministers  and  the  junto;  moreover,  even  in  defeat,  she 
retained  her  waiting  woman,  despite  the  opposition. 
Strong  bonds  of  sympathy  had  existed  between  Anne  and 
the  two  ' '  triumvirs ' '  remaining  in  her  ministry,  but  with 
the  new  accessions  to  the  council,  power  passed  unre- 
servedly into  the  hands  of  the  Whig  leaders,  whom  she 
detested,  individually  and  collectively. 

1  Godolphin-Osborne  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28041,  f.  18;  Mar  and  Kellie 
MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  469;  La  Vie  d'Anne  Stuart,  I,  268;  Coxe  Papers, 
XIII.  276. 


CHAPTER  IX 

THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  (1709-1710) 

The  Prince  of  Denmark's  death  was  attended  with  little 
sorrow  from  the  English  masses,  but  with  the  greatest 
possible  grief  on  Anne's  part.^  More  than  a  quarter  of 
a  century  had  these  two  royal  personages  lived  happily 
together,  since  the  only  sorrow  which  came  to  them  arose, 
apparently,  from  the  presence  of  those  eighteen  little 
graves  in  Westminster  Abbey. 

The  prince  had  not  proved  an  important  factor  in  poli- 
tics, as  his  only  real  interest  lay  in  keeping  the  High 
Church  from  becoming  more  intolerant.^  His  chief 
function  lay  in  his  very  passivity,  for  to  him  alone  could 
Anne  pour  out  her  wrath  against  the  Tories,  the  junto, 
and  the  duchess  in  turn,  without  the  least  danger  that 
he  would  seek  to  make  political  capital  out  of  her  confi- 
dence. He  acted  as  a  safety  valve  to  keep  the  queen  con- 
tented with  her  lot;  for  his  disposition  caused  him  to 
advocate  moderation  when  Anne  was  very  desirous  of 
thromng  off  her  dependence  upon  both  Marlborough  and 
the  lord  treasurer.* 

Not  only  was  Anne  deeply  grieved  at  her  husband's 

1  Dayrolles  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  15866,  f.  135;  Schaumann,  Geschichte  der 
Erwerberung,  p.   112;   Defoe's  Beview,  V.  409;   Eijks  Arehief,  lias,   6945. 

2  Schaumann,  op.  cit.,  p.  Ill;  Life  of  Calamy,  II.  112-6;  Macky's 
Memoirs,  p.  3, 

3  Reid,  p.  287 ;  Wilson,  Defoe,  III.  39 ;  Anne  declared  that  George  never 
knew  of  her  quarrel  with  the  duchess,  for  whom  he  had  a  high  regard. 
Burnet,  V.  391.  Lewis  thought  him  of  little  consequence.  Forth  MSS., 
IV.  510. 


356  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

death,  but  she  had  become  an  invalid  herself.  From  the 
early  days  of  her  reign,  she  had  been  troubled  with  the 
gout,  and  now  dropsy  began  to  manifest  itself.  With  so 
little  common  sense  in  selecting  her  diet,  it  is  surprising 
that  she  kept  as  well  as  she  did.  Her  appearance  early 
in  1709  is  given  us  by  the  vigorous  hand  of  Sir  John 
Clark.  ''She  appeared  to  me  the  most  despicable  mortal 
I  had  ever  seen  in  any  station,"  he  wrote,  ''the  poor  lady, 
as  I  saw  her  twice  before,  was  again  under  a  severe  fit 
of  gout,  ill-dressed,  blotted  in  her  countenance,  and  sur- 
rounded with  plaisters,  cataplaisma,  and  dirty  like  rags. '  '^ 
From  such  a  sufferer,  the  Whigs,  and  even  Godolphin, 
expected  little  opposition  for  a  long  time  to  come. 

Four  months  passed  before  Anne  could  so  assuage  her 
grief  as  to  take  any  considerable  interest  in  public  busi- 
ness, and  Godolphin  was  able  to  respond  to  the  demands 
made  by  the  members  of  the  junto  that  their  followers, 
as  well  as  themselves,  should  be  admitted  to  office.  But, 
just  as  the  lord  treasurer  had  foreseen,  his  yielding  even 
in  a  slight  degree  only  whetted  their  appetite  for  more. 
This  fact  forced  him  to  face  their  repeated  threats  with 
continued  apprehension,  as  he  knew  that  if  he  did  not 
speedily  provide  places  for  the  Whigs,  he  could  not  hope 
for  their  support.  He  failed  also  to  realize  that  the 
prince  had  done  much  to  moderate  Anne's  plans,  and 
make  her  favorable  to  the  Whigs,  and  that  she  was  filled 
with  resentment  against  the  men  who  had  made  George 's 
last  days  more  miserable,  if  possible,  than  they  already 
were. 

Even  this  feeling  was  aggravated  when  the  ill-advised 
zeal  of  some  members  of  parliament  resulted  in  an  ad- 

1  Gray,  Memoirs  of  Sir  John  Clarlc,  pp,  71-2.  It  is  possible  that  Anne 
was  unduly  fond  of  intoxicants,  although  she  was  certainly  no  match  for 
her  husband  in  that  respect.  Cole  MSS.  (B.  M.),  XXXI.  145;  Notes  Sr 
Queries  (9th  Series),  XI.  24;  Granger,  Biographical  Diet.,  I.  8. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  357 

dress  that  ' '  she  would  not  suffer  her  just  grief  so  far  to 
prevail,  but  would  have  such  indulgence  to  the  hearty 
desires  of  her  subjects,  as  to  entertain  thoughts  of  a 
second  marriage."  This  was  put  into  more  parliamen- 
tary language,  passed,  and  actually  sent  to  Anne  less 
than  three  months  after  her  bereavement!  She  looked 
upon  it  as  an  insult,  or  at  best,  an  impertinence.  In  her 
diplomatic  way,  she  said:  *^The  provision  I  have  made 
for  the  Protestant  Succession,  will  always  be  a  proof, 
how  much  I  have  at  heart  the  future  happiness  of  the 
kingdom.  The  subject  of  this  address  is  of  such  a  nature 
that  I  am  persuaded  you  do  not  expect  a  particular 
answer.'"  This  pert  rejoinder  prevented  any  further 
allusion  to  the  matter  in  parliament. 

While  Anne  was  bitterly  lamenting  her  recent  loss,  and 
sorrowing  over  the  death  of  all  her  children,  the  Jaco- 
bites decided  to  take  advantage  of  her  bereavement,  and 
persuade  her  that  her  sorrows  were  due  to  her  treatment 
of  her  father  and  brother.  An  anonymous  letter  directed 
Anne's  attention  to  the  fate  of  her  sister,  who  had  the 
effrontery  to  accept  her  father's  throne,  and  died  child- 
less ;  it  further  insisted  that  the  end  of  her  reign  would 
mean  a  recurrence  of  the  Wars  of  the  Roses,  unless  she 
settled  the  crown  upon  the  Pretender,  James  Edward.^ 

We  have  seen  the  bad  feelings  which  were  engendered 
through  the  quarrel  of  Mrs.  Masham  and  the  duchess  in 
1707,  but  with  Harley  out  of  the  cabinet,  one  might  ex- 
pect that  Anne's  relations  with  the  lowly  Abigail  would 
cause  little  difficulty.  Such  did  not  prove  to  be  the  case. 
In  ridding  the  ministry  of  a  troublesome  intriguer,  the 
Marlboroughs  had  not  been  able  to  close  the  breach  be- 

1  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  777-8.  It  was  rumored  in  Paris  that  Marlborough  was 
promoting  the  suit  of  the  Prince  of  Hesse-Cassel.  Journal  de  Dangeau, 
XII.  345.    See  also  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  518. 

2  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CLXXX.  225-6. 


358  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tween  Mrs.  Freeman  and  Mrs.  Morley,  as  is  clearly  indi- 
cated ten  days  after  Harley's  dismissal,  by  the  duchess's 
letter  to  the  queen.  This  message  was  filled  with  re- 
proaches because  Anne  had  been  privy  to  the  schemes 
of  Harley  and  St.  John  to  overthrow  the  ministry. 

Finding  her  scoldings  had  the  customary  result,  the 
duchess  decided  to  give  up  a  losing  fight  and  retired  to 
the  country,  leaving  a  note  which  gave  her  reasons  for 
going  away,  and  suggesting  that  when  conditions  should 
compel  her  resignation,  Anne  would  keep  the  promise  of 
bestowing  her  court  employments  upon  her  daughters.^ 
This  move  awakened  no  regrets  in  the  heart  of  Mrs. 
Morley,  but  at  once  brought  forth  protests  from  Sunder- 
land, who  assured  his  mother-in-law,  the  duchess,  that 
she  was  taking  the  surest  method  of  insuring  the  ascend- 
ancy of  her  rival  in  Anne 's  affections.^  As  a  result.  Lady 
Marlborough  soon  returned  to  court,  although  her  atti- 
tude was  scarcely  conciliatory,  or  even  courteous.  Such 
surliness  brought  forth  from  Anne  the  complaint,  which 
she  sent  direct  to  Marlborough  in  Holland,  that  it  was 
useless  to  attempt  to  conceal  the  true  state  of  affairs 
between  herself  and  the  duchess  as  long  as  she  had  at  her 
side  such  observant  ladies  as  the  Duchess  of  Somerset 
and  Lady  Fitzhafding.^  Dr.  Sharp  was  in  Anne's  con- 
fidence, and  he  found  her  so  pleased  with  Abigail  as  to 
preclude  any  idea  that  she  would  ever  consent  to  give 
her  up.* 

In  the  meanwhile,  Harley  kept  in  touch  with  the 
progress  of  the  quarrel  through  Mrs.  Masham,  whose 
dislike  for  her  domineering  cousin  steadily  increased. 

1  Wentworth  Papers,  p,  98 ;  Coxe,  II.  204.  Apparently  Sarah  was  willing 
to  resign,  if  the  Countess  of  Sunderland  might  have  her  places. 

2  Coxe,  II.  210;  Maynwaring  and  the  duke  also  warned  her.  Priv.  Cor., 
I.  119-32. 

3  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34518,  ff.  48-9;  Eeid,  p.  275. 
*  Sharp,  I.  330-1,  diary  entry  of  April  4,  1708. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  359 

Abigail  became  so  alarmed  at  the  growth  of  Lady  Marl- 
borough's influence  in  the  early  months  of  1708  that  she 
wished  a  personal  conference  with  Harley.^  At  the  same 
time,  the  duke  was  worried  as  to  the  probable  outcome  of 
his  wife's  disagreement  with  the  queen,  because  he  had 
a  feeling  that  Anne  and  Harley,  with  Abigail's  aid,  were 
more  than  a  match  for  Godolphin  and  the  duchess. 
Moreover,  he  questioned  his  own  ability  to  check  Harley 's 
insidious  activity  in  preparing  Anne's  mind  to  accept 
any  peace  which  Louis  XIV  might  be  willing  to  grant.^ 
Such  propositions  involved  the  duke  in  diplomatic  diffi- 
culties which  he  wished  to  avoid;  particularly  when  he 
was  co-operating  with  Godolphin  in  carrying  elections 
and  placing  Somers  in  the  cabinet.  In  this  dilemma,  he 
abandoned  all  hope  of  prevailing  upon  Anne  to  give  up 
Abigail,  so  he  decided  to  withdraw  gradually  from  non- 
military  affairs,  feeling  that  since  she  was  ''fonder  of 
Mrs.  Masham  than  me,  I  am  sure  .  .  .  there  can  be  no 
happiness,  I  mean  quietness. '  '^ 

Although  Harley  and  his  friends  knew  that  the  queen 
had  scolded  Marlborough  for  withdrawing  his  support, 
they  continued  to  encourage  her  to  stand  up  for  her 
rights.*  Their  efforts  were  most  timely,  in  the  light  of 
all  that  she  had  suffered  from  Sarah's  tongue  and  pen, 
as  well  as  from  the  never-ending  demands  of  Godolphin 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add,  MSS.,  34515,  f.  93.  See  also  Portl.  MSS., 
IV.  486. 

2  Coxe,  II.  216.    See  also  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  120,  131,  139,  143. 

3Coxe,  II.  279;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  200.  For  a  time,  both  the  duke 
and  his  wife  thought  that  Mrs.  Masham  had  no  political  influence.  lb., 
XXIV.  199.  This  must  have  been  due  to  Anne's  extreme  care  in  consulting 
Harley.  On  repeated  occasions,  she  discouraged  Abigail  from  holding  secret 
conferences  with  him.     Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  flf.  93d-6<J, 

*  Apparently  they  were  finding  the  task  rather  difficult  on  account  of  her 
ill  health.  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  494.  According  to  their  simple  cipher,  the 
queen  lacked  "ready  money"  [courage].  Mrs.  Masham  to  Harley,  ib.,  IV. 
499. 


360  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

in  behalf  of  the  junto.  In  forming  all  the  Tory  plans, 
St.  John  was  helpful  in  attempting  to  make  some  sort  of 
agreement  with  the  moderate  Tories.  Eaby  had  joined 
with  Harley,  and  Lewis  kept  him  informed  of  important 
happenings  at  court. 

It  boded  ill  for  Harley 's  plans  that  the  elections  went 
against  him.  However,  it  did  not  seem  at  first  that  Anne 
would  be  any  more  submissive,  and  the  duke  remained 
pessimistic.  He  at  last  discovered  his  error  in  thinking 
Abigail  was  innocent  of  all  intrigues.  *'I  see  the  Queen 
is  determined  to  support,  and  I  believe  at  last  own  her," 
he  confided  to  his  wife.  ' '  I  am  of  the  opinion  I  ever  was 
of,  that  the  Queen  will  not  be  made  sensible,  or  fright- 
ened out  of  this  passion,  but  I  can't  but  think  some  ways 
might  be  found  to  make  Mrs.  Masliam  very  much  afraid. ' ' 
Marlborough,  acknowledging  that  Anne  had  a  mind  of 
her  own,  sought  to  strike  terror  to  the  heart  of  the  favor- 
ite. Such  recognition  of  the  queen's  will-power,  from  a 
man  who  had  the  best  opportunity  of  judging  her  char- 
acter from  her  girlhood,  must  be  accepted  as  of  consider- 
able force,  even  though  it  may  upset  preconceived  notions 
of  her  personality.  Not  once,  but  several  times  did  he 
voice  the  same  sentiments.  '*I  am  sure  that  the  interest 
of  Mrs.  Masham  is  so  settled  with  the  Queen,  that  we 
only  trouble  ourselves  to  no  purpose ; "  he  wrote  several 
days  later,  *'for  by  endeavoring  to  hurt,  we  do  good 
offices  to  her ;  so  that  in  my  opinion,  we  ought  to  be  care- 
ful of  our  own  actions."^ 

The  duke  had  no  idea  that  the  duchess  would  make  use 
of  this  message,  but  she  was  desperate.  Eealizing  that 
she  had  lost  favor  with  the  queen,  she  thought  her  hus- 
band's letter  might  cause  Anne  to  relent,  so  she  sent  it 
to  her  with   a  note.     This  move  widened  the  breach' 

iCoxe,  II.  285,  291.  The  duke  also  said  that  "42  [the  queen]  is  not 
capable  of  being  changed  by  reason,"     Friv.  Cor.,  I.  161. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  361 

between  the  two  women.  Even  the  duke's  victory  at 
Oudenarde  indirectly  contributed  to  the  same  result. 
When  the  news  of  the  battle  arrived,  Anne  proclaimed  a 
special  thanksgiving,  and  the  duchess,  as  was  her  cus- 
tom, laid  out  the  jewels  the  queen  was  to  put  on.  Acting 
upon  Abigail's  suggestion,  Anne  decided  not  to  wear 
them;  consequently.  Lady  Marlborough's  anger  mounted 
high  and  she,  in  the  procession,  had  hot  words  with  the 
queen,  telling  her  ''to  hold  her  tongue."  Later,  she 
wrote,  commenting  on  the  queen's  refusal  as  an  inter- 
ference with  her  official  duties,  and  closing  with  the 
barbed  reflection  that  ''your  Majesty  chose  a  very  wrong 
day  to  mortify  me  when  you  were  going  to  return  thanks 
for  a  victory  obtained  by  my  Lord  Marlborough. ' '  But 
Sarah  soon  learned  that  she  had  no  monopoly  of  taunt- 
ing phrases,  as  she  had  deeply  wounded  the  queen's  dig- 
nity. "After  the  commands  you  gave  me  on  the  thanks- 
giving day  of  not  answering  you,"  Anne  wrote,  "I  should 
not  have  troubled  you  with  these  lines,  but  to  return 
the  Duke['s]  letter  .  .  .  and  for  the  same  reason  do  not 
say  anything  to  that,  nor  to  yours  which  enclosed  it. '  '^ 

Curt  words  like  these  would  have  checked  a  less  indom- 
itable spirit  than  that  of  the  duchess.  Feeling  that  she 
was  unlikely  to  gain  Anne's  good  will  as  long  as  Abigail 
remained  at  court.  Lady  Marlborough  turned  all  her 
powers  of  invective  against  the  favorite.  ' '  I  cannot  think 
it  was  very  just  to  disgrace  some  of  your  faithful  ser- 
vants, ' '  she  said,  ' '  for  some  that  have  betrayed  you,  .  .  . 
nor  .  .  .  was  it  any  great  proof  of  your  Majesty's  con- 
stancy to  leave  Lord  Marlborough  and  me  for  Mr.  Har- 
ley  and  a  woman  I  took  out  of  a  garret. '  '^ 

The  duchess  was  placed  at  a  great  disadvantage.  Anne 
made  no  attempt  to  fight  back,  and  nothing  could  have 

1  Conduct,  pp.  219-20;  Other  Side,  pp.  369-70;  Strickland,  XII.  183. 

2  Eeid,  p.  280.    See  also  ib.,  pp.  277-8. 


362  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

been  more  exasperating  to  Lady  Marlborough  than  the 
queen's  stern  taciturnity.  Anne  persisted  in  taking  her 
at  her  word,  but  the  latter  sought  a  private  interview,  in 
which  she  planned  to  present  her  arguments  against  Har- 
ley  and  Mrs.  Masham.  With  that  end  in  view,  she  pre- 
pared the  topics  of  conversation^  long  beforehand.  The 
meeting  was  stormy  and  ended  little  to  the  satisfaction 
of  either.  Anne  refused  to  give  up  Abigail  or  Harley, 
and  was  insulted  by  Sarah 's  reflections  on  her  friendship 
for  Lord  Haversham ;  whereas  the  duchess  refused  to  be 
reconciled  unless  Mrs.  Masham  was  driven  from  court. 
At  last,  the  duchess  concluded  that  further  attempts  to 
secure  Anne's  good  will  were  futile — a  decision  which  met 
the  warmest  approbation  of  the  duke,  who  had  urged  it  so 
long.  The  personal  relations  of  Mrs.  Morley  and  Mrs. 
Freeman  seemed  at  an  end  when  circumstances  afforded 
the  latter  an  opportunity  of  a  reconciliation,  at  a  time 
when  Anne  was  in  a  great  need  of  sympathy.  As  soon  as 
it  was  apparent  that  Prince  George  could  survive  but  a 
few  hours,  the  duchess  forced  her  way  to  the  queen 's  side, 
and  for  a  time  it  seemed  as  if  the  reconciliation  might  be 
permanent.  The  initiative  had  been  taken  by  Lady  Marl- 
borough, and  Mrs.  Masham  shared  Anne's  confidence 
with  her.  While  Mrs.  Freeman  complained  that  Abigail 
was  always  with  the  queen,  Mrs.  Masham  insisted  that 
Mrs.  Freeman  was  afraid  to  leave  the  queen's  elbow  for 
fear  she  might  have  a  word  with  her.  ''There  is  care 
taken  that  she  shall  not  be  alone,"  Mrs.  Masham  ex- 
plained to  Harley,  ''for  since  the  misfortune  the  Lady 
P[ye]  [Marlborough]  has  hardly  left  her  so  long  as  to 
let  her  say  her  private  prayers  but  stays  constantly  with 

1  They  cover  Harley 's  disloyal  attitude  towards  his  fellow  * '  triumvirs, ' ' 
the  shifting  disposition  of  the  Tories  in  whom  Anne  placed  so  much  con- 
fidence, and  the  personal  attacks  Haversham  had  made  upon  the  queen. 
Coxe,  II.  295. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  363 

her.  My  lady's  friends  say  'tis  fit  she  should  (and  they 
hope  she  always  will)  to  keep  that  jade  my  cousin  Kate 
[Mrs,  Masham]  from  her."^  Thus  the  endurance  contest 
proceeded,  until  Sarah  could  forbear  no  longer.  She  pub- 
licly slighted  Mrs.  Masham  by  failing  to  deliver  Anne's 
message  to  her  and  once  more  alienated  the  queen. 

The  final  quarrel  between  Anne  and  Lady  Marlborough 
did  not  come  at  once.  Few  historians  have  realized  that 
their  relations  were  so  near  the  breaking  point  imme- 
diately after  Somers  had  become  president  of  the  coun- 
cil.^ One  writer  maintains  that  at  this  time  Marlborough 
was  at  the  height  of  his  glory,  and  was  the  real  ruler  of 
England,  holding  Anne  '*in  captivity  within  her  own 
palace. ' '  The  duke 's  estimate  of  his  influence  was  differ- 
ent, even  after  he  knew  that  the  junto  had  won  its  battle 
over  Somers.  "England  can't  be  safe  but  by  a  right 
understanding  between  the  queen  and  the  Whigs.  I  am 
pleased  at  what  you  write  that  the  Lord  Treasurer  had 
some  reason  to  believe  that  some  of  the  Whigs  are  making 
up  to  Mrs.  Masham,  for  I  hope  you  are  of  my  mind,  that 
when  England  is  safe,  I  had  rather  anybody  would  gov- 
ern than  L"^  Godolphin,  as  well  as  the  duchess,  was 
alarmed  as  to  the  consequences  of  Abigail's  steady  asso- 
ciation with  Anne  during  her  period  of  mourning.  The 
day  after  the  queen  became  a  widow,  he  begged  the  duke 
to  hasten  back  to  England  to  prevent  the  ruin  of  his  plans 
by  Harley  and  his  cohorts.*  Both  Marlborough  and  his 
duchess  were  plainly  worried  over  this  threatened  union 
of  Mrs.  Masham  with  the  Whigs,  as  well  as  the  more 

1  Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  511;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  410.    See  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry. 

^Conduct,  p.  240;  Coxe,  II.  361.  It  was  weeks,  possibly  months,  before 
Godolphin  and  Marlborough  realized  that  the  breach  was  such  that  a 
reconciliation  was  practically  impossible.     Burnet,  V.   354. 

3  Marlborough  to  the  Duchess.    Coxe,  II.  383. 

*  Coxe,  II.  358.  Somers  feared  the  worst,  and  wrote  Newcastle  to  hurry 
home  as  rapidly  as  possible.    Portl.  MSS.,  II.  206. 


364  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

imminent  defection  of  Halifax/  Day  by  day,  it  became 
increasingly  apparent  that  Anne  and  her  secret  advisers 
had  some  definite  plans  in  view,  but  as  to  the  nature  of 
those  plans,  even  the  most  astute  of  the  Whigs  were 
unable  to  venture  a  guess. 

With  the  duchess  and  her  lord  both  pessimistic  about 
their  future  relations  with  the  queen,  Godolphin  found 
his  position  even  more  depressing  than  before.  The 
duchess  had  concluded  that  it  would  be  only  a  matter  of 
time  before  she  would  have  to  give  up  her  keys  as  groom 
of  the  stole,  and  the  duke  was  openly  making  plans  to 
retire  from  the  turmoil  of  public  life.  As  their  loss  of 
prestige  became  apparent,  the  clamor  of  the  Whigs  for 
offices  increased,  and  Godolphin 's  trials  multiplied,  as 
members  of  the  junto  were  now  thoroughly  assured  that 
they  held  the  balance  of  power. 

Of  all  the  men  in  political  life,  Harley  was  probably  the 
busiest.^  Taking  his  cue  from  the  appointment  of  Somers 
and  the  quarrel  with  the  duchess,  he  convinced  Anne  how 
thoroughly  she  was  being  governed  by  her  principal  min- 
isters, who  were  keeping  her  ''from  conversing  with  any 
but  such  as  were  tools  or  creatures  of  their  own,  so  that 
in  some  respect  she  was  a  kind  of  state  prisoner  [and  not 
treating]  her  with  the  respect  and  deference  which  was 
due  to  her,  seeing  they  did  not  design  to  know  and  follow 
her  pleasure  and  commands  in  matters  of  state,  but  dic- 
tated, as  if  it  belonged  to  them  to  prescryve,  and  incum- 
bent upon  her  to  comply.  That  they  had  admitted  into 
the  government  a  set  of  men,  Whigs,  who  were  enemies 
to  herself,  her  family  and  all  the  crowned  heads,  and  that 

iPriv.  Cor.,  I.  168,  190;  Mahon,  II,  121.  By  the  middle  of  1709,  Anne 
had  expressly  forbidden  Sarah  to  mention  Abigail's  name  in  her  letters  or 
conversation.     Coxe  Papers,  XV.  123-6. 

2  He  was  aided  by  St.  John,  Bromley,  and  Harcourt.  Oldmixon,  III.  429 ; 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  534. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  365 

these  people's  maxims  and  designs  would  be  prosecuted 
and  terminate  in  her  ruin,  and  the  subversion  of  the 
crown  and  mitre. '  '^ 

Harley's  policy  was  difficult  to  combat,  as  it  was  in  per- 
fect keeping  with  Anne's  predilections  and  temperament. 
In  dismissing  Harley,  her  ideas  of  the  prerogative  had 
received  a  shock,  and  her  humiliation  after  taking  Somers 
and  Sunderland  into  her  councils  was  most  touching,  even 
to  Godolphin.  With  these  three  things  rankling  in  her 
bosom,  and  the  late  unpleasantness  with  Lady  Marl- 
borough fresh  in  mind,  she  proved  a  willing  listener  to 
Harley's  designs.  Although  all  their  schemes  may  not 
have  been  laid  before  her,  Abigail  and  Harley  were  cer- 
tainly planning  the  overthrow  of  Godolphin,  that  Harley 
might  become  both  lord  treasurer  and  ministerial  leader. 

With  this  objective  clearly  before  them,  they  pro- 
ceeded with  their  projects,  in  the  accomplishment  of 
which  both  the  duchess  and  her  husband  unwittingly 
aided  them.  The  former  harassed  Anne  and  the  woman 
she  was  protecting,  until  forbearance  ceased  to  be  a  vir- 
tue, even  in  a  queen,  and  Anne  felt  called  upon  to  protest 
until  Marlborough  was  convinced  that  any  further  com- 
munications of  his  wife  with  the  queen  would  be  worse 
than  useless,  serving  only  to  increase  Anne 's  resentment. 
While  thus  convinced,  the  duke  had  the  extreme  mortifica- 
tion to  observe  the  queen's  cool  behavior  to  his  wife  while 
she  was  at  court,  and  the  tendency  of  selfish  courtiers 
thus  early  to  curry  favor  with  Mrs.  Masham.^ 

Of  Anne's  personal  feelings  there  could  no  longer  be 
the  slightest  doubt.  One  of  the  menials  in  the  queen's 
bedchamber  was  very  ill  and  Anne  wished  that  a  protegee 

1  Lockhart  Papers,  I.  310.  So  keen  an  observer  as  Lockhart  did  not 
perceive  the  part  played  by  Sajah's  neglect  of  the  queen.  See  Mevioires 
de  Torcy,  III.  20-2 ;  and  W.  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Robert  Walpole,  V.  50,  sq. 

zPriv.  Cor.,  I.  169-70,  212;  Coxe,  II.  383,  391-2. 


366  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAKTIES 

of  Mrs.  Masham  succeed  her.  Since  this  place  was  usu- 
ally filled  by  the  groom  of  the  stole,  Lady  Marlborough 
naturally  demurred  at  the  appointment  of  her  cousin's 
candidate.  To  this  the  queen  spiritedly  replied :  '  *  I  know 
this  place  is  reckoned  under  your  office;  but  there  is  no 
office  whatsoever  that  has  the  entire  disposal  of  anything 
under  them,  but  I  may  put  in  any  one  I  please  when  I 
have  a  mind  to  it.  And  now  you  mention  the  Duke  of 
Somerset  again,  I  cannot  help  upon  this  occasion  saying, 
whenever  he  recommends  anybody  to  me,  he  never  says 
it  is  his  right,  but  submits  to  my  determination,  and  has 
done  so  upon  occasions  in  which  you  have  recommended 
people  to  me  in  posts  under  him.  But  I  do  not  say  this 
that  you  should  think  I  hearken  to  everybody's  recom- 
mendation ;  for  indeed  I  do  not,  and  will  not,  and  for  the 
person  you  are  so  mightily  afraid  should  put  any  one  into 
Rainsford's  place,  I  dare  answer  she  will  not  go  about 
recommending  anybody.  And  if  this  poor  creature 
should  die,  which,  as  I  said  before,  I  hope  she  will  not,  I 
shall  then  hearken  to  nobody's  recommendation  but  my 
own,  which  I  am  sure  you  ought  not  to  think  any  wrong 
or  injustice  to  you. '  '^ 

The  situation  was  unfortunate  for  Marlborough,  who 
had  to  lead  the  armies  of  England  and  her  allies  against 
the  French.  With  his  wife  and  Godolphin  losing  the 
queen's  favor,  he  had  no  assurance  that  his  plans,  both 
diplomatic  and  military,  might  not  be  overthrown  by 
Harley.  To  protect  himself  from  such  a  contingency,  he 
asked  to  be  made  captain  general  for  life,  thereby  arous- 
ing the  fears  of  the  queen,  and  many  of  the  courtiers. 
This  request  caused  his  already  waning  popularity  to 
decrease  still  more,  and  cost  him  Anne's  confidence  when 
he  needed  it  most. 

The  presumption  of  the  duke  and  the  arrogance  of  the 

iPriv.  Cor.,  I.  256. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  367 

duchess  placed  Harley  and  Abigail  in  an  advantageous 
position.  Without  fear  of  successful  opposition,  they  now 
urged  Anne  to  dismiss  Godolphin  and  appoint  Harley  in 
his  place.  Yet  they  had  to  work  with  circumspection, 
since  the  duchess  was  still  at  court,  and  her  agents 
remained  in  the  queen 's  employ.  To  inform  the  ministry 
of  their  plans  could  only  result  fatally,  since  Anne  was 
exceedingly  reluctant  to  acquiesce  in  Harley 's  policies 
until  she  was  certain  of  their  success,^  and  was  not  con- 
vinced by  simple  assurances  that  the  voters  were  suffi- 
ciently hostile  to  Godolphin 's  ministry  to  return  to  parlia- 
ment a  majority  favorable  to  the  Tories.  However,  Har- 
ley was  nothing  if  not  patient,  being  content  to  win  Anne 
by  degrees  to  the  necessity  of  delivering  herself  from  the 
control  of  the  Whiggish  ministry.  Frequent  letters  and 
occasional  interviews  were  now  the  order  of  the  day. 
These  were  constantly  made  easier  by  Abigail's  efficient 
work.  For  a  short  time,  Marlborough  imagined  that  Har- 
ley had  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Whigs,  which  would 
slowly  but  surely  bring  Godolphin 's  administration  to 
an  end,  because  he  was  convinced  that  once  his  loss  of 
the  queen's  favor  became  known,  *Hhe  greatest  part  of 
89  [Whigs]  will  join  208  and  256  [Harley  and  Mrs. 
Masham]  who  for  some  time  will  carry  on  the  business.* 
Neither  Godolphin  nor  the  Marlboroughs  could  be  idle 
when  they  knew  the  man  whom  they  had  driven  from 
office  was  busily  plotting  against  them.  Knowing  that 
the  queen  would  never  listen  to  their  advice,  they  attacked 
Harley  indirectly,  by  attempting  to  put  obstacles  in  the 
way  of  his  daughter's  marriage  to  Lord  Dupplin,  of  which 

i"A8  for  your  writing  a  letter  for  me  to  show  my  freind  [Queen],  you 
had  better  not  doe  it  for  fear  she  will  be  examined  about  it,  soe  I  dare 
answer  she  would  much  rather  know  nothing  of  the  matter."  Mrs.  Masham 
to  Harley,  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS,,  34515,  f.  97d-9<l.  See  also 
Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  525. 

2  Letter  to  the  duehess,  Coxe  Papers,  XXIX.  190-1. 


368  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

action  Harley  complained  most  bitterly  to  Newcastle,  who 
was  destined  a  few  years  later  to  forward  a  marriage  of 
his  own  daughter  with  Harley 's  son.  Even  then,  Harley 
discerned  the  silver  lining  in  the  cloud — the  danger  to 
Godolphin  of  his  hesitating  policy  with  the  junto,  and  the 
manifest  independence  of  Somerset,  whose  duchess  was 
beginning  to  share  Anne's  confidence.  Mrs.  Masham's 
social  position  was  not  sufficiently  elevated  to  allow  her  to 
assume  many  of  the  ceremonial  duties  heretofore  per- 
formed by  Lady  Marlborough,  and  as  the  queen  and  her 
old  favorite  drifted  apart,  these  functions  were  performed 
to  an  increasing  degree  by  the  Duchess  of  Somerset,  rank- 
ing lady  of  the  bedchamber.^ 

The  breach  between  Mrs.  Morley  and  Mrs.  Freeman 
was  almost  complete.  The  latter  attempted  to  obtain  a 
personal  interview  with  Anne,  but  in  vain.  She  then 
wrote  out  a  list  of  her  grievances  and  a  still  longer  cata- 
logue of  the  services  she  had  performed  for  the  queen, 
and  accompanied  them  with  a  species  of  sermon,  empha- 
sizing the  idea  of  forgiveness  by  arguments  drawn  from 
the  Scriptures.  Even  this  clever  appeal  to  Anne's  reli- 
giosity failed,  for  the  latter  suspected  a  ruse  and  lazily 
put  off  the  perusal  of  the  essay  on  Christian  duty,  and 
neglected  to  answer  the  letter.^  The  duchess  would  not 
be  cast  aside  in  this  way.  Tactless  by  nature,  she  never 
displayed  less  judgment  than  when  she  attempted  to  force 
Anne  to  a  decision.  With  all  the  dignity  of  a  duchess,  she 
demanded  that  Godolphin  and  Marlborough  should  aid 
her  in  regaining  her  place  at  court.^  To  the  duke 's  letter 
about  his  wife's  predicament,  Anne  at  once  replied,  vin- 
dicating Abigail  from  the  charges  which  Lady  Marl- 
borough had  made,  citing  his  wife's  inveteracy  against 

1  Forth  MSS.,  II.  208;  Anglim  Notitia  (1708),  p.  610. 

2  Conduct,  pp.  225-7. 

3  Coxe  Papers,  XV.  123-6. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  369 

her  cousin,  and  particularly  emphasizing  the  cool  treat- 
ment of  the  duchess  toward  herself.  *'I  do  not  love  com- 
plaining, but  it  is  impossible  to  help  saying  on  this  occa- 
sion, I  believe  nobody  was  ever  so  used  by  a  friend  as  I 
have  been  by  her  since  my  coming  to  the  Crown.  I  desire 
nothing  but  that  she  would  leave  off  teasing  and  torment- 
ing me  and  behave  herself  with  that  decency  she  ought, 
both  to  her  friend  and  Queen  and  this  I  hope  you  will 
make  her  do,  and  is  what  no  reasonable  body  can  wonder 
I  should  desire  of  you  ...  I  shall  end  this  letter,  as  you 
did  yours  to  me,  wishing  both  your  eyes  and  the  Duchess 
of  Marlborough's  may  be  opened  and  that  you  may  ever 
be  happy.'"  In  a  like  manner,  she  replied  to  his  wife, 
who  had  asked  what  fault  was  found  with  her.  Anne 
accused  her  of  persecuting  Mrs.  Masham.  She  found  no 
fault  with  Sarah's  insisting  upon  her  own  opinions,  but 
she  declared  that  it  was  impossible  for  the  duchess  ever 
to  recover  her  confidence.  **I  shall  behave  myself  to 
you,"  she  wrote,  '*as  to  the  Duke  of  Marlborough's  wife 
and  as  my  groom  of  the  stole. '  '^ 

The  struggle  was  over,  if  the  duchess  had  possessed 
eyes  to  see  it,  but  she  insisted  still  upon  an  interview. 
Eventually,  after  several  rebuffs  that  must  have  been 
extremely  hard  to  endure.  Lady  Marlborough  said  that 
she  wished  only  to  present  her  case,  and  would  not  ask 
Anne  to  make  any  decision.  On  these  conditions,  the 
momentous  interview  took  place  early  in  April,  1710. 
After  pouring  out  the  vials  of  her  bountiful  wrath  upon 
Abigail  and  Harley,  the  duchess  waited  for  an  answer. 
The  queen  only  repeated  again  and  again,  **You  desired 
no  answer,  and  you  shall  have  none. ' '  The  meeting  was 
both  strenuous  and  prolonged.  Plenteous  tears  were 
shed  by  both  women,  but  Sarah  never  received  any  better 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  f.  49^.    See  Marlb.  MSS.,  p.  43. 

2  Conduct,  p.  224.    See  also  ib.,  p.  239 ;  Coxe,  II.  488. 


370  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

answer,  and  left,  thoroughly  beaten  by  the  woman  whom 
she  had  expected  to  conquer.^  The  duchess  meddled  but 
little  in  political  affairs  again.  At  court  her  influence 
was  entirely  gone,  although  for  months  she  held  her  offi- 
cial positions.  The  duke,  however,  was  still  the  com- 
mander in  chief  of  the  armies  and  one  of  the  duchess's 
closest  friends  was  Godolphin,  the  titular  head  of  the 
ministry.  It  is  strange,  if  the  political  influence  of  these 
two  leaders  was  as  great  as  is  currently  accepted,  that 
they  did  not  prevent  Anne's  dismissal  of  her  former 
favorite. 

For  months,  Godolphin  had  been  much  depressed  in 
trying  to  keep  the  greedy  Whigs  at  bay.  His  troubles 
increased  as  Harley  slowly  gained  over  Anne  an  influence 
which  caused  her  to  exhibit  more  than  the  usual  amount 
of  opposition  whenever  the  lord  treasurer  wished  her 
consent  to  some  Whig  appointment.^  As  the  offices  at  his 
disposal  became  fewer,  the  cries  of  disappointed  place 
seekers  became  more  eloquent.  Little  wonder,  then,  that 
in  his  exasperation  he  should  have  told  Marlborough  that 
the  life  of  a  galley  slave  was  preferable  to  his.  He 
ardently  desired  to  leave  office,  but  foreign  relations  were 
in  much  too  critical  a  condition  to  permit  it.^ 

His  fate  was  now  closely  linked  with  that  of  the  junto. 
As  long  as  the  five  Whigs  stood  together,  Godolphin  could 
make  no  headway  against  them,  but  by  the  middle  of 
1709,  it  looked  as  if  this  hard-working  combination  might 
be  dissolved.  Halifax  was  piqued  because  he  was  not 
sent  as  an  envoy  to  negotiate  the  Barrier  Treaty,  and, 
much  to  the  duke's  dismay,*  showed  signs  of  allying  him- 

1  Conduct,  pp.  241-4;  Coxe,  III.  55;  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  301-4;  Lecky,  II.  151. 

2  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34535,  S.  134-5. 

3  Coxe  Papers,  XXVII.  41-5;  Coxe,  II.  386. 

4  When  Godolphin  told  him  the  place  was  promised  to  Townshend,  the 
remarks  of  Halifax  were  decidedly  sulphurous.     Priv.  Cor.,  I.  176;   Mahon, 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  371 

self  with  Harley.  Wharton,  possibly  the  most  active  and 
successful  politician  of  the  group,  had  become  lord  lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  and  spent  far  more  time  in  making 
money  than  he  did  in  politics.  Two  of  his  fellows,  Sun- 
derland and  Somers,  objected  so  emphatically  to  this  that 
he  was  impelled  to  complain  of  their  treatment.^  The 
lord  treasurer  displayed  even  more  disquietude  lest 
Sunderland  should  precipitate  a  struggle  between  Anne 
and  the  ministry  unless  Halifax  was  given  either  a  place 
in  the  council  or  an  important  diplomatic  post.^  Although 
he  prevented  any  serious  difficulty  over  this  question,  he 
and  the  junto  had  to  meet  the  queen's  displeasure 
squarely  when  they  wished  a  post  in  the  ministry  for 
Orford,  another  of  the  junto,  who  had  not  yet  been 
rewarded. 

Edward  Russell,  Lord  Orford,  had  been  a  leading 
admiral  in  William's  reign;  but  his  actions  were,  to  say 
the  least,  always  suspicious,  since,  like  Shrewsbury, 
Godolphin,  and  Marlborough,  he  wished  to  be  safe,  what- 
ever djTiasty  might  rule  England.  Godolphin  urged  Anne 
to  appoint  him  lord  high  admiral.  Recalling  his  doubt- 
ful record,  she  hesitated  to  reward  such  a  man,  although 
her  refusal  lay  fully  as  much  in  the  fact  that  he  was  a 
Whig,  and,  worst  of  all,  one  of  the  junto,  against  which 
she  had  struggled  for  five  years.  To  Orford 's  preten- 
sions, the  duke  was  at  first  unfavorable,  as  he  had  been  in 
the  case  of  Halifax;  but  eventually  he  was  won  over, 

p.  375.  Halifax's  demeanor  towards  the  duchess  seems  to  have  been  dis- 
courteous.   Coxe,  II.  381. 

1  Wharton  MSS.  (Bodl.),  IV.  32;  Heame,  II.  155;  Coxe  Papers, 
XXVIII.  155,  XXIX.  123.  Indeed,  he  felt  his  position  insecure.  16., 
XXVIII.  12.  The  junto  was  disturbed  by  Queensberry 's  boast  that  he 
would  force  his  way  into  the  junto.     Portl.  MSS.,  IV.  516. 

2  Coxe,  II.  384.  The  duke  feared  this  move  might  force  Anne  into  closer 
relations  with  Harley  and  he  felt  that  his  only  hope  lay  in  the  reasonable- 
ness of  Somers,  Devonshire,  Newcastle,  and  Townshend. 


372  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

because  the  Whigs  once  more  threatened  to  oppose 
Godolphin  unless  their  demands  were  granted.  In  this 
scheme,  Sunderland  was  perhaps  the  leading  spirit,  for 
he  advocated  putting  this  coup  into  effect  just  before 
parliament  met,  if  the  lord  treasurer  did  not  prove  com- 
plaisant/ Marlborough's  position  was  distinctly  em- 
barrassing, when  he  was  appealed  to  at  the  same  time 
both  by  Godolphin  and  by  Anne  to  support  their  plans, 
which  were  diametrically  opposed  to  each  other,  but  he 
advised  the  queen  to  place  Orford  at  the  head  of  the 
admiralty  board,  which  advice  for  once  she  followed  with 
reasonable  promptness,  although  she  compensated  the 
displaced  Pembroke  with  a  grant  of  £3,000  a  year.^ 

Marlborough's  power  with  the  queen  was  soon  tested 
again.  In  reorganizing  the  Admiralty,  the  junto  insisted 
that  Sir  John  Jennings  and  Sir  George  Byng  should  be 
members  of  the  board.  To  both,  Anne  bitterly  objected, 
as  she  suspected  they  had  been  implicated  in  the  recent 
attacks  upon  Prince  George.  For  a  season,  it  looked  as 
if  the  Whig  plan  would  be  wrecked  through  her  obstinacy. 
After  much  discussion,  many  interviews,  and  a  letter 
from  the  duke,  the  queen  agreed  to  a  compromise  and 
contented  herself  with  substituting  another  name  for 
that  of  Jennings.^ 

1 ' '  By  this  move  we  shall  preserve  our  reputation  and  our  party ;  and 
without  it,  we  shall  have  neither."    JlarJwicTce  State  Papers,  II.  479. 

2  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34518,  f,  48;  Coxe,  11.  483;  Mahou, 
p.  402. 

3  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  278.  "I  am  in  a  good  deal  of  uneasiness  to  find  in  three 
conversations  I  have  had  with  Lord  Treasurer,"  Anne  wrote  to  Marl- 
borough, "he  has  not  mentioned  the  business  of  the  admiralty  to  me,  fear- 
ing by  that  he  intends  to  offer  people  he  thinks  will  be  disagreeable  to  me; 
and  therefore,  out  of  good  nature,  defers  it  as  long  as  'tis  possible.  Who- 
ever he  proposes  for  this  commission,  it  is  a  thing  of  that  great  consequence 
to  the  public,  and  particularly  to  myself,  that  1  must  consider  it  very  well 
before  I  can  come  to  any  resolution."  Coxe,  II.  484.  Anne  disliked  Byng 
also.    Coxe  Papers,  XXIV.  162. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  373 

Marlborough  arrived  home  next  day  to  find  his  wife 
and  Godolphin  out  of  touch  with  Queen  Anne.  It  is  true 
that  he  came  as  a  victor,  but  the  hard  won  battle  of  Mal- 
plaquet  added  little  to  his  laurels,  because  the  people 
of  England,  particularly  the  gentry,  demanded  an  end  of 
the  war,  and  were  most  hopeful  during  the  progress  of 
peace  negotiations,  in  the  summer  of  1709,  that  the  min- 
istry would  respect  their  wishes.  When  the  diplomatic 
interchanges  failed,  they  blamed  Marlborough  for  pro- 
longing the  war  for  his  own  purposes,  an  accusation  to 
which  he  added  weight  by  demanding  the  rank  of  captain 
general  for  life.  After  winning  Malplaquet,  he  was 
accused  of  slaughtering  his  men  needlessly,  to  increase 
his  own  reputation,  rather  than  to  hasten  the  conclusion 
of  the  war.^ 

As  many  contemporaries  believed  these  charges,  it  is 
necessary  to  examine  them  in  order  to  determine  their 
truth.  Both  the  Marlboroughs  were  mean  and  penurious, 
both  possessed  the  gift  of  making  money,  and  together 
they  amassed  a  great  fortune;  both  were  deservedly 
unpopular,  and  almost  without  exception,  the  courtiers 
envied  them  their  good  fortune,  which  was  largely  a 
result  of  their  merits.  All  sorts  of  stories  were  told  of 
Marlborough's  stinginess,  and  he  was  the  butt  of  witty 
remarks  from  the  tongues  and  pens  of  such  men  as  Peter- 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XXVIII.  67 ;  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry.  ' '  Marlborough 
had  every  motive  to  continue  the  war,  as  it  gratified  not  only  his  ambition 
but  his  avarice."  Goldsmith,  Hist.,  IV.  149.  In  1712,  appeared  Arbuth- 
not  's  famous  pamphlet,  Law  is  a  Bottomless  Pit,  in  which  the  main  themes 
are  Holland's  selfishness  and  Marlborough's  disloyalty.  Mrs.  Masham  kept 
Anne  in  touch  with  these  rumors.  At  first  sight  the  most  damning  evidence 
is  found  in  Carte's  "Memoranda":  "When  peace  was  expected  in  1706, 
Lord  Orkney  was  going  to  sell  his  equipage,  but  the  Duke  .  .  .  asking  him 
one  morning  if  it  was  true,  and  Orkney  owning  it,  Marlborough  said,  no, 
Orkney,  what  must  so  many  brave  fellows  do  to  live  then  ?  There  must  be  no 
peace.  This  Orkney  told  Lewis. "  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CCLXVI.  37b.  This 
is  hearsay  evidence  of  the  most  dangerous  kind  and  is  not  to  be  trusted. 


374  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

borough  and  Swift.  The  haughtiness  and  probity  of 
the  duchess  failed  to  make  her  popular  at  a  time  when  her 
strict  code  of  personal  morality  stamped  her  as  prudish. 
Her  parsimony  made  her  the  target  for  such  remarks  as, 
''the  Duke  may  have  been  liberal  occasionally,  but  the 
Duchess  never." 

So  much  for  generalities;  what  are  the  facts?  When 
Marlborough  found  that  the  desire  for  peace  was  so 
strong  and  the  growing  weakness  of  the  ministry  threat- 
ened it  with  a  defeat  at  the  next  election,  he  suggested 
that  he  be  made  captain  general  and  master  of  the  ord- 
nance for  life.  The  queen  took  no  apparent  notice  of  his 
suggestion,  as  she  needed  time  to  consider  so  important  a 
matter.  She  at  once  laid  the  case  before  her  chancellor. 
Lord  Cowper,  without  any  explanation,  except  what 
might  be  implied  in  the  question,  ''In  what  words  would 
you  draw  a  commission  ...  to  render  the  Duke  .  .  . 
captain-general  of  my  armies  for  life?"^  Cowper,  think- 
ing she  wished  to  honor  Marlborough  with  this  unprece- 
dented favor,  argued  strongly  against  it.  Anne  was  much 
pleased  with  his  stand,  and  asked  him  to  speak  to  Marl- 
borough. The  chancellor  forthwith  informed  the  duke 
that  there  was  no  historic  warrant  for  such  a  request.^ 
Still  dissatisfied,  the  duke  asked  James  Craggs  to  look  up 
the  grant  to  Monck  prior  to  the  Restoration,  and  the 
report  was  that  Monck 's  commission  was  only  during 
pleasure,  and  granting  the  duke's  request  would  estab- 
lish a  precedent.^  Refusing  to  be  denied,  Marlborough 
greatly  alarmed  the  queen  by  applying  directly  to  her. 
After  taking  counsel  with  her  friends,  she  "positively 
declined  compliance."     Furious   at  her  refusal,  Marl- 

1  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry ;  Alison,  Military  Hist,  of  Marlb.,  pp.  288-92. 

2  Cowper  to  Marlborough,  June  23,  Coxe  Papers,  XXVIII. ;  Strickland, 
XII.  199. 

8  Letter  of  Craggs,  May  20,  1709,  Coxe  Papers,  XXIX.;  Eyan,  pp.  565-9. 


THE  TEIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  375 

borough  wrote  Anne  a  most  complaining  letter,  which 
was  in  part,  at  least,  responsible  for  the  cloud  under 
which  he  rested  thereafter. 

The  duke  incurred  not  only  the  queen 's  resentment  but 
that  of  the  Tories  as  well.  Having  never  forgiven  him 
for  deserting  them,  they  began  to  make  capital  of  his 
attempt  to  become  military  dictator.  They  were  now 
ready  to  join  their  forces  with  Harley  to  overthrow  the 
man  who  had  four  times  humiliated  the  proud  armies  of 
France.  Even  the  members  of  the  junto  were  discon- 
certed by  this  extraordinary  request,  which  displayed  on 
Marlborough's  part  either  a  lack  of  confidence  in  their 
sincerity  or  a  doubt  as  to  their  ability  to  retain  political 
control.^  To  the  duke's  personal  enemies,  this  ill-advised 
move  also  afforded  an  unparalleled  opportunity  to  lessen 
his  power  in  the  government.  Under  such  unfavorable 
conditions,  Marlborough  began  the  peace  negotiations 
with  France.  If  his  actions  in  these  conferences  pro- 
longed the  war,  he  must  have  had  personal  reasons  for 
so  doing,  because  he  was  thoroughly  aware  that  England 
wished  peace.  As  a  matter  of  fact,  the  correspondence 
of  Marlborough  and  Torcy,^  the  French  minister,  Ber- 
wick's Memoirs  and  Cowper's  Diary  all  show  that  the 
duke  made  a  serious  effort  to  bring  about  peace,  but  that 
his  instructions  from  England  and  the  heavy  demands 
of  the  allies  made  such  an  outcome  impossible.  Marl- 
borough wished  peace  for  its  own  sake,  and  the  enormous 
bribes  offered  by  Louis  XIV  would  certainly  have  inclined 
him  in  that  direction,  if  he  had  been  as  self-seeking  as  his 
antagonists  alleged. 

1  Marlborough  knew  that  this  demand  would  increase  his  unpopularity. 
The  fact  that  he  still  persisted,  showed  how  much  he  felt  himself  at  the 
queen 's  mercy,  as  is  evident  from  an  examination  of  the  Coxe  Papers, 
XXIX.  passim,  particularly,  a  letter  of  July  20,  1709,  on  folio  39. 

2  Egerton  MSS.  (B.  M.),  892-4;  G.  Murray,  Letters  and  Dispatches  of 
Marlborough;  Coxe's  Marlborough;  Torcy,  Memoirs,  II.  355-7,  363. 


376  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Various  as  have  been  the  reasons  assigned  for  the  fail- 
ure of  the  peace  preliminaries,  no  attention  has  been  paid 
to  Marlborough's  complaint  that  Harley  made  it  practi- 
cally impossible  for  him  to  proceed  satisfactorily  with 
the  negotiations,  as  with  every  augmentation  of  Harley 's 
power,  the  French  representatives  became  more  indif- 
ferent to  peace  proposals.  In  June,  Lord  Eaby  congratu- 
lated the  duke  on  the  conclusion  of  peace,  the  treaty  of 
which  he  understood  was  as  good  as  signed.  Coming 
across  this  letter  years  later,  the  duchess  noted  on  the 
envelope,  **The  peace  which  my  Lord  Raby  calls  so  glori- 
ous, and  which  was  so  near  made,  would  certainly  have 
been  finished  had  not  .  .  .  [Harley]  and  those  that 
assisted  him  in  doing  so  much  mischief,  thought  it  too 
good;  and  for  that  reason  they  encouraged  France  to 
hold  out,  which  appeared  by  a  thousand  things  to  those 
who  knew  the  secrets  of  those  times.  "^ 

In  July,  Godolphin  informed  Marlborough  that  Harley 
was  in  close  touch  with  the  Tories,  who  would  make  it 
clear  in  parliament  that  the  duke  alone  prevented  peace, 
and  would  show  how  badly  England  needed  rest  on 
account  of  the  great  expense  of  the  war.  Ten  days  later, 
the  lord  treasurer  wrote  again  in  the  same  tone.  A  month 
afterward  he  reported  that  Harley  and  Buys,  the 
Dutch  envoy  in  London,  were  both  greatly  pleased 
because  Marlborough  was  so  taken  up  with  the  siege  of 
Mons  that  he  had  no  time  for  diplomacy.  * '  If  peace  does 
not  come  before  Parliament,"  said  Godolphin,  ''the 
entire  communication  and  correspondence  between  Har- 
ley and  61  [Buys]  will  certainly  force  us  to  a  worse.  "^ 

1  Coxe  Papers,  XXVIII.  67.  Sarah  continued :  "At  the  same  time  that 
they  prevented  the  peace,  they  imposed  upon  many  in  making  them  believe 
the  Duke  .  .  .  had  a  design  to  continue  the  war  forever  for  his  own  advan- 
tage, who  had  really  more  interest  in  making  an  end,  and  was  fonder  of 
doing  it  than  anybody  for  ten  thousand  reasons." 

2Priv.  Cor.,  II.  351;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIX.  99,  171;  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  344-9. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  377 

The  duke  was  really  despondent  about  the  whole  matter, 
and  censured  Harley  most  severely  for  his  interference 
in  vital  foreign  affairs/ 

Although  other  contemporaries  are  silent  as  to  Har- 
ley's  intrigues,  there  can  be  no  doubt  of  his  industry.  He 
was  in  confidential  communication  with  Shrewsbury,  who 
kept  him  informed  regarding  the  growth  of  peace  senti- 
ment in  the  country  at  large.^  Lord  Rivers  and  the  Earl 
of  Mar  withdrew  their  support  from  the  ministry.^  Har- 
ley and  the  queen,  with  the  aid  of  such  men  as  these, 
might  well  become  a  veritable  stumbling-block  to  the  min- 
istry in  its  peace  negotiations,  particularly  when  Marl- 
borough was  absent  from  court,  and  Godolphin  no  longer 
in  Anne's  good  graces.  The  duke  realized  that  even  his 
presence  would  help  affairs  very  little,  for  his  unpopular- 
ity with  the  queen  was  almost  as  great  as  that  of  his 
imperious  duchess. 

Indeed,  the  duke  was  in  an  extremely  bad  way  when 
he  lost  Anne's  confidence,  because  of  his  own  unpopular- 
ity. At  the  close  of  the  campaign  of  1708  he  was  indi- 
rectly censured  by  the  Commons  because  in  his  report 
of  the  battle  of  Wynendale  he  failed  to  give  proper  credit 
to  General  Webb.*  It  is  surprising  that  such  censure 
should  occur  after  he  had  triumphed  at  Oudenarde,  but 
it  should  cause  no  comment,  since  similar  criticisms  had 
followed  the  very  bloody  battle  of  Malplaquet.^    Of  course 

1  Coxe,  II.  476. 

2  Bath  MSS.,  1.  197;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIII.  171. 

3  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  362-5 ;  Coxe,  II.  489 ;  A,  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family, 
p.  163. 

*  Marlborough  had  done  all  he  could  to  remedy  this  oversight,  and  Webb 
seemed  satisfied  until  his  officious  friends  got  hold  of  him.  Coxe,  II.  376; 
C.  J.,  XVI.  46;  Mahon,  pp.  373-4. 

8  Two  battles  have  been  more  deadly  in  proportion  to  the  number  en- 
gaged: Talavera  and  Waterloo.  Alison,  supra  cit.,  II.  284;  Coxe  Papers, 
XVIII.  67. 


378  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

the  Whigs  rejoiced  at  his  success,  but  Anne's  secret 
advisers  called  her  attention  to  the  great  sacrifice  of  life, 
and  she  failed  to  thank  Marlborough  for  his  victory.^  The 
current  Tory  view  of  the  battle  is  best  given  by  Hearne. 
'* There  happened  ...  a  bloody  battle  between  the  Allies 
and  the  French  near  Mons.  It  lasted  for  about  nine 
hours,  with  very  great  obstinacy.  At  last  the  French, 
after  they  had  slain  about  19,000,  with  the  loss  of  only 
7,000  men  on  their  own  side,  thought  fit  to  retire,  which 
they  did  in  very  good  order.'"  Instead  of  finishing  the 
war,  as  Marlborough  had  hoped,  this  battle  only  served^ 
to  stiffen  the  determination  of  the  French,  who  had  dis- 
covered how  great  a  price  they  might  exact  from  the 
duke  in  battle,  and  were  even  less  inclined  to  accept  the 
onerous  peace  terms  demanded  by  the  allies. 

The  reception  which  the  conquering  hero  received  upon 
his  arrival  home  was  anything  but  what  he  expected.  He 
had  still  to  explain  to  Webb's  numerous  friends  why  he 
had  treated  their  favorite  so  shabbily.  He  was  forced 
also  to  listen  to  the  murmurs  of  the  masses  at  the  need- 
less sacrifices  in  winning  Malplaquet.  All  this  came  at 
the  very  moment  that  he  had  lost  the  queen's  confidence 
through  his  wife 's  behavior  and  his  own  ill-timed  attempt 
to  secure  a  life  tenure  as  commander  in  chief. 

The  growth  of  Harley's  power  was  largely  responsible 
for  the  queen's  increasing  dislike  of  the  policies  of  her 

1  Macknight,  BoUnglroke,  p.  140.     Cf.  Smollett,  Hist,  of  Eng.,  I.  155-8. 

2  Hearne,  II.  264.  Hearne  also  describes  the  part  the  Chevalier  played 
in  this  battle.  "This  act  cannot  but  deserve  the  highest  commendation, 
though  it  is  slighted  and  undervalued  by  his  disloyal  and  rebellious  English 
subjects,  who  are  for  magnifying  nothing  but  what  makes  for  the  interest 
of  .  .  .  Marlborough,  whom  some  call  King  John  the  Second,  which  Duke 
though  he  be  a  soldier,  yet  all  his  achievements  will  never  satisfy  for  his 
shameful  desertion  of  .  •  .  James  II."    /&.,  265. 

3  Coxe  Papers,  XXX.  18.  It  did  improve  the  credit  of  the  allies,  and 
Godolphin  was  able  to  circulate  about  £500,000  more  exchequer  bills.    !&.,  46. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  379 

leading  ministers.  Not  satisfied  with  the  duke's  discon- 
tent and  his  chagrin  at  finding  that  military  success  only 
added  to  the  general  lack  of  confidence,  Harley  and  the 
queen  pursued  their  advantages  still  further.  They 
decided  to  strike  at  his  military  power,  though  there  was 
no  particular  need  to  hurry,  as  every  week  weakened 
Marlborough's  hold  upon  affairs.  He  had  already  lost 
Shrewsbury's  support,^  though  he  was  not  yet  aware  of 
the  fact,  and  he  knew  that  Mar  had  gone  over  to  Harley, 
carrying  with  him  a  number  of  the  Scottish  members,  a 
move  for  which  the  duke  held  Rivers  mainly  responsible.^ 
Such  being  the  situation,  Anne  decided  to  strike  at  the 
very  root  of  Marlborough's  power.  In  January,  1710,  the 
Earl  of  Essex  died,  leaving  vacant  the  ofl&ce  of  constable 
of  the  Tower,  a  position  very  much  in  demand.  At  Har- 
ley's  suggestion.  Lord  Rivers  at  once  went  to  see  Marl- 
borough about  it.  Fully  aware  of  Harley 's  scheme,  the 
duke  put  Rivers  off  from  time  to  time  with  the  excuse 
that  the  place  was  not  of  sufficient  importance  for  a  man 
of  his  merit.  At  last,  however,  he  consented  that  Rivers 
should  take  the  case  to  the  queen  and  say  that  he  had  no 
objection  to  the  appointment.  In  the  meantime,  he  had 
been  promoting  the  candidacy  of  the  Duke  of  Northum- 
berland, and  was  greatly  surprised  when  Anne  informed 
him  she  was  sorry  that  he  had  come  too  late,  as  the  honor 
had  been  bestowed  upon  Rivers,  because  ' '  he  told  me  that 
your  Grace  had  stated  you  had  no  objections  to  him."^ 

1  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34521,  f.  41 ;  Bath  MSS.,  I.  197.  As 
early  as  December,  1708,  Marlborough  knew  that  Shrewsbury  was  not  entirely 
in  sympathy  with  the  ministers,  as  he  could  not  be  given  a  place.  Priv.  Cor,, 
I.  174;  Coxe  Papers,  XXIII.  48,  XXIX.  55,  156. 

2Coxe  Papers,  XXIX.  55;  Conduct,  p.  227;  Priv.  Cor.,  II.  283, 
3  Swift,   Change   of  Ministry.     Cf.   Burton,   III.    62 ;    Eemusat,   I.    179. 
Peter  Wentworth  was  told  that  Marlborough  was  promoting  the  interests 
of  Cadogan.     Wentworth  Papers,  p.  102.     See  also  Conduct,  p.  124;  Coxe, 
III.  6. 


380  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

The  queen  and  her  supporters  had  outwitted  Marl- 
borough, but  he  could  do  nothing,  inasmuch  as  both  Anne 
and  Rivers  had  literally  taken  him  at  his  word. 

The  blow  was  a  hard  one,  but  was  as  nothing  compared 
to  the  queen's  next  move.  The  death  of  Essex  left  the 
celebrated  Second  Dragoons  without  a  colonel.  Before 
Marlborough  had  time  to  recover  from  his  disappoint- 
ment over  Rivers 's  appointment,  Anne  commanded  him 
to  bestow  the  vacant  regiment  upon  John  Hill,  Abigail's 
brother.  He  was  too  astonished  for  speech.  That  Anne 
should  presume  to  dictate  important  military  appoint- 
ments was  bad  enough,  but  when  she  nominated  the 
brother  of  the  very  woman  against  whom  he  had  been 
complaining  for  months,  it  was  unbearable!^  To  the 
Marlboroughs,  to  Godolphin,  to  the  courtiers,  yes,  even  to 
the  queen,  it  was  clearly  a  battle  between  Harley  and 
Marlborough,  as  well  as  between  the  queen  and  her 
ministers.^  The  Marlboroughs  and  Godolphin  were 
thoroughly  aroused  as  they  realized  it  was  to  be  a  fight 
to  the  finish. 

If  any  one  appreciated  the  meaning  of  the  last  four 
words  better  than  the  queen,  it  was  Harley.  His  hand 
was  in  it  all.  Rivers  had  acted  as  his  trusted  agent  and 
had  helped  to  humiliate  Marlborough.  Somerset,  pro- 
voked because  Marlborough  had  not  appointed  his  son 
to  a  vacant  regiment,^  and  flattered  by  Anne's  frequent 
attentions,  was  being  drawn,  through  Harley 's  subtle 

1  Tindal,  IV.  185;  Lockhart  Papers,  I.  316-7;  Conduct,  pp.  227-8.  Lady 
Marlborough  was  also  greatly  wrought  up,  as  she  intended  to  bestow  the  regi- 
ment upon  one  of  her  favorites.     Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV.  98. 

2  * '  The  dispute  was  not  between  the  Queen  and  My  Lord  Duke,  as  some 
will  have  it,  but  whether  Mrs.  Masham  and  her  party  should  have  a  disposal 
of  all  vacancies  in  the  armies  and  by  degrees,  of  everything  else."  Morrison 
(2d  Series),  II.  81. 

3  In  reality  Anne  had  refused  to  appoint  him.  Coxe  Papers,  XXX.  97. 
See  also  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family,  p.  163;  Wentworth  Papers,  p.  98. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  381 

skill,  into  the  ranks  of  his  supporters/  Somerset's  polit- 
ical value,  on  account  of  his  high  social  position,  as  rank- 
ing Protestant  nobleman,  had  never  been  thoroughly- 
appreciated  by  Marlborough,  who  despised  him  because 
of  his  mediocrity.^  Harley  discerned  the  possibilities  of 
using  this  proud  nobleman  and  his  followers  against  the 
ministry. 

When  Marlborough  was  ordered  to  appoint  Hill  he 
became  really  desperate.  The  war  was  still  in  progress 
and  important  diplomatic  negotiations  were  about  to 
begin.  His  work  was  unfinished,  and  he  did  not  wish  to 
resign.  Harley  had  been  busy  circulating  rumors  that 
the  junto  had  promised  to  appoint  him  captain  general 
for  life,^  thus  making  conditions  still  more  difficult.  If 
he  threatened  to  resign,  it  was  more  than  probable  that 
Anne  would  accept  his  resignation ;  whereas,  if  he  did  not 
resign,  his  military  power  and  diplomatic  prestige  would 
be  greatly  weakened  by  the  queen's  monopoly  of  all 
important  appointments. 

In  dismay,  the  duke  consulted  Sunderland,  who  assured 
him  of  the  support  of  the  junto  against  Harley.  Encour- 
aged by  this  promise,  Marlborough  laid  his  case  before 
the  queen.  She  listened  to  his  complaints  with  extreme 
indifference,  and  the  only  satisfaction  he  received  was  the 
cryptic  advice  that  * '  you  will  do  well  to  advise  with  your 
friends."*  He  followed  her  suggestion,  but  it  was  hard 
to  reach  a  decision  with  the  junto.  At  last,  Somers 
agreed  to  go  with  him  to  wait  on  the  queen,  but  when  the 
time  came,  he  excused  himself  on  the  plea  of  illness.    Dis- 

iPortl.  MSS.,  II.  208;  Coxe  Papers,  XXVIII.  152;  Ryan,  pp.  547-9; 
Wyon,  I.  164. 

2  Coxe,  II.  279,  356,  384;  Coxe  Papers,  XLI,  137, 

sWentworth  Papers,  pp.  104-5.  See,  however,  Wyon,  II.  165;  Tindal, 
IV.  185. 

*  Coxe,  III.  8.  ' '  Marlborough  could  not  draw  one  kind  expression  from 
her. ' '    Conduct,  pp.  230-2. 


382  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

concerted  by  this  move,  the  duke,  with  his  wife,  set  out 
for  Windsor  without  taking  formal  leave  of  the  queen, 
hoping  to  alarm  her  by  his  withdrawal  from  the  cabinet 
council.  Apparently  she  was  not  in  the  least  perturbed, 
for  she  did  not  even  remark  about  his  absence,^  although 
he  had  kept  his  departure  an  absolute  secret. 

Two  years  before,  Marlborough  had  retired  from  court 
on  Anne's  refusal  to  remove  Harley  from  the  ministry. 
At  the  first  cabinet  meeting  thereafter  Somerset  had  pre- 
vented Harley 's  attempt  to  carry  on  the  routine  business. 
Such  was  not  the  case  now,  as  Harley  and  the  queen  had 
won  over  Somerset  and  no  one  else  present  would  risk 
Anne's  displeasure  by  even  referring  to  the  duke's 
absence.  Fully  expecting  a  repetition  of  the  council 
meeting  of  February,  1708,  Marlborough  upon  his  depart- 
ure, left  with  Godolphin  a  vigorous  letter  to  Anne, 
emphasizing  his  great  services  to  the  crown  and  the 
numerous  instances  which  both  he  and  his  wife  had  re- 
ceived of  Abigail's  hatred,  and  closed  by  saying,  **I  hope 
your  Majesty  will  either  dismiss  her  or  myself."^  Al- 
though the  tone  was  entirely  to  the  liking  of  Sunderland 
and  some  of  the  radical  Whigs,  Godolphin  and  the  junto 
considered  it  too  extreme  and  advised  the  duke  to  moder- 
ate it.  On  January  16,  two  important  meetings  of  the 
political  leaders  were  held,  but  neither  Godolphin  nor 
Somers  attended,  and  sickness  kept  Sunderland  from  one 
of  them.  The  decision  at  these  conferences  was  to  sup- 
port the  duke  in  his  refusal  to  appoint  Hill.  The  lord 
treasurer  at  once  took  up  the  matter  with  Anne,  but  he 
was  too  fearful  of  her  anger  to  accomplish  anything.^ 
Somers,  who  stood  higher  in  the  queen's  favor  than  any 
of  the  ministry  save   Cowper,   waited  upon   her  with 

1  Conduct,  p.  230;  Burton,  III.  62;  Coxe,  III.  8,  18. 

2  Coxe,  III.  8 ;  Conduct,  pp.  230-4. 

s  Priv.  Cor.,  I.  295-6;  Conduct,  p.  230;  Coxe,  III,  9. 


THE  TEIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  383 

similar  results,  although  she  told  him  she  recognized 
Marlborough's  great  worth  and  was  properly  grateful. 
* '  This  I  will  confirm  when  I  see  him, ' '  she  said, ' '  and  then 
I  doubt  not  I  shall  have  the  satisfaction  of  hearing  him 
own,  that  after  mature  reflection,  he  has  changed  his 
opinion,  and  will  not  continue  to  think  my  proposal 
unreasonable.^ 

Such  determined  opposition  divided  the  ministry. 
Somers  and  Godolphin  counseled  moderation,  but  Sun- 
derland urged  extreme  measures,  even  to  the  extent  of 
attacking  Mrs.  Masham  in  the  House  of  Commons,  and 
threatening  to  bring  over  the  electoral  prince.^  An 
agreement  was  impossible  without  consulting  Marl- 
borough, so  James  Craggs  was  sent  to  see  him  and  found 
him  ready  to  advocate  a  vigorous  policy.  Scarcely  had 
Craggs  left  Windsor  before  letters  from  the  lord  presi- 
dent and  the  lord  treasurer  arrived,  begging  the  duke  to 
meet  Anne  half  way,  a  plan  which  had  found  favor  with 
the  majority  of  the  members  of  the  junto.^  Somers  again 
called  on  the  queen,  this  time  with  better  success.  Her 
protestations  convinced  him  that  she  still  relied  upon  the 
duke,  whom  he  advised  to  return  to  court  at  once,  in 
which  opinion  Somers  was  supported  by  the  ministry  and 
the  Whig  leaders.* 

The  Marlboroughs  reluctantly  obeyed  Somers 's  man- 
date, as  he  urged  a  policy  slightly  less  radical  than  that 
of  Sunderland.  The  duke  demanded  that  the  junto, 
Godolphin,  Cowper,  and  Newcastle  should  meet  and 
advise  him,  as  he  knew  that  they  must  act  together  in 
order  to  prevail.  Once  more  he  was  right;  the  queen 
seemed  as  intractable  as  ever,  and  apparently  forgot  her 

iMarlb.  MSS.,  p.  39;  Coxe,  ITI.  10. 

2  Conduct,  p.  231, 

3  Coxe,  III.  11-2. 

^Marlh.  MSS.,  p.  39;  Coxe,  III.  13. 


384  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

promise  to  inform  Godolphin  of  her  final  decision  rela- 
tive to  Hill's  appointment. 

In  the  meantime,  Sunderland,  Craggs,  Walpole,  and 
Arthur  Maynwaring  had  conferred  together  and  advised 
the  duke  to  make  no  more  overtures  to  Anne,  a  suggestion 
which  was  at  variance  with  the  plans  of  Somers  and  the 
lord  treasurer.  When  these  two  groups  got  together,  a 
noisy  session  ensued,  in  which,  after  much  wrangling, 
Godolphin  had  his  way.  He  immediately  renewed  his 
solicitations  to  the  queen^  and  succeeded  for  a  season  in 
calming  the  duke's  troubled  spirit. 

During  his  period  of  retirement,  Marlborough's  deep 
respect  for  the  queen  had  returned,  and  he  gradually 
abandoned  his  uncompromising  position.  In  this  humble 
spirit,  he  addressed  her.  He  no  longer  was  anxious  to 
resign,  but  dwelt  at  length  on  Abigail's  malicious  influ- 
ence,^ insisting  that  he  did  not  object  to  Hill's  appoint- 
ment in  itself,  but  rather  to  the  agencies  promoting  it. 

Godolphin  and  the  Whigs  continued  to  demand  that 
the  duke  be  allowed  complete  independence  in  military 
appointments,  but  their  efforts  fell  on  deaf  ears,  and  only 
served  to  excite  Anne's  fears  and  increase  her  resentment. 
She  gave  no  heed  to  the  ministers,  though  they  pointed  out 
the  danger  of  dismissing  the  duke  in  the  midst  of  the  war, 
because  of  a  trifling  appointment.  When  she  learned, 
however,  that  Sunderland  would  introduce  a  motion  in 
parliament  against  Mrs.  Masham,  she  grew  alarmed  and, 
seemingly  intent  upon  arousing  public  resentment  against 
the  ministry,  made  formal  application  to  several  influ- 
ential Tories  and  even  to  a  few  Jacobites.^     She  also 

iPriv.  Cor.,  I.  295-6;  Coxe,  III.  14-5. 

2  Conduct,  p.  232 ;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  894-7.  Apparently  he  also  wished 
several  other  ladies  removed  from  the  court.     Wentworth  Papers,  p.  102. 

sWentworth  Papers,  pp.  102-3;  Tindal,  IV.  186;  Loclchart  Papers,  I. 
316-7. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  385 

wrote  Marlborough  at  once,  assuring  Mm  of  her  good 
will  and  asking  him  to  appear  at  court.  Godolphin,  Som- 
ers,  and  Cowper,  fearful  of  the  result  of  her  advances 
toward  the  Tories,  advised  the  duke  to  comply  at  once. 
The  Whig  leaders  held  another  conference  and  recom- 
mended conciliatory  methods,  while  Anne,  solicitous  for 
Mrs.  Masham,  informed  Godolphin  that  she  would  no 
longer  insist  upon  Hill's  appointment,  and  asked  him  to 
inform  the  duke  to  this  effect,  although  she  firmly  refused 
to  write  to  him  herself.^ 

By  this  time,  Marlborough  had  received  her  concilia- 
tory letter  and  hurried  to  Westminster  determined  to 
follow  up  his  advantage  and  bring  about  Mrs.  Masham 's 
dismissal.  To  his  surprise,  he  found  that  he  could  count 
only  on  Sunderland,  Cadogan,  Meredith,  and  a  few  others 
to  help  him.  The  moderate  Whigs  and  Godolphin  advised 
him  to  accept  Anne's  terms  rather  than  drive  her  into  the 
arms  of  the  Tories.^  The  duke,  against  his  better  judg- 
ment, accepted  the  queen's  advances,  a  concession  which 
was  for  him  more  than  half  a  defeat.  When  he  returned 
to  court,  Anne  received  him  most  graciously,  and  he  was 
too  much  the  perfect  gentleman  to  display  any  signs  of 
resentment,  when  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  such 
uncourtly  demeanor.' 

In  this  unsatisfactory  way,  the  struggle  over  Hill 
ended,  or  rather  seemed  to  end,  for  the  settlement  really 
marks  the  beginning  of  Anne 's  final  attempt  to  free  her- 
self from  the  chains  with  which  the  Whigs  were  trying 
to   bind  her.*     Marlborough  had   saved   himself   from 

1  Coxe,  III.  17. 

2  Wentworih  Papers,  pp.  104-5;  Coxe,  III.  19. 

^Conduct,  pp.  234-5;  Coxe  Papers,  XXXI.  23;  Oldmixon,  III.  436-7; 
Coxe,  III.  19. 

4  [Green],  Memoirs  of  St.  John,  pp.  181-2.  Before  the  election  was  over, 
Anne  promised  the  Duke  of  Beaufort  ' '  that  there  shall  be  a  thorough 
remove  and  Mr.  Harley  says  the  same.    It  is  believed  that  Lord  Sunderland 


386  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

humiliation  in  military  affairs.  Anne  did  not  forget  Abi- 
gail's brother  ''Jack,"  however,  for  she  soon  granted  him 
a  pension  of  £1,000,  and  a  little  later  Marlborough  was 
compelled  at  her  express  command  to  make  him  a  briga- 
dier general/ 

The  advantage  in  the  struggle  thus  lay  clearly  with  the 
queen.  She  had  saved  Mrs.  Masham  from  the  wrath  of 
the  Marlboroughs,  partly  because  the  junto  would  not  aid 
them  in  wreaking  vengeance  upon  Abigail.  Towards  the 
time-serving  Whig  leaders,  Marlborough's  attitude  be- 
came cooler  and  more  distrustful,  because  he  could  not 
depend  upon  them.  The  division  of  opinion  over  Abigail 
and  her  brother  also  helped  create  a  schism  within  the 
Whig  group.  Abigail's  former  dislike  of  the  duchess^ 
now  turned  into  burning  hatred,  making  her  a  more  effi- 
cient ally  of  Harley  than  ever.  The  relations  of  Anne 
and  the  duke  were  once  more  apparently  cordial,  although 
Lady  Marlborough  and  Anne  were  still  unreconciled. 
Godolphin  had  been  unable  to  retain  the  queen's  confi- 
dence in  the  face  of  Harley 's  growing  influence,  and  the 
junto,  especially  Sunderland,  in  threatening  to  force  her 
to  dismiss  her  favorite,  lost  all  hope  of  gaining  her 
confidence. 

Before  these  heats  and  resentments  had  subsided,  a 
more  important  matter  than  the  colonelcy  of  a  regiment 
filled  the  minds  of  all  at  court.  In  November,  1709,  Dr. 
Henry  Sacheverell  preached  a  sermon  at  St.  Paul's,  up- 
holding the  High  Church  doctrine  of  passive  obedience 

and  some  others  will  lose  their  heads."  W.  T.  Legh  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  HI. 
270. 

1  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  Walpole,  II.  11-4;  Py.  Hist.,  VI.  894-7. 

2  Coxe,  III.  21.  Cf.  Salomon,  p.  22;  Cooke,  Bolingtro'ke,  I.  104.  A  proof 
of  Sarah's  loss  of  influence  lies  in  the  fact  that  she  rarely  came  to  court 
after  this.  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV.  98.  Carte  records  that  he  was  told 
the  duchess  "was  sensible  she  had  lost  all  her  interest  with  the  queen, 
being  supplanted  by  her  cousin  German,"     7&.,  CCXXXI.  f.  46^. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  387 

and  sarcastically  referring  to  the  lord  treasurer  and 
other  Whig  ministers  as  Volpones.^  The  whole  tone  of 
his  discourse  was  hostile  to  the  ministers,  who  felt  that 
the  hairbrained  young  divine  must  be  summarily  pun- 
ished for  his  presumption.  Godolphin,  in  particular, 
cried  for  vengeance,  and  contrary  to  the  judgment  of 
Somers  and  Marlborough,  the  ministry  decided  to 
impeach  Sacheverell.^  The  angry  ministers  failed  to  see 
that  an  attack  upon  Sacheverell  was  equivalent  to  an 
assault  upon  the  High  Church,  and  the  Tories  made  capi- 
tal out  of  their  obtuseness.  ''The  Whigs  took  it  into 
their  minds  to  roast  a  parson,"  said  Burnet,  ''and  they 
did  roast  him,  but  their  zeal  tempted  them  to  make  the 
fire  so  high  that  they  scorched  themselves.'"  While  the 
Whigs  made  ready  to  try  the  outspoken  preacher,  their 
opponents  were  arousing  public  sentiment  in  favor  of  the 
church.  The  Tory  leaders  awoke  the  drowsy  clergy  by 
suggesting  that  Sacheverell 's  punishment  meant  not  only 
losing  the  inestimable  right  of  free  speech,  but  also 
depriving  the  church  of  its  privileges  and  political  power. 
We  have  no  reason  to  believe  that  the  Whigs  aimed  to  do 
anything  more  than  to  silence  the  noisy,  almost  treason- 
able attacks  upon  the  government,  and  they  conducted  the 
trial  with  unusual  moderation,  tact,  and  circumspection,* 
yet  Harley's  skill  changed  his  opponents  into  dangerous 
enemies  of  religion  and  free  speech."  No  other  trial  since 
that  of  the  seven  bishops  had  excited  so  much  feeling  and 

iPortl.  MSS.,  II.  210;  Luttrell,  VT.  508;  Hearne,  II.  304.  Wright, 
Caricature  History  of  the  Georges,  p.  4.  Volpone  was  the  hero  of  Jonson's 
drama  called  The  Fox,  a  satire  on  avarice. 

2  Memoirs  of  Somers,  p.  114;  Swift,  Change  of  Ministry;  Burnet,  V. 
434-6;  Thomson,  II.  168.  Wharton  was  the  moving  spirit  among  the  Whigs 
in  favor  of  such  proceedings.    Burnet,  V.  443 ;  Luttrell,  VT.  524. 

3  See  also  Cooke,  Bolingbroke,  I.  103;  Eemusat,  I.  177. 
iKenyon  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  444;  Wyon,  11.  168. 

8  Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  ff.  135-6.     See  Cooke,  I.  597. 


388  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

attention,  but  no  attack  of  this  kind,  however  moderate, 
could  withstand  the  anger  of  the  Anglicans,  who  were 
urged  to  violent  action  by  the  thoroughly  aroused  clergy. 
Traffic  about  Westminster  Hall  was  almost  impossible 
on  account  of  the  throngs  in  the  streets,  seeking  to  greet 
Sacheverell  as  he  passed  to  and  from  his  trial.  His  oppo- 
nents were  openly  insulted;  leading  Dissenters  were 
placed  in  jeopardy  of  life  and  limb,  and  much  of  their 
property,  especially  their  places  of  worship,^  was  in 
danger  of  destruction.  The  women  of  the  church  were 
much  more  active  than  usual,  both  in  their  manifesta- 
tions of  hero  worship  and  their  part  in  the  agitation  at 
the  time.^  The  Whigs  were  clearly  frightened  by  the 
storm  they  had  so  unwittingly  raised,  but  they  had  no 
option  but  to  continue  the  trial.  As  it  proceeded,  the 
hostility  towards  the  Whigs  increased.  Anne  attended 
the  trial  regularly  and  her  coach  was  followed  by  an 
eager  mob,  beseeching  her  to  save  Sacheverell.  So  great 
was  the  feeling  that  it  required  all  the  pressure  which  the 
ministry  and  the  junto  could  exert  to  keep  the  peers  suffi- 
ciently in  line  to  convict  Sacheverell.^  Even  then  they 
made  his  sentence  purely  nominal,  thus  saving  their  repu- 
tation for  consistency,  but  displaying  their  weakness  to 

lAdd.  MSS.,  33272,  ff.  26-7;  LocTchart  Papers,  I.  311;  Impartial  View, 
pp.  190-3;  Coxe  Papers,  XXI.  127,  sq.;  P.  C.  Eeg.,  LXXXII.  544-7;  S,  P. 
Dom.,  Anne,  XII,  5-41. 

2  Journal  of  Stella,  February  and  March,  1710;  Annals  (1710),  p.  265; 
CoJce  MSS.,  III.  89-92;  Defoe's  Beview,  VIII.  22. 

3  Even  then  such  prominent  peers  as  Shrewsbury  and  Somerset  failed  to 
vote  as  the  ministry  desired.  See  Parliamentary  History  (VI.),  for  the 
official  list  of  voters.  Argyle  voted  against  Sacheverell,  but  favored  a  light 
sentence.  Loclchart  Papers,  I.  315;  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family,  p. 
165;  Annals  (1710),  p.  265.  Anne  apparently  held  herself  aloof  in  this 
contest.  "1  was  with  my  aunt  last  night  on  purpose  to  speak  to  her  about 
Dr.  Sacheverell,"  wrote  Mrs.  Masham  to  Harley,  "and  asked  her  if  she  did 
not  let  people  know  her  mind  on  the  matter.  She  said,  no,  she  did  not 
meddle  one  way  or  the  other,  and  it  was  her  friend's  [Harley]  advice  not 
to  meddle."     Mackintosh  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  34515,  ff.  99-102. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  389 

the  Tories,  wlio  maintained  that  the  trial  was  a  victory 
for  the  church.  Sacheverell  was  feted  and  lionized  more 
than  ever ;  bonfires  were  built  in  London  and  the  provin- 
cial towns  in  jubilation;  enthusiasm  for  the  crown  and 
Sacheverell ' '  spread  like  contagion  through  all  the  ranks 
of  the  people,"  and  no  "martyr  suffering  in  the  glorious 
cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty  was  ever  so  much  the 
object  of  public  applause  and  veneration  as  this  wretched 
and  fanatical  preacher  of  nonsense,  impiety  and  sedi- 
tion.'" 

This  outburst  of  enthusiasm  strengthened  Anne's  de- 
termination to  rid  herself  of  her  obnoxious  ministers, 
by  showing  her  the  strength  of  the  church  and  the  Tories. 
To  the  political  cunning  and  sagacity  of  Harley,  it  opened 
an  unparalleled  opportunity  for  disrupting  the  ministry. 
To  him,  Sacheverell  was  a  godsend,  since  the  graceless 
preacher  could  be  used  as  a  splendid  advance  agent  for 
the  elections.  This  arrangement  suited  both  the  im- 
peached minister  and  the  Tory  politicians,  for  the  former 
received  an  adulation  amounting  almost  to  worship; 
whereas  the  latter  reaped  the  fruits  of  his  labors.^ 

The  trial  and  the  triumphal  processions  did  much  to 
convince  ''every  peasant  and  small  shopkeeper  in  the 
land  .  .  .  that  a  Whig,  in  politics  was  a  republican,  and 
in  religion  an  atheist,  or  still  more  a  dissenter."^  The 
clergy  were  greatly  alarmed  at  the  danger  to  their  cher- 
ished institutions  from  the  Whigs,  and  from  the  Dis- 
senters who  always  supported  the  Whigs.  ''Incendiary 
sermons  were  preached  from  the  pulpit, '  '*  and  the  priests 
urged  a  crusade  against  the  enemies  of  Christianity  and 

1  W.  Belsham,  Memoirs  of  the  House  of  Hanover,  p,  50;  Heame,  II.  365; 
Annals  (1710),  p.  331. 

2  Annals  (1710),  p,  202;  Somerville,  Queen  Anne,  pp.  413-4. 

3  Wyon,  II.  218. 

*  T.  Wright,  Caricature  History  of  the  Georges,  p.  8.  See  also  Burnet, 
V.  412-4. 


390  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

the  cimrch.  At  their  suggestion,  Anne  was  deluged  with 
petitions  and  addresses  from  nearly  half  the  towns, 
expressing  the  greatest  loyalty  to  Toryism,  the  church, 
and  her  royal  highness.  It  may  be  questioned,  however, 
whether  such  petitions  really  expressed  the  sentiments  of 
a  majority  of  the  people,^  though  they  were  not  without 
significance,  since  they  aided  materially  in  convincing  the 
queen  that  she  had  the  country  at  her  back  and  could 
safely  rid  herself  of  her  ministry  by  dissolving  parlia- 
ment. Furthermore,  they  greatly  increased  the  number 
of  Anglicans  who  became  active  Tory  partisans  in  the 
election. 

At  this  juncture,  Harley  showed  his  skill  by  persuad- 
ing Anne  that  she  could  gain  her  ends  more  surely  by 
working  slowly,  and  gradually  dismissing  her  ministers. 
Thus  she  would  render  powerless  the  political  organi- 
zation of  the  hated  Whigs,  and  give  the  Tories  the  con- 
trol of  the  crown  patronage,  a  factor  which  would  cut  a 
great  figure  in  the  election.  Already  the  tide  was  turning 
against  the  ministers.  During  the  trial,  Somerset  read 
the  writing  on  the  wall,  and  fearful  of  offending  the 
queen,  absented  himself  when  the  peers  voted  to  find 
Sacheverell  guilty.  Shrewsbury,  his  fellow  waverer,  saw 
more  clearly  the  ultimate  results  of  the  ferment  and 
joined  the  Tories  in  voting  for  an  acquittal.^ 

Shrewsbury  promptly  received  his  reward.  Godolphin, 
worn  out  during  the  trial,  had  just  retired  to  Newmarket 
to  fijid  solace  in  the  company  of  his  highly  prized  race 
horses,  when  Anne  wrote  him  that  she  had  found  it  advis- 
able to  dismiss  Kent  and  give  the  chamberlain's  staff  to 
Shrewsbury.     Her  letter  is  both  novel  and  interesting. 

1  Annals  (1710),  pp.  159-88;  Wyon,  II.  228.  The  general  tenor  of  many 
of  these  petitions  shows  that  they  were  "inspired"  by  the  Tories. 

2Py.  Hist.,  VI.  886;  Paul,  p.  56;  Coxe,  III.  24;  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Sey- 
mour Family,  p.  165. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  391 

She  first  dwelt  upon  the  great  dangers  to  the  government 
from  the  factions  existing  at  court.  "Since  you  went  to 
Newmarket,"  she  continued,  ''I  have  received  several 
assurances  from  .  .  .  Shrewsbury  of  his  readiness  to 
serve  me  and  his  willingness  to  come  into  my  service." 
Such  overtures  pleased  Anne's  vanity,  so  she  accepted 
his  proffer,  "having  a  very  good  opinion  of  him  and 
believing  he  may  be  of  great  use  these  troublesome 
times."  In  breaking  this  bad  news,  the  queen  said,  "I 
hope  that  this  change  will  meet  with  your  approbation, 
which  I  wish  I  may  ever  have  in  all  my  actions."  The 
only  sign  of  confidence  in  the  entire  letter  lay  in  the  last 
sentence, '  *  I  have  not  yet  declared  my  intentions  of  giving 
the  staff  and  key,  .  .  .  because  I  would  be  the  first  that 
should  acquaint  you  with  it. '  '^ 

Upon  the  receipt  of  such  disagreeable  news,  Godolphin 
hurried  back  from  his  pleasures,  filled  in  equal  degree 
with  anger  and  alarm.  Angry,  because  Anne  had  never 
given  him  the  slightest  inkling  of  her  desires,  much  less 
required  his  approval;  alarmed,  as  he  had  no  means  of 
knowing  how  much  farther  she  intended  to  proceed. 
Before  leaving  the  race  course,  Godolphin  wrote  Anne  a 
most  tedious,  complaining  letter,^  which  could  have  no 
immediate  effect,  as  she  had  already  delivered  the  staff 
to  Shrewsbury.^  In  all  this,  the  ministry  clearly  under- 
stood that  Harley  and  Mrs.  Masham  were  behind  the 
queen,  because  Shrewsbury  had  joined  his  fortunes  to 
those  of  Harley.* 

This   addition  to  the  ministry  greatly   strengthened 

1  Marlh.  MSS.,  p.  43.  Kent  was  made  "easy  in  this  matter  by  being 
made  a  duke."    See  also  Friv.  Cor.,  II.  411. 

2  Conduct,  pp.  248-53. 

3  Carte  MSS.  (Bodl.),  CXXV.  96;  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28041, 
f.  23;  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Conduct  of  BolingtroJce,  p.  185. 

*  Memoirs  of  the  Life  and  Conduct  of  Bolingirolce,  p.  185.  Godolphin 
mentioned  Harley  by  name.     The  duchess  complained  that  Kent,  for  whom 


392  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

Harley's  plans,  even  though  both  Marlborough  and 
Godolphin  foolishly  imagined  that  the  vacillating  lord 
chamberlain  would  co-operate  with  them/  Marlborough 
was  not  optimistic,  for  he  knew  that  the  ministry  had  lost 
such  valuable  political  allies  as  Somerset,  Argyle,  Rivers, 
and  Hay.  He  felt  that  even  with  Shrewsbury's  aid,  the 
ministry  could  not  endure  unless  he  could  defeat  the 
French,  and  before  that  could  happen,  Anne,  inspired  by 
her  previous  efforts,  struck  again,  and  this  time  in  a  much 
more  vital  spot. 

In  April,  1710,  the  queen  granted  a  final  interview  to 
the  duchess;  a  week  later  she  dismissed  Kent;  next,  her 
wrath  fell  upon  another  minister,  Sunderland,  who  was 
at  once  the  son-in-law  of  the  Marlboroughs  and  a  member 
of  the  junto.  Sunderland  had  been  forced  upon  the  queen 
under  the  express  condition  that  he  should  resign  if  his 
behavior  were  not  to  her  liking.  He  had  displeased  her, 
not  only  by  his  actions  in  the  Scottish  elections,  but  in  his 
offensive  tactics  over  Somers's  and  Hill's  appointments. 
Latest  of  all,  he  had  been  the  minister  to  whom  had  fallen 
the  disagreeable  duty  of  quelling  the  High  Church  mob 
during  Sacheverell's  trial.  All  these  things  had  made 
him  persona  non  grata,  and  in  June,  she  dismissed  him. 
Once  more  the  ministry  was  powerless  to  prevail  against 
the  queen's  determination,  and  Harley  had  gained 
another  victory.  In  this  case,  as  well  as  in  the  fight  over 
Hill's  promotion,  Anne's  personal  feelings  had  been 
injured  and  her  success  partook  fully  as  much  of  revenge 
as  it  did  of  political  expediency.  Unheeding  the  protes- 
tations of  Godolphin  and  the  duke,  the  representations  of 

she  had  done  so  much,  had  paid  his  court  to  Abigail,  Mackintosh  Papers, 
Add.  MSS.,  34518,  ff.  53<i-54. 

1  Morrison,  IV.  148-9.  Neither  Maynwaring  nor  Sunderland,  however, 
trusted  Shrewsbury.  Friv.  Cor.,  I.  301-5.  Godolphin 's  letter  to  Marl- 
borough is  in  Coxe  Papers,  XXXI.  155. 


THE  TRIUMPH  OF  THE  QUEEN  393 

the  allies  and  the  threats  of  the  monied  interests,  Anne 
refused  to  recall  Sunderland/  She  was  now  in  position 
to  take  notice  of  Godolphin's  surly  behavior,  and  seven 
weeks  after  Sunderland's  fall,  she  disgraced  the  man  who 
had  served  her  so  efficiently  as  the  financier  of  the  Avar.^ 
All  criticisms  of  her  latest  move  availed  nothing.  With 
the  aid  of  Harley,  she  had  her  will.  The  power  of  the 
Whigs,  as  well  as  that  of  the  ministry  was  broken  and 
"Robin"  (Harley)  was  rewarded  by  being  made  chan- 
cellor of  the  exchequer,  under-treasurer,  and  first-lord 
in  the  newly  established  treasury  board.  At  once  he  com- 
pleted his  arrangements  for  bringing  on  an  election.  The 
ensuing  canvass  was  probably  the  most  heated  of  the 
first  half  of  the  century,  because  to  political  discontent 
was  added  religious  fanaticism  and  economic  unrest. 
Under  Harley 's  leadership,  the  Tories  won  a  decisive 
victory,^  and  a  Tory  ministry  was  created  which  lasted 
until  the  death  of  the  queen. 

Anne's  triumph  was  complete,  as  she  had  overthrown 
the  Marlboroughs  and  the  junto.  Having  been  forced  to 
give  up  her  favorite  minister,  she  had  struggled  hard 
against  the  appointment  of  Somers,  but  her  husband's 
illness  and  her  own  indisposition  forced  her  to  give  way. 
Each  successive  appointment  thereafter  met  with  greater 
delays,  if  not  with  open  opposition,  until  she  finally 
assumed  the  offensive  and  ordered  Marlborough  to 
appoint  Hill.  Foiled  in  this,  she  still  kept  her  favorite 
(Mrs.  Masham),  through  whom  she  communicated  with 
Harley.  The  Sacheverell  trial  made  her  aware  of  her 
power,  and  Godolphin,  like  Sunderland,  fell  before  her 

IS.  p.  Dom.,  Anne,  XIII.  113;  Townshend  MSS.  (H.  M.  C),  p.  67; 
Annals  (1710),  pp.  231-2;  Add.  MSS.,  33273,  f.  35;  Coxe  Papers,  XXXII. 
185;  A.  A.  Locke,  The  Seymour  Family,  p.  166. 

2  Add.  MSS.,  33273,  f.  66;  Godolphin  Papers,  Add.  MSS.,  28055,  f.  432. 

8  Tindal,  IV.  192;  Portl.  MSS.,  VII.  20;  Wentworth  Papers,  p.  150. 


394  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

wrath,  and  the  result  of  the  ensuing  election  assured  her 
that  she  might  retain  her  new  Tory  ministry  in  peace, 
without  any  let  or  hindrance  from  the  Whigs.  This  is 
the  only  period  of  four  years  from  1688  to  1770,  that  the 
Tories  enjoyed  a  complete  lease  of  power. 


CONCLUSIONS:  THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE 

REIGN 

Since  the  days  of  Macaulay,  historical  writers  have  been 
prone  to  look  upon  the  reigns  of  the  Stuart  sovereigns  as 
novels  or  dramas,  in  which  the  hero,  heroine,  villain, 
and  female  accomplice  are  shadowed  forth  for  the  amuse- 
ment of  the  reader.  In  portraying  the  reign  of  ''Good 
Queen  Anne,"  it  has  been  usual  to  describe  an  innocent 
queen  as  a  helpless  tool  in  the  hands  of  a  designing  couple 
from  whose  greedy  clutches  she  was  torn  by  the  heroic 
activity  of  the  Tory  leader.  Such  a  view  is  entirely  too 
melodramatic,  and  neglects  the  predominant  characteris- 
tics of  both  the  hero  and  the  heroine. 

The  main  interest  of  this  monograph  has  been  domestic 
politics,  in  which  the  personal  element  has  been  all-im- 
portant; but  the  true  significance  of  the  reign  lies  far 
deeper  than  the  petty  intrigues  of  partisan  government. 
In  the  thirteen  years  of  Anne's  rule,  England  passed 
through  the  greatest  war  Europe  had  ever  seen.  English 
soldiers  were  sent  to  Flanders,  to  Germany,  and  even  to 
Spain,  in  a  vast  endeavor  to  crush  Louis  XIV.  Marl- 
borough and  Eugene  saved  Europe  from  a  catastrophe 
then,  just  as  surely  as  Wellington  and  Bliicher  did  a  cen- 
tury later.  In  this  war,  Marlborough  did  much  to  ''re- 
trieve ' '  the  prestige  which  England  had  lost  through  the 
trickery  of  her  Stuart  kings.  At  the  close  of  the  long 
drawn  out  contest,  England  was  in  a  position  to  make 
herself  felt  in  the  councils  of  the  nations,  and  gain  an 
influence  she  has  never  lost  from  that  day  to  this.  In  the 
peace  negotiations.  Great  Britain  played  a  conspicuous 


396  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

part.  Even  if  she  did  not  secure  as  many  advantages  as 
she  might  have  exacted,  the  treaty  of  Utrecht  marks  a 
great  advance  in  England's  power,  even  though  its  com- 
mercial clauses  were  thrown  out  by  parliament  through 
the  organized  effort  of  the  trading  classes,  whose  in- 
fluence in  party  politics  was  rapidly  becoming  dominant, 
and  whose  interests  now  turned  to  developing  commerce 
in  lands  beyond  the  seas. 

Not  only  by  war  did  England  increase  her  influence; 
the  importance  of  England  at  home  and  abroad  was 
measurably  augmented  by  the  union.  No  longer  was  she 
harassed  by  the  danger  of  an  alliance  of  France  and 
Scotland  against  her;  no  more  need  she  fear  that  the 
Scots  would  set  up  a  dynasty  of  their  own.  Nevertheless, 
the  union  does  not  mark  the  end  of  jealousies  between 
the  Scotsman  and  the  Englishman.  Indeed,  it  may  have 
increased  them,  for  the  Scotsman,  by  his  superior  educa- 
tion and  a  wise  use  of  political  power,  found  his  way  into 
the  civil  service  of  England's  growing  dominions.  His 
efficiency  as  well  as  his  success  aroused  the  envy  of  his 
fellow  Briton  from  the  south,  who  grumbled  that  the 
Scots  were  monopolizing  all  the  better  positions  in  the 
government.  But  this  envy  was  personal  rather  than 
national,  and  much  as  the  individual  Scotsman  and 
Englishman  may  have  disliked  each  other,  they  were  from 
this  time  to  be  found  fighting  shoulder  to  shoulder  in  an 
attempt  to  extend  the  bounds  of  the  British  Empire. 

The  most  significant  achievements  of  the  reign  were  the 
victories  of  Marlborough  and  the  union  of  England  and 
Scotland.  Next  in  importance  was  the  settlement  of  the 
Hanoverian  succession,  which  in  itself  was  a  great 
accomplishment.  All  through  the  reigns  of  "William  and 
Anne,  there  was  always  on  the  horizon  the  threat  of  a 
Stuart  restoration,  which  would  bring  not  only  civil  war 
but  the  menace  of  Catholicism  as  well.     The  peaceful 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  REIGN      397 

accession  of  George  I,  so  skilfully  engineered  by  the 
Whigs,  sounded  the  death  knell  to  Jacobite  hopes.  Dy- 
nastic troubles  were  ended,  and  the  right  of  the  House 
of  Hanover  to  the  throne  of  Great  Britain  has  never 
since  been  seriously  challenged,  despite  the  abortive 
risings  of  1715  and  1745. 

The  establishment  of  the  succession  was  not  only  a 
monument  to  the  Whigs,  but  it  definitely  set  forth  the 
principle  that  the  right  to  seat  or  unseat  a  sovereign  lay 
in  the  power  of  the  British  parliament.  The  position  of 
parliament  in  this  reign  is  peculiar.  Always  a  power  to 
be  reckoned  with,  it  was  nevertheless  controlled  for  the 
most  part  by  the  queen  and  her  ministers,  who  dictated 
its  policies.  In  a  few  crises  like  that  over  the  passage 
of  the  Occasional  Conformity  Bill  and  the  ratification  of 
the  treaty  of  Utrecht,  the  members  of  parliament  broke 
loose  from  the  shackles  of  both  ministry  and  party. 

The  power  of  the  crown  over  the  House  of  Commons 
was  largely  due  to  the  latter 's  unrepresentative  char- 
acter. Although  not  so  bad  as  in  a  later  day,  when  it  was 
aptly  styled  an  example  of  ''represented  ruins  and  un- 
represented constituencies,"  it  was  far  from  being  really, 
representative  even  of  those  who  possessed  the  electoral 
privilege.  Many  of  the  commoners  owed  their  seats  to 
family  influence,  and  any  independent  attitude  on  their 
part  was  not  to  be  expected.  Even  the  few  that  were 
elected  on  a  reasonably  popular  basis,  found  it  greatly 
to  their  interests  to  accept  offices  in  the  gift  of  the  crown. 
They  were  thus  enrolled  among  the  numbers  of  the 
''Queen's  servants,"  who  were  willing  to  aid  the  court 
in  carrying  out  its  policies,  irrespective  of  their  merits. 

Under  Anne,  there  also  developed  the  policy  of  placing 
all  important  matters  of  administration  in  the  hands  of 
a  first  minister.  The  initiation  of  this  plan  was  due  to 
the  fact  that  the  sovereign  was  a  woman,  and  could  not 


398  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

be  expected  to  look  after  the  patronage  and  elections  in 
person.  It  also  had  the  obvious  advantage  of  centralizing 
responsibility  in  the  hands  of  one  man  in  a  crucial  period 
in  English  history.  To  Godolphin,  Anne  gave  the  task  of 
carrying  on  the  government  under  her  direction.  He  was 
never  in  reality  prime  minister,  because  he  divided  up  the 
exercise  of  power,  at  first  with  Marlborough,  and  later 
with  both  Harley  and  the  duke. 

Before  the  duke  and  the  lord  treasurer  had  been  long 
in  the  control  of  affairs,  they  found  diflficulties  of  all  kinds 
confronting  them.  Their  attempts  to  govern  without 
reference  to  parties  soon  proved  a  failure.  The  Tories 
were  entirely  too  strong  for  them,  and  they  attempted  to 
administer  the  government  with  the  aid  of  the  moderates 
of  both  parties.  Again  party  ties  were  too  strong  and 
they  were  forced  to  form  a  working  agreement  with  the 
nascent  Whig  organization.  Even  this  plan  shortly 
became  impracticable,  principally  because  the  two  minis- 
ters refused  to  obey  the  behests  of  the  junto.  Any  real 
cohesion  of  the  Whig  leaders  with  the  lord  treasurer  and 
the  duke  was  impossible,  and  this  lack  of  unity  in  the 
ministerial  ranks  gave  Harley  his  opportunity  to  over- 
throw the  Godolphin  ministry  in  1710. 

The  Tories,  who  had  been  disgraced  in  the  first  two 
years  of  the  reign,  had  learned  their  lesson.  They 
realized  for  the  first  time  the  necessity  of  a  close  party 
organization  under  a  leader  who  could  demand  obedience. 
The  adoption  of  this  plan  brought  them  victory  at  the 
polls  in  1710,  and  a  four  years'  lease  of  power.  It  also 
permitted  the  queen  to  select  a  leading  minister  entirely 
to  her  liking,  whom  they  followed  obediently,  although 
not  always  willingly,  until  the  close  of  the  reign.  The 
difference  in  the  ministry  of  Harley  and  that  of  Godol- 
phin lay  in  the  fact  that  Godolphin  was  a  minister  above 
parties,  whereas  Harley  was  the  minister  of  a  single 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  REIGN      399 

party  to  which  he  could  appeal  for  aid  when  difficulties 
confronted  him. 

Harley's  ministry  shows  that  party  organizations  were 
becoming  more  fixed.  A  group  of  party  leaders  became 
differentiated;  party  membership  attained  reasonable 
stability,  and  party  principles  assumed  an  increasingly 
definite  form.  Before  his  ministry,  the  Tories  suffered 
from  the  lack  of  organization  and  adequate  leadership. 
The  Whigs  had  been  held  together  by  the  political  ability 
and  ingenuity  of  the  men  who  made  up  the  junto.  Their 
need  was  for  a  single  leader,  because  no  one  of  the  five 
seemed  able  to  make  his  personality  felt  above  that  of 
the  other  four.  When  they  had  been  forced  into  seclu- 
sion for  four  years  by  the  intrigues  of  Harley,  the  Whigs 
had  sufficient  leisure  to  reflect  upon  the  weaknesses  of 
their  party.  They  did  their  best  to  remedy  them,  and  so 
far  succeeded  that  at  Anne 's  death  they  were  able  to  seize 
the  power  from  the  hand  of  the  Tories  and  retain  un- 
broken their  ascendancy  under  such  leaders  as  Walpole 
and  Newcastle  until  George  III  broke  their  power. 

The  gradual  development  of  party  organizations  was 
accompanied  by  a  greatly  increased  interest  in  elections. 
The  four  elections  from  1702  to  1710  were  of  more  im- 
portance than  any  held  since  1679,  because  upon  their 
outcome  depended  to  some  degree  the  continuance  of  the 
war.  The  importance  of  the  commercial  classes  in  poli- 
tics steadily  increased.  In  each  succeeding  election,  the 
English  people  manifested  more  independence  at  the 
polls,  a  characteristic  which  boded  ill  for  the  future  of  the 
political  manager,  but  had  little  immediate  effect  beyond 
increasing  the  price  of  seats,  and  consequently  the 
amount  of  corruption  in  borough  elections. 

Although  the  tendency  of  the  latter  part  of  the  reign 
was  to  emphasize  the  party  rather  than  the  individual,  the 
personal  element  in  English  politics  was  its  dominant 


400  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

feature  in  the  first  eight  years,  on  account  of  the  influence 
of  the  sovereign  whose  personality  stamps  the  reign. 
Being  a  woman,  courtiers  did  not  anticipate  that  she 
would  take  any  interest  in  politics.  In  this  they  were 
much  mistaken.  Anne  was  the  last  English  sovereign  to 
refuse  to  sanction  a  bill  passed  by  parliament.  She  not 
only  made  it  a  point  to  be  present  at  the  meetings  of  the 
Privy  Council  and  cabinet  council,  but  repeatedly  at- 
tended parliament  when  important  measures  were  pend- 
ing. She  paid  careful  attention  to  the  crown  patronage, 
and  frequently  named  the  men  who  should  fill  important 
offices  in  the  government.  In  all  her  activity,  she  never 
sought  to  show  her  authority  unnecessarily,  for  she 
always  preferred  the  substance  of  power  to  the  appear- 
ance of  it.  Whenever  possible,  her  disposition  was  to 
avoid  responsibility,  a  characteristic  which  was  accen- 
tuated by  the  critical  condition  of  her  health. 

However,  Anne  never  attempted  to  shift  responsibility 
for  any  act,  when  her  own  prerogative  was  concerned. 
Whenever  her  power  was  touched,  she  was  always  alert. 
In  cases  where  her  authority  had  been  flouted,  she  was 
prone  to  be  vindictive.  In  turn,  practically  every  im- 
portant figure  in  the  political  arena  injured  her  feelings. 
The  first  was  Rochester,  her  only  important  relative  who 
remained  loyal  to  the  government,  who,  becoming  angry 
because  Anne  failed  to  recognize  his  supposedly  tran- 
scendent ability,  neglected  to  treat  his  niece  with  the 
respect  due  his  sovereign,  and  was  forced  not  only  to 
quit  the  ministry,  but  the  Privy  Council  as  well.  Notting- 
ham was  an  ardent  Highflier  of  whom  she  was  very  fond. 
He  presumed  too  much  upon  her  fanatical  devotion  to  the 
church,  and,  like  Rochester,  soon  found  himself  without 
a  place  at  her  council  board.  Buckingham,  her  old 
favorite,  relied  upon  her  friendship  to  excuse  his  intrigu- 
ing against  Godolphin,  and  he  was  forthwith  cast  into 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  REIGN      401 

outer  darkness.  The  attachment  of  Seymour  to  the 
church  Anne  loved  so  well  did  not  avail  to  save  him  from 
disgrace,  when  he  joined  with  Rochester  and  Nottingham. 

Anne's  nearest  and  dearest  friend  was  Sarah  Jennings, 
later  Duchess  of  Marlborough.  Nevertheless,  Lady 
Marlborough's  arrogance  and  discourtesy  not  only  cost 
her  the  friendship  of  the  playmate  of  her  youth,  but  led 
to  her  public  disgrace  at  the  hands  of  the  woman  she  had 
helped  to  make  queen.  Sarah's  son-in-law  resembled  her 
in  disposition.  He,  too,  treated  Anne  with  open  marks  of 
disrespect  and  was  dismissed  at  the  first  favorable  oppor- 
tunity. Like  Sunderland,  Somers  had  been  forced  upon 
her,  and  he  met  a  similar  fate.  Even  Godolphin,  in  the 
course  of  time,  became  querulous  in  his  behavior,  and, 
despite  his  faithfulness,  was  dismissed  with  all  the  pos- 
sible signs  of  disgrace.  Marlborough,  careful  as  he  was 
not  to  offend  the  queen,  found  it  impossible  to  champion 
his  wife's  cause  and  retain  Anne's  confidence;  conse- 
quently, as  soon  as  the  military  situation  would  permit, 
he  was  summarily  dismissed  from  the  head  of  the  very 
army  over  which  he  had  sought  to  be  a  military  dictator. 
Harley  had  gained  the  closest  friendship  of  the  queen. 
In  1708  she  made  a  hard  fight  to  keep  him  in  the  ministry ; 
in  1710  he  became  her  leading  minister,  but  in  1714  she 
consented  to  part  with  him,  because  his  habit  of  coming 
to  the  council  in  a  high  state  of  intoxication  reflected  upon 
her  administration.  Bolingbroke  had  forced  Harley 's 
resignation,  and  fully  expected  to  succeed  him ;  yet  almost 
with  her  dying  breath,  Anne  refused  to  dignify  as  head 
of  the  ministry  a  man  who  prided  himself  on  being  one 
of  the  greatest  libertines  of  his  age,  and  she  chose 
Shrewsbury  instead. 

Throughout  the  long  list  of  statesmen,  not  one  had 
offended  her  who  did  not  live  to  repent  of  his  actions. 
While  Anne  never  forgot  a  favor,  she  as  zealously  re- 


402  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

membered  her  injuries,  and  never  failed  to  wreak  her 
vengeance  on  the  offenders.  And  curiously  enough,  it 
was  not  until  she  had  punished  all  her  enemies  and  re- 
warded all  her  friends  that  "Good  Queen  Anne"  was 
gathered  to  her  fathers. 

With  the  possible  exception  of  the  queen,  the  most 
interesting  woman  in  England  during  the  first  quarter 
of  the  eighteenth  century  was  Sarah,  Duchess  of  Marl- 
borough. Historians  for  more  than  three  generations 
have  assumed  that  she  was  the  power  behind  the  throne, 
while  in  reality,  neither  the  duke  nor  the  queen  would 
permit  her  to  exercise  any  great  amount  of  political 
authority.  When  she  did  attempt  to  interfere  in  political 
affairs,  she  was  brought  into  conflict  with  Anne,  who  was 
forced  to  dismiss  her. 

Godolphin  was  far  more  than  the  political  agent  of  the 
Marlboroughs.  He  did  act  in  conjunction  with  the  duke, 
but  rarely  called  the  duchess  in  counsel  on  important 
political  matters.  Early  in  the  reign,  Godolphin 's  need 
of  political  advice  led  him  to  ask  Harley  for  aid.  As  long 
as  he  relied  on  the  secretary,  the  lord  treasurer  experi- 
enced no  difficulty  in  dealing  with  parliament  and  the 
junto,  but  as  soon  as  Harley  was  dismissed,  he  found  it 
almost  impossible  to  carry  out  his  policies. 

Throughout  Anne's  reign,  Marlborough,  when  in  Eng- 
land, was  associated  with  Godolphin,  but  he  exerted  more 
power  than  the  lord  treasurer  because  he  possessed 
greater  political  astuteness.  He  might  have  exercised 
greater  authority,  had  he  chosen,  but  his  interests  were 
not  political,  and  he  realized  that  his  unpopularity  pre- 
cluded his  playing  the  part  of  a  political  manager.  He 
fell  from  power,  not  on  account  of  his  own  shortcomings, 
but  because  of  Godolphin 's  ineptitude  and  his  wife's 
tactlessness. 

Harley   stands   as   the   first  politician   of  the   reign. 


THE  SIGNIFICANCE  OF  THE  EEIGN      403 

Attaining  political  prominence  at  its  beginning,  he  in- 
creased his  influence  until  the  ''triumvirate"  was  formed, 
probably  as  early  as  1703.  From  that  time  until  his  fall 
five  years  later,  he  was  a  moving  political  force  at  the 
cabinet  councils.  Forced  into  retirement  against  Anne's 
wishes,  he  at  once  began  to  intrigue  against  the  ministry, 
and  after  two  years  of  sleepless  activity,  he  succeeded  in 
displacing  the  men  who  had  raised  him  to  power,  and  in 
forcing  the  junto  into  retirement. 

The  political  importance  of  another  man  has  been 
greatly  neglected,  probably  because  he  worked  so  secretly 
under  Harley's  directions.  Defoe  was  a  host  in  himself. 
Not  only  was  he  a  pamphleteer  and  journalist  of  the  first 
rank,  but  he  was  an  efficient  political  agent,  without  whom 
Harley  could  never  have  accomplished  what  he  did  in 
the  political  arena. 

From  the  constitutional  point  of  view,  the  reign  is 
important,  not  alone  for  the  development  of  the  office  of 
first  minister,  but  in  the  increasing  influence  exerted  by 
the  small  group,  here  called  the  ''triumvirate,"  in  pre- 
paring government  policies  for  the  meetings  of  the  more 
formal  cabinet  councils.  These  cabinet  councils  in- 
creased in  number  and  importance  during  the  early  years 
of  the  reign,  displaying  a  constant  tendency  towards 
unity  of  action,  in  the  face  of  the  rapidly  growing  power 
of  the  two  political  organizations. 


LIST  OF  ABBREVIATIONS  USED  IN  CITATIONS 

Since  many  of  the  works  cited  exist  in  numerous  edi- 
tions and  others  have  long  titles  so  characteristic  of  the 
eighteenth  century,  the  following  abbreviations  have 
been  employed  for  the  sake  of  clearness  and  brevity. 

A.  H.  B.     American  Historical  Review. 

Anglic  Notitia.    Edward  Chamberlayne,  Angliw  Notitia,  or  the  Present  State 

of  England. 
Annals.     Abel  Boyer,  History  of  the  Meign  of  Queen  Anne  digested  into 

Annals  (1704-1714). 
Add.  MSS.     Additional  Manuscripts,  British  Museum. 
Bath  MSS.     Bath  Manuscripts,  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission  Keports. 

B.  M.     The  British  Museum,  London. 
Bodl.     The  Bodleian  Library,  Oxford. 

Boyer.    Abel  Boyer,  History  of  the  Beign  of  Queen  Anne  (1722). 

Burnet.     Gilbert  Burnet,  History  of  My  Own  Time  (1823). 

Burton.    J.  Hill  Burton,  The  History  of  the  Beign  of  Queen  Anne  (1880). 

C.  J.     The  Journals  of  the  House  of  Commons. 

Chamberlen.  Paul  Chamberlen,  Impartial  History  of  the  Life  and  Beign  of 
Queen  Anne  (1738). 

Coke.  Eoger  Coke,  A  Detection  of  the  Court  and  State  of  England  (1719- 
1729). 

CoTce  MSS.  (Historical  Manuscripts  Commission  Keports)  otherwise  known 
as  Cowper  Manuscripts, 

Colville.     (Mrs.)  Arthur  Colville,  Sarah,  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (1904). 

Conduct.  An  Account  of  the  Conduct  of  the  Dowager  Duchess  of  Marl- 
borough (1742). 

Cooke.    George  Wingrove  Cooke,  History  of  Party  (1836). 

Coxe.    William  Coxe,  Memoirs  of  John,  Duke  of  Marlborough  (1847). 

Coxe  Papers.     Coxe  Papers,  Additional  Manuscripts,  British  Museum. 

Cunningham.  Alexander  Cunningham,  The  History  of  Great  Britain  from 
the  Bevolution  to  1714  (1787). 

D.  N.  B.    The  Dictionary  of  National  Biography. 

E.  H.  B.    English  Historical  Beview. 

H.  M.  C.    Eeports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission. 
Hearne.    C.  E.  Doble  &  D.  W.  Rannie  (editors),  BemarTcs  and  Collections  of 
Thomas  Hearne  (1885-1895). 


ABBREVIATIONS  USED  IN  CITATIONS    405 

James.     G,   P.   E.   James    (editor),   Letters  Illustrative   of   the   Beign   of 

William  III  (1841). 
Kent.    C.  B.  E.  Kent,  Early  History  of  the  Tories  (1908). 
Leadam.    I.  S.  Leadam,  Political  History  of  England,  vol.  IX  (1909). 
Lecky.     W,  E,  H.  Lecky,  History  of  England  in  the  Eighteenth  Century 

(1878-1890). 
L.  J.     The  Journals  of  the  House  of  Lords. 
Lord.     W.   F.  Lord,  "The  Development  of  Political   Parties  During  the 

Eeign  of  Queen  Anne,"  Transactions  Eoyal  Historical  Society  (1900). 
Luttrell.    N,  Luttrell,  A  Brief  Relation  of  State  Affairs  (1857). 
Macpherson.    James  Macpherson,  Original  Papers  (1775). 
Macaulay.    T.  B.  Macaulay,  History  of  England  (Firth  ed.). 
Mahon.     Philip  Henry  Stanhope  (Lord  Mahon),  History  of  England  1701- 

1713  (1870). 
MarVb.   MSS.    Marlborough  Manuscripts,   Historical    Manuscripts   Commis- 
sion Eeport,  VIII. 
Morrison.     Alfred  Morrison,  Catalogue  of  Manuscripts  Collections   (edited 

by  A.  W.  Thibadeau,  1883). 
Other  Side.    Other  Side  of  the  Question,  etc.  (1742). 

Priv.  Cor.  Private  Correspondence  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (1838). 
Py.  Hist.     Cobbett,  Parliamentary  History  of  England  from  the  Earliest 

Period  to  the  Year  1803  (1810). 
Portl.   MSS.      Portland   Manuscripts,    Historical    Manuscripts    Commission 

Eeports,  XIII-XV. 
P.  E.  O.    Public  Eecord  Office,  London. 

Eeid.  S.  Eeid,  John  and  Sarah,  Dulce  and  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (1914). 
Eemusat.  C.  F.  Eemusat,  Hisioire  d'Angleterre  au  Huitieme  Siecle  (1857). 
Eijks  Archief.     Archief  van  der  Heim,  Badtpensionarius  Heinsius,  Allge- 

meine  BijJcs  Archief,  den  Haag. 
Eyan.    P.  F.  W.  Eyan,  Queen  Anne  and  Her  Court  (1908). 
Salomon.      Felix    Salomon,    Geschichte   des   Letzten   Ministeriums   Konigin 

Annas  von  England  (1894). 
S.  P.  Dom.     State  Papers  Domestic,  Public  Eecord  Office. 
S.  P.  Foreign.     State  Papers  Foreign,  Public  Eecord  Office. 
Sharp.    Sharp,  The  Life  of  John  Sharp,  Archbishop  of  York  (1825). 
Shrewsbury  Cor.     William  Coxe,  Shrewsbury  Correspondence,  Private  and 

Original  (1821). 
Strickland.    (Miss)  Agnes  Strickland,  Lives  of  the  Queens  of  England  (1842- 

1852). 
Thomas.    E.  Thomas,  The  Life  of  the  Duke  of  Marlborough  (1839). 
Thomson.     (Mrs.)  A.  T.  Thomson,  Memoirs  of  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough 

(1839). 
Timberland.     Ebenezer  Timberland    (publisher),  The  History  of  the  Pro- 
ceedings of  the  House  of  Lords,  1660-1742  (1742). 
Von  Noorden.    Europdische  Geschichte  in  Achtsehnten  Jahrhundert  (1870). 


406  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Wyon.    F.  W.  Wyon,  History  of  Great  Britain  during  the  Reign  of  Queen 
Anne  (1876). 

In  most  instances,  quotations  and  book  titles  have 
been  modernized  in  capitalization  and  punctuation  in 
consonance  with  the  canons  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts 
Commission  Reports.  Dates  are  given  according  to  New 
Style. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES 

The  works  noted  below  are  those  only  which  were 
found  most  useful  and  suggestive,  as  the  writer  has  in 
preparation  a  comprehensive  bibliography  of  the  reign 
of  Queen  Anne.  Meanwhile,  the  student  will  find  an 
excellent  essay  upon  authorities  in  Hunt  and  Poole, 
Political  History  of  England,  vol.  IX,  1702-1760,  by  L  S. 
Leadam,  pp.  507-9. 

I.     Bibliogkaphicaij  Aids 

For  the  manuscripts  in  the  British  Museum,  the  cata- 
logues and  indexes  of  the  Harleian,  Lansdowne,  and 
Additional  Manuscripts  collections  render  nearly  all  the 
materials  readily  accessible,  while  the  voluminous  sub- 
ject catalogue  makes  available  the  manuscripts  on  any 
particular  topic.  At  the  Bodleian,  the  Summary  Cata- 
logue of  Western  Manuscripts,  prepared  by  F.  A.  Madan, 
is  useful,  but  the  valuable  Carte  Manuscripts  are  more  ac- 
cessible through  the  Chronological  Catalogue  (in  manu- 
script) prepared  by  Mr.  Edward  Edwards.  A  guide  to 
the  valuable  collection  at  Blenheim  Castle  may  be  found 
in  the  Eighth  Report  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Com- 
mission. Unfortunately  the  only  aid  to  the  rich  archives 
at  the  Hague  is  in  manuscript,  but  it  is  of  considerable 
value.  The  archives  at  the  Public  Record  Office  are  more 
conveniently  accessible  through  excellent  printed  indexes. 
The  bibliographies  at  the  close  of  the  sketches  in  the 
Dictionary  of  National  Biography  are,  in  the  main,  of 
great  value.     The  chapter  bibliographies  in  the  Cam- 


408  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

bridge  Modern  History  are  also  well  selected,  and  those 
in  the  Cambridge  History  of  English  Literature  are  most 
satisfactory  for  the  literary  side. 

Some  bibliographies  on  particular  phases  of  the  reign 
are  available.  Miss  Alice  E.  Murray's  History  of  the 
Commercial  and  Financial  Relations  between  Ireland  and 
England  since  1688  contains  a  carefully  selected  list  of 
works  on  Anglo-Irish  history.  For  students  of  diplo- 
matic history  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission 
has  done  a  valuable  service  in  its  Eighteenth  Report  (pp. 
391-4)  by  arranging  chronologically  both  the  materials 
which  it  had  already  published  and  those  remaining  in 
manuscript  in  the  British  Museum.  G.  L.  Wickham- 
Legg  and  J.  F.  Chance  have  each  prepared  bibliographies 
on  diplomacy  and  foreign  affairs.  Coxe's  Marlborough 
contains  a  list  of  works  on  military  history.  For  the 
general  religious  aspects  of  the  reign,  the  student  is 
referred  to  F.  W.  Wilson's  The  Importance  of  the  Reign 
.  .  .  in  Church  History.  The  Sacheverell  trial  is  best 
studied  with  the  aid  of  Mr.  Madan's  comprehensive 
bibliography.  For  earlier  materials,  the  Bibliotheca 
Britannica  (London,  1817),  2  vols.,  contains  a  topical  list 
of  works  issued  in  England  up  to  the  date  of  publication. 
The  titles  of  pamphlets  bearing  on  the  earlier  years  of 
the  reign  are  found  in  the  Lincoln's  Inn  pamphlet  cata- 
logue. More  important  as  a  guide  is  Edward  Arber's 
Term  Catalogues,  3  vols.,  which  contains  book  lists  pub- 
lished each  quarter  during  the  reign  to  1709,  with  a  few 
lists  for  the  first  quarter  of  1711.  Still  more  valuable  is 
S.  J.  Reid's  Catalogue  of  Historical  Tracts,  1561-1800, 
found  in  the  Redpath  Library  of  McGill  University.  At 
Yale  University  is  a  manuscript  catalogue  of  ''College 
Pamphlets,"  while  the  Wagner  Collection  there  is  ar- 
ranged chronologically,  as  are  many  of  the  volumes  of 
pamphlets  at  the  Bodleian. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  409 

II.    The  Source  Materials 
Unpublished  Manuscripts 

The  unpublished  manuscripts  of  this  reign  are  abun- 
dant, and  some  of  those  in  the  British  Museum,  the  Public 
Record  Office,  the  Bodleian,  and  the  Rijks  Archief  have 
been  utilized  in  this  work.  The  Coxe,  Ellis,  Godolphin, 
and  Mackintosh  Papers  in  the  British  Museum  were 
found  most  useful,  and  in  the  Bodleian,  the  Carte  Manu- 
scripts for  the  period  proved  to  be  unstudied  material. 
Many  items  previously  inaccessible  are  found  in  the 
Public  Record  Office,  and  much  new  material  was  dis- 
covered in  the  Rijks  Archief  at  the  Hague.  Not  only  were 
many  particular  statements  of  interest  uncovered  in 
these  different  archives,  but  an  idea  was  gained  of  how 
such  individual  statesmen  as  Nottingham,  Harley,  and 
Godolphin  conducted  their  business  as  cabinet  ministers. 

Archief  van  der  Heim,  Radtpensionarius  Heinsius, 
Rijks  Archief  den  Haag,  furnished  the  letters  to  the  Dutch 
government  of  Hermitage,  Buys,  Vryberge,  and  others. 
They  contain  much  valuable  material  relative  to  English 
political  affairs,  but  little  of  which  has  hitherto  been  used. 
Vols.  26^  36°,  41°,  44°,  47°,  50°,  and  52  were  particularly 
valuable.  The  Carte  Manuscripts  (Bodl.)  are  mainly 
concerned  with  an  earlier  period,  but  there  are  a  dozen 
large  volumes  dealing  with  Anne's  reign.  They  are 
strong  on  Jacobite  intrigues.  Some  of  the  letters  are 
printed  in  Macpherson's  Original  Papers.  Coxe  Papers, 
Additional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  9078-9283,  are  really 
transcripts  made  by  Archdeacon  Coxe  and  his  helpers  in 
the  preparation  of  his  accurate  memoirs  of  Marlborough 
and  others.  Coxe's  comments  add  value  to  many  of  the 
letters  he  copied.  Egerton  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  1695, 
contains  some  original  letters  of  the  Duke  of  Shrewsbury 
and  the  Duchess  of  Marlborough.     Ellis  Papers,  Addi- 


410  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

tional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  28875-28956,  contain  ofiBcial 
and  private  correspondence  of  John  Ellis,  assistant 
secretary  of  state  for  a  considerable  period.  Most  of 
the  letters  refer  to  the  reign  of  William,  but  many  deal 
with  Anne's  reign.  Godolphin  Papers,  Additional 
Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  28052,  28055-70,  consist  of  the 
correspondence  of  Sidney,  Earl  of  Godolphin.  These 
manuscripts  make  up  a  part  of  the  large  collection  of 
Godolphin-Osborne  Papers.  Hanover  Papers,  from  the 
Stowe  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  222-227,  are  of  great  value 
for  the  diplomatic  relations  of  Great  Britain  and  Han- 
over (1705-1714).  A  large  part  of  them  are  printed  by 
Macpherson  in  his  Original  Papers.  Harleian  Manu- 
scripts (B.  M.),  vols.  2262,  6584,  7526,  contain  scattered 
bits  on  the  political  life  of  the  time.  Vol.  6584  consists 
mainly  of  the  original  draft  of  Burnet's  History  of  His 
Own  Times.  Hatton-Finch  Papers,  Additional  Manu- 
scripts (B.  M.),  29548-96,  are  made  up  of  the  correspond- 
ence of  the  families  of  Hatton  and  Finch.  Most  of  the 
letters  deal  with  an  earlier  period,  but  a  considerable 
number  are  of  importance  for  this  .reign.  Lansdowne 
Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  1236,  contains  interesting  letters 
from  Queen  Anne,  Sunderland,  Sophia,  and  the  Elector 
of  Hanover.  Folios  547  and  548  deal  with  controverted 
elections.  Lister  Manuscripts  (Bodl.)  has  a  few  letters 
of  Sarah  Jennings  to  her  uncle.  Dr.  Martin  Lister. 
Mackintosh  Papers,  Additional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.), 
34487  to  34526,  are  a  collection  of  transcripts  by  James 
Mackintosh.  Vols.  VII-XIII  contain  copies  of  the  dis- 
patches of  the  French  representatives  in  England  to  their 
home  government,  1710-1714.  Vol.  XXIX  has  several 
letters  of  Mrs.  Masham  to  Harley,  most  of  which  have 
been  printed  in  the  Portland  Manuscripts.  Vol.  XXIII 
contains  extracts  from  the  Blenheim  Papers.  Notting- 
ham Papers,  Additional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  29588-9, 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  411 

29594-5,  contain  letters  addressed  to  Daniel  Finch,  Earl 
of  Nottingham,  an  important  political  figure  in  the  early- 
years  of  Anne's  reign.  His  correspondence  is  valuable 
for  the  light  it  sheds  upon  the  cabinet  council.  The 
Privy  Council  Register  (vols.  LXXIX-LXXXV)  is  the 
official  record  of  the  meetings  of  the  Privy  Council,  but, 
unfortunately,  it  is  but  little  more  than  a  formal  state- 
ment of  the  things  done  at  the  meetings.  State  Papers, 
Domestic,  Anne  (P.  R.  0.),  27  vols.,  contain  much  fugi- 
tive material.  State  Papers,  Foreign,  Foreign  Ministers 
(in  England),  consist  mainly  of  the  stereotyped  formal 
notes  of  foreign  ministers  to  the  English  government. 
State  Papers,  Foreign,  German  States,  Hanover  and 
Prussia  (P.  R.  0.),  contain  the  letters  of  the  representa- 
tives of  the  English  government  at  the  Hanoverian  and 
Prussian  courts  to  the  secretaries  of  state  in  London. 
Stepney  Papers,  Additional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.),  7058-9, 
7061-79,  are  for  the  most  part  letters  to  and  from  George 
Stepney,  probably  the  greatest  English  diplomat  of  his 
time.  Strafford  Papers,  Additional  Manuscripts  (B.  M.), 
22183-22267,  contain  papers  relating  to  the  Wentworth 
and  Johnson  families,  and  deal  with  the  official  and  politi- 
cal life  of  the  Earl  of  Strafford,  an  important  English 
minister  in  the  latter  part  of  the  reign.  Wharton  Manu- 
scripts (Bodl.)  is  made  up  mostly  of  transcripts  of  the 
sources  and  secondary  accounts  dealing  with  the  Wharton 
family.  Willis  Manuscripts  (Bodl.)  consists  of  papers 
collected  by  Brooks  Willis  and  are  useful  on  parlia- 
mentary elections. 

Correspondence,  etc. 

Since  the  publication  of  the  more  recent  works  upon 
the  reign,  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission  has 
made  noteworthy  contributions  to  the  materials  for 
this  period.     Particularly  is  this  true  of  the  Portland 


412  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Manuscripts,  several  volumes  of  which  have  appeared 
in  the  last  twenty  years.  The  Bath  Manuscripts,  the 
Coke  Manuscripts,  and  the  Buccleugh  Manuscripts  are 
also  of  great  value.  Only  a  few  of  the  more  recent  Eng- 
lish and  German  writers  have  had  access  to  these  and 
other  reports  of  the  Historical  Manuscripts  Commission, 
which  is  the  more  unfortunate  in  that  these  reports 
shed  considerable  light  on  the  lives  of  Queen  Anne, 
Godolphin,  and  Harley,  whose  political  activities  cannot 
be  understood  unless  these  well-filled  volumes  are  care- 
fully studied.  Several  miscellaneous  sources  of  im- 
portance have  been  published  in  the  past  score  of  years, 
such  as  Morrison's  Autograph  Collection  and  Hearne's 
Collections,  while  the  biography  of  John  Sharp  has 
apparently  been  overlooked,  although  it  was  published 
nearly  a  century  ago. 

The  Marquis  of  Aileshury  Manuscripts  (H.  M.  C, 
1897)  is  valuable  for  the  information  it  contains  regard- 
ing corruption  in  elections.  Marquis  of  Bath  Manu- 
scripts (H.  M.  C,  1904)  contains  many  important  letters 
of  Harley  and  Godolphin,  previously  unpublished.  Buc- 
cleugh Manuscripts  (H.  M.  C,  1913),  vol.  II,  pt.  ii,  con- 
tains some  of  Shrewsbury's  correspondence.  The 
Calendar  of  State  Papers,  Domestic,  1702-3,  though  dis- 
appointing because  it  lacks  an  introduction,  prints  care- 
fully selected  materials  from  all  kinds  of  domestic  papers. 
Coke  Manuscripts  (H.  M.  C,  1888-9)  contains  the  papers 
of  Thomas  Coke,  an  active  politician,  and  gives  an  excel- 
lent picture  of  the  political  life  of  the  times.  W.  Coxe, 
Private  and  Original  Correspondence  of  .  .  .  the  Duke  of 
Shrewsbury  (1821)  prints,  unfortunately,  but  few  letters 
for  Anne's  reign.  Remarks  and  Collections  of  Thomas 
Hearne,  1705-24  (Doble  and  Rannie,  eds.,  1885-1895),  5 
vols.,  concerns  Thomas  Hearne,  an  Oxford  scholar  and 
antiquarian,  who  held  some  semi-official  position  in  the 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  413 

Bodleian  Library.  His  diary  and  the  accompanying 
letters  are  most  illuminative  of  the  life  of  an  eighteenth- 
century  scholar.  The  Letter-Books  of  John  Hervey  (first 
baron  of  Bristol)  (1884),  3  vols.,  together  with  his  Diary, 
sheds  light  upon  the  business  affairs  of  the  gentry.  The 
Diplomatic  Correspondence  of  Richard  Hill  (W.  Black- 
ley,  ed.,  1885),  2  vols.,  brings  one  into  touch  with  diplo- 
matic affairs  in  southern  Europe.  Letters  Illustrative 
of  the  Reign  of  William  III,  1696-1708  (G.  P.  R.  James, 
ed.,  1841),  3  vols.,  is  suggestive  and  important.  The 
Private  Correspondence  of  Sarah,  Duchess  of  Marl- 
borough (2d  ed.,  1838),  2  vols.,  is  of  inestimable  value  for 
the  inner  history  of  political  intrigue  from  1705  to  1710. 
The  Marlborough  Manuscripts  (H.  M.  C,  1881)  is  very 
important  in  showing  the  relations  of  the  queen  with  the 
duchess  and  the  duke,  as  well  as  with  Harley  and  Godol- 
phin.  Catalogue  of  the  Autograph  Letters  in  the  Col- 
lection formed  by  Alfred  Morrison  (A.  W.  Thibaudeau, 
ed.,  privately  printed,  1883),  13  vols.,  prints  in  full  im- 
portant letters  of  Harley,  Marlborough,  and  the  queen. 
It  is  a  very  rare  and  valuable  work.  Portland  Manu- 
scripts, vols.  II-VIII  (H.  M.  C,  1892-1902),  contains 
the  correspondence  of  the  Harley  family  and  is  of  great 
service  in  understanding  the  political  life  of  the  epoch. 
The  correspondence  herein  contained  between  Harley  and 
Godolphin  is  extensive  and  valuable.  Wentworth 
Papers  (J.  J.  Cartwright,  ed.,  1883)  contains  the  letters 
of  Peter  Wentworth,  the  besotted  brother  of  the  Earl  of 
Strafford,  and  is  useful  in  connection  with  the  election 
of  1710. 

Memoirs  and  Historical  Works 

By  far  the  greater  number  of  secondary  works  have 
been  based  upon  the  Parliamentary  History,  and  the  his- 
tories of  Boyer  and  Burnet.    Indeed,  most  of  the  nearly 


414  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PAETIES 

contemporary  works   are  also  largely  dependent  upon 
these  three  sources. 

Abel  Boyer,  History  of  the  Reign  of  Queen  Anne 
(1722),  is  a  species  of  abridgement  of  the  Annals  and 
Political  State  referred  to  below.  It  is  dull  and  uninter- 
esting, but  contains  many  important  facts,  particularly 
in  connection  with  the  oflficial  and  military  side  of  the 
reign.  Gilbert  Burnet,  History  of  My  Own  Time  (1823), 
6  vols.,  is  the  best  edition  of  this  famous  work,  and  con- 
tains notes  by  Swift,  Hardwicke,  Onslow,  and  Dartmouth. 
It  is  rather  a  species  of  memoir  than  a  true  history,  and 
its  bias  is  to  some  extent  corrected  by  reference  to  the 
original  draft,  which  has  been  edited  by  H.  C.  Foxcroft, 
in  a  Supplement  to  Burnet  (1902).  Edmund  Calamy, 
Historical  Account  of  My  Own  Life  (1829),  2  vols.,  is  the 
autobiography  of  a  stanch  non-conformist,  and  casts  light 
upon  the  lives  of  the  Dissenters.  Paul  Chamberlen,  An 
Impartial  History  of  the  Life  and  Reign  of  Queen  Anne 
(1738)  is  one  of  the  best  contemporary  histories.  Eoger 
Coke,  A  Detection  of  the  Court  and  State  of  England 
during  the  Reigns  of  the  Stuarts  (1719-29),  3  vols.,  is 
another  excellent  work.  The  Private  Diary  of  William, 
Lord  Cowper  (1823),  is  particularly  important  for  in- 
formation dealing  with  the  cabinet  council.  The  only 
copy  available  in  the  United  States  is,  as  far  as  I  know, 
in  the  Athenaeum,  Boston.  Narcissus  Luttrell's  A  Brief 
Relation  of  State  Affairs,  1678-1714  (1857),  6  vols.,  is  a 
sort  of  tri-weekly  diary  of  important  happenings,  and 
has  proved  of  much  value.  The  Account  of  the  Conduct 
of  Sarah,  Dowager  Duchess  of  Marlborough  (1742),  is 
really  the  autobiography  of  the  duchess  and  is  invaluable 
for  the  study  of  the  reign.  Thomas  Sharp 's  Life  of  John 
Sharp,  Archbishop  of  York  (1825),  2  vols.,  is  mainly  made 
up  of  extracts  from  the  archbishop's  diary,  and  shows 
how  intimate  he  was  with  the  queen. 


BIBLIOGRAPHICAL  NOTES  415 

Periodicals  and  Pamphlets 

Practically  all  the  leading  newspapers  of  the  period 
were  party  organs,  engaged  primarily  in  promoting  the 
interests  of  political  parties.  Beyond  utilizing  the  writ- 
ings of  Swift,  historians  of  the  Stuart  period,  Macaulay 
alone  excepted,  have  made  very  little  use  of  these 
papers.  Yet,  the  pages  of  the  Examiner,  the  Medley, 
the  Whig  Examiner,  the  Rehearsal,  and  even  the  Taller, 
are  instructive  and  amusing  in  their  reflections  upon  the 
vicissitudes  of  the  political  game.  Defoe 's  Review,  issued 
tri-weekly  (1704-1711),  8  vols.,  has  been  in  particular 
most  suggestive  on  commercial  and  financial  matters. 
It  acts  as  a  notable  supplement  and  corrective  to  the 
letters  of  John  Drummond  in  the  Portland  Manuscripts, 
and  to  the  letters  of  Bolingbroke.  All  these,  together 
with  the  reports  of  trade  and  finance  found  in  the  tracts 
of  the  time  and  the  pages  of  the  Evening  Post,  give  one 
a  view  of  the  period  which  is  not  obtainable  elsewhere. 
For  the  official  and  semi-official  notices,  the  London 
Gazette  and  the  Postman  are  valuable.  Equally  so  is 
Edward  and  John  Chamberlayne 's  Anglice  Notitia  (pub- 
lished almost  every  second  year,  1669-1755),  which  is  a 
compendium  of  useful  information  regarding  affairs  in 
general,  including  the  government  and  its  officials.  Abel 
Boyer's  History  of  the  Reign  digested  into  Annals,  is  a 
review  of  important  events  month  by  month,  and  was 
succeeded  by  the  Political  State,  which  is  fuller  and  more 
satisfactory. 

Comparatively  little  use  has  hitherto  been  made  of  the 
extensive  pamphlet  materials  of  the  reign.  Such  writers 
as  Addison,  Arbuthnot,  Swift,  Defoe,  Thomas  Burnet, 
and  Leslie  wrote  extensively  on  all  phases  of  English 
affairs.  Fortunately,  both  American  and  British  libra- 
ries are  rich  in  these  tracts.    At  Yale  University  is  the 


416  ENGLISH  POLITICAL  PARTIES 

Wagner  Collection  of  economic  pamphlets,  which  is  sup- 
plemented by  hundreds  of  volumes  of  ''College  Pam- 
phlets." McGill  and  Harvard  Universities  have  large 
numbers  also.  None  of  these  libraries,  of  course,  pos- 
sess such  valuable  collections  as  the  British  Museum  or 
the  Bodleian,  but  their  collections  are  far  more  extensive 
than  it  is  usually  supposed.  John  Arbuthnot's  Laiv  is 
a  Bottomless  Pit  (1712)  is  a  covert  attack  upon  the 
French  and  Dutch,  as  well  as  a  discussion  of  the  peace 
preliminaries.  Defoe's  Conduct  of  Parties  in  England 
(1712)  maintains  that  the  junto  first  undermined  Marl- 
borough and  Godolphin  and  thus  made  it  possible  for 
the  Tories  to  overthrow  them.  His  Shortest  Way  with 
the  Dissenters  (1703)  thoroughly  aroused  the  Anglicans 
against  him.  A  Supplement  to  Faults  on  Both  Sides 
(1710)  seems  to  be  moderately  Tory,  or  moderately  Whig, 
and  the  writer  hoped  for  a  coalition  ministry  under 
Harley  as  chief  minister.  James  Drake's  The  Memorial 
of  the  Church  of  England  (1705)  attacks  the  ministry  for 
its  attitude  on  occasional  conformity.  Faults  on  Both 
Sides  (1710)  is  very  moderate  and  fair  in  its  tone,  and 
brought  forth  many  replies  and  rejoinders.  Other  Side 
of  the  Question  is  a  caustic  criticism  of  An  Account  of  the 
Conduct.  A  Review  of  a  late  Treatise,  etc.  (1742),  is  a 
bitter  reflection  upon  the  career  of  the  Duchess  of  Marl- 
borough while  in  public  employment.  The  Somers' 
Tracts,  13  vols.,  contains  many  pamphlets  of  the  reign  of 
Anne.  John  Toland's  Memorial  of  the  State  of  Great 
Britain  (1705)  is  a  reply  to  a  Memorial  of  the  Church  of 
England. 


INDEX 


Admiralty,  investigations  of,  176, 
179,  265,  308;  inefficiency  of, 
176-8;  junto  threatens  to  inves- 
tigate, 342;  reorganization  of, 
372 
Age  of  Anne,  importance  of,  7 
Anne,  Queen  of  England,  appearance 
and  habits  of,  27;  childhood  of, 
28;  children  of,  28,  57;  piety 
of,  29,  30,  32;  deserts  her 
father,  29-32;  relations  of  with 
the  Duchess  of  Marlborough, 
29-33,  184-225,  261,  305,  358- 
70;  feeling  of  toward  Mary  of 
Modena,  30,  32;  economy  of, 
33;  demands  a  parliamentary 
settlement,  34;  bestows  dow- 
ries, 34,  69;  quarrels  with 
Mary  II,  35-42;  determination 
of,  38,  40-2,  45,  88,  90,  93,  104, 
173,  175,  193,  283,  305,  348, 
369;  loyalty  of  toward  Lady 
Marlborough,  39-41 ;  ill-treated 
by  William  III,  40,  43;  ap- 
points Lady  Marlborough  groom 
of  stole,  44,  68;  makes  Marl- 
borough captain  general,  44; 
characterizations  of,  45-6;  rela- 
tives of,  57;  accession  of,  59; 
compared  with  Elizabeth,  59; 
first  speech  of  to  parliament, 
61-4;  theory  of  as  to  the  pre- 
rogative, 63-5;  favors  the 
union,  65,  153-4;  first  ministry 
of,  67-70,  205;  wishes  to  ap- 
point her  husband,  68;  creates 
five  new  peers,  70;  attitude  of 
toward  Godolphin,  72,  308;  re- 
turns part  of  parliamentary 
grant,  74;  gives  up  first-fruits 
and  tenths,  75;  part  of  in  the 


election  of  1702,  78;  speech  of 
to  parliament,  84;  meets  Harley 
in  secret,  84,  249,  260;  desires 
harmony  between  the  houses, 
88,  91 ;  fails  to  support  second 
Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  89; 
angry  at  Highfliers  and  "tack- 
ers,"  89-93,  100;  dismisses 
Highfliers,  100-3,  108,  195;  tact 
of,  89,  96,  99,  104,  200,  305; 
speeches  of  to  parliament,  106- 
7;  attends  debates  in  parlia- 
ment, 107;  dismisses  more 
Tories,  128-30;  opposes  appoint- 
ment of  Sunderland,  129,  198- 
201 ;  admits  Whigs  to  ministry, 
130,  195,  197,  354;  appoints 
Sunderland,  130,  202;  interest 
of  in  appointments,  136,  295; 
attitude  of  toward  Pretender, 
137-9;  unfriendly  to  Hanove- 
rians, 139-45,  283-4;  increase  in 
power  of,  148,  320;  relations 
with  the  Church,  159-74,  210; 
interest  of  in  filling  benefices, 
160,  210;  feeling  of  toward 
Dissenters,  163;  hostile  toward 
Whigs,  165,  348;  fills  two  sees, 
171-5,  305;  dismisses  Harley, 
181,  242,  315;  favorites  of, 
192-5,  203;  dissembles  her  feel- 
ings, 193;  sullenness  of,  202; 
forbids  sale  of  places,  204; 
jealous  of  Abigail,  214,  261; 
present  at  marriage  of  Abi- 
gail, 216;  champions  Abigail 
against  duchess,  217-22,  366, 
368;  interest  of  in  diplomatic 
appointments,  235 ;  desires 
peace,  236;  wishes  to  change 
her  ministry,  312;   sympathetic 


418 


INDEX 


to  Greg,  312;  dismisses  Harley, 
314;  retains  Mrs.  Masham,  315, 
354;  supports  the  Bank,  319; 
indisposition  of,  320,  344,  350, 
355;  opposes  Somers,  326-30, 
335,  341-8;  appeals  to  Marl- 
borough, 329,  358,  369;  criti- 
cizes Sunderland,  337,  342; 
active  against  junto,  344;  re- 
gains Marlborough 's  support, 
345 ;  Whig  pleas  fail  with,  351 ; 
appoints  Montagu,  Wharton 
and  Somers,  353;  death  of  hus- 
band of,  353;  asked  to  marry 
again,  356 ;  approached  by  Jaco- 
bites, 357;  quarrel  with  duchess, 
358-70;  interview  with  duchess, 
361;  slights  Lady  Marlborough, 
365,  369;  favors  Duchess  of 
Somerset,  368;  final  interview 
with  duchess,  369;  objects  to 
change  in  Admiralty,  372;  in- 
sists on  appointment  of  HUl, 
380;  alarmed  by  attack  on  Mrs. 
Masham,  384;  letter  of  to 
Marlborough,  385;  grants  pen- 
sion to  Hill,  386;  determined  to 
change  ministry,  389;  appoints 
Shrewsbury,  390;  letter  of  to 
Godolphin,  391;  dismisses  Sun- 
derland and  Godolphin,  392-3; 
general  triumph  of,  393-4,  400-2 

Ashby  vs.  White.  See  Aylesbury 
case 

Atterbury,  Dr.  Francis,  character  of, 
52;  made  royal  chaplain,  167 
supported  by  Harley,  168,  213 
appointed  dean  and  bishop,  168 
quarrel  with  Bishop  Nicholson, 
168-9;     becomes     confidant     of 
queen,  325 

Aylesbury  case,  the  facts  of,  96;  im- 
portance of,  98;  settlement  of, 
99 

Bank  of  England,  21,  26,  319 


Beveridge,  Dr.,  155,  163 

Bishoprics  of  Chester  and  Exeter, 
171-4 

Blenheim,  battle  of,  105,  267,  286 

Bolingbroke,  Viscount.  See  St. 
John,  Henry 

Boroughs,  representation  of,  76 

Bounty,  Queen  Anne's,  75 

Bribery  in  elections,  82,  112-4,  333-5 

Bromley,  William,  91,  124,  163,  346 

Buckingham,  Duke  of,  friend  of 
Anne,  69;  made  duke,  69,  206; 
appointed  privy  seal,  69;  dis- 
missed, 108,  292;  favors  the 
"invitation,"  142-3,  194;  pun- 
ishes Defoe,  258 

Burnet,  Gilbert,  Bishop  of  Salisbury, 
tutor  to  Gloucester,  42;  part  of 
in  the  election  of  1705,  117, 
121;  favors  Eegency  Bill,  145; 
works  for  union,  155;  favors 
Queen  Anne's  Bounty,  162;  re- 
lations with  Anne,  167;  History 
of  My  Own  Time  by,  187,  409; 
attitude  towards  Sacheverell 
trial,  387 

By-elections,  of  1705,  127;  of  1708, 
340 

Cabinet.  See  Cabinet  council,  Tri- 
umvirate 

Cabinet  council,  243,  248-9,  255, 
258 ;  development  of,  270-4 ;  re- 
lation of  triumvirate  to,  274, 
297,  311,  314 

Cabinet,  inner.  See  Cabinet  council, 
Triumvirate 

Cabinet,  outer.  See  Cabinet  council, 
Triumvirate 

Calamy,  Dr.,  263-4 

Carte,  Thomas,  189,  409 

Chester,  election  in,  121 

Chevalier.    See  Pretender 

Churchill,  George,  130,  179,  308,  320, 
341,  347,  353 


INDEX 


419 


Chiirehill,  John  (later  Baron).  See 
Marlborough 

Churchill,  Lady.     See  Marlborough 

Civil  list  of  Queen  Anne,  74.  See 
also  Patronage 

Clergy,  condition  of,  75,  162,  N. 

Compton,  Henry,  Bishop  of  London, 
aids  Anne's  flight,  30,  160;  ad- 
vises Anne,  160,  167 

Council,  committee  of.  See  Cabinet 
council.  Triumvirate 

Court  appointments,  203-11 

Coventry,  election  in,  120 

Cowper,  William,  Lord,  appointed 
lord  keeper,  129,  195,  203; 
made  lord  chancellor,  130, 196-7 ; 
created  a  peer,  131;  power 
over  advowsons,  130,  166; 
favors  Somers,  351;  opposes 
Marlborough,  374 

Credit,  English,  319-20 

Dawes,  Sir  William,  161,  305 

Defoe,  Daniel,  on  origin  of  parties, 
13;  character  of,  55;  part  in 
election  of  1705,  111,  120;  work 
of  in  Scotland,  152,  155;  re- 
lations with  Harley,  257-60, 
288;  writes  pamphlets,  257; 
punished  by  ministry,  257-9; 
refuses  to  confess,  258;  inter- 
cession of  Harley  and  Godol- 
phin,  258,  288;  Anne's  interest 
in,  258;  is  released  from  New- 
gate, 259 ;  publishes  the  Beview, 
259,  289;  acts  as  secret  agent, 
288-91;  encourages  Harley,  315 

Devonshire,  Duke  of,  327,  351 

Dissenters,  composition  of,  16,  23, 
26;  friendship  of  Harley  for, 
263;  treatment  of  during 
Sacheverell  trial,  388 

Election  methods,  77-8 

Election  of  1702,  78-83 ;  part  played 
by  court  in,  78-82;  activity  of 
clergy    in,    80;     Nottingham's 


part  in,  81-2;  Seymour  active 
in,  82;  treating  in,  82;  rioting 
in,  82 ;  controverted  elections  of, 
82-3;   Harley  active  in,  249 

Election  of  1705,  108-22;  prepara- 
tion for,  108;  contest  bitter 
over,  109;  influence  of  clergy 
in,  109-10;  pamphleteering  in, 
111;  influence  of  "tack"  on, 
111,  116-7;  activity  of  peers 
in.  111,  121-2;  bribery  in,  112- 
4;  unfair  returns  in,  115;  im- 
portance of  Dissenters  in,  115-6 ; 
part  of  Quakers  in,  116;  part 
played  by  court  in,  116,  117-9; 
rioting  in,  120-2;  effect  of  war 
on,  122-3;  significance  of,  122 

Election  of  1708,  relation  of  to  can- 
didacy of  Somers,  331;  activity 
of  Harley  in,  331-3;  Marl- 
borough's interest  in,  332;  work 
of  the  junto  in,  332,  337; 
bribery  in,  334 ;  rioting  in,  335 ; 
outcome  of  doubtful,  335; 
Sunderland's  interest  in,  336; 
the  Scots  in,  336 

Election  of  1710,  393 

Elections,  controverted,  of  1702, 
82-3;  of  1705,  trial  of,  126-8; 
St.  Alban's  election,  126-7; 
Leicester  polling,  127;  at  Bed- 
win,  127 

Elections,  controverted,  of  1708,  great 
number  of,  339 ;  method  of  try- 
ing, 339;  Harcourt  disqualified 
in,  340;  general  results  of,  340 

England,  Church  of,  conditions  in, 
22-4;  clergy  of,  23-4;  interest 
of  in  election  of  1705,  110; 
Anne's  appointments  in,  159-74; 
interest  of  in  election  of  1710, 
389 

Evelyn,  John,  112,  115 

Fourbin,  Admiral,  178,  317-20 

Freeman,  Mr.    See  Marlborough 


420 


INDEX 


Freeman,  Mrs.  See  Duchess  of 
Marlborough 

George,  Prince  of  Denmark,  deserts 
James  II,  30-1 ;  character  of, 
37,  56,  355;  importance  of,  37, 
57,  355;  ill-treated  by  William 
III,  40;  appointed  lord  high 
admiral,  68;  votes  for  Occa- 
sional Conformity  Bill,  87; 
granted  pension,  100;  adminis- 
trative ability  of,  179,  265, 
308,  320,  342 ;  political  opinions 
of,  191;  opposes  Somers,  328; 
relations  with  Churchill,  341; 
threatened  with  an  investiga- 
tion, 342;  illness  of,  344,  350; 
attacked  by  junto,  351 ;  death 
of,  353;  significance  of  death 
of,  355 

Godolphin,  Sidney,  Earl  of,  char- 
acter of,  48,  237-8;  reasons  for 
appointment  as  lord  high  treas- 
urer, 72,  237;  financial  ability 
of,  72,  237;  created  an  earl,  72; 
part  in  election  of  1705,  117-8; 
gains  support  of  junto,  146-7, 
241;  activity  in  the  union,  152- 
3,  241;  weakness  of,  153,  238, 
268-9,  277,  286;  influence  of  in 
church  affairs,  159,  175;  politi- 
cal opinions  of,  192,  298,  303; 
favors  Sunderland,  198-202 ; 
political  influence  of,  237-42; 
acts  as  first  minister,  238-42; 
attacked  by  both  Whigs  and 
Tories,  239;  secures  support  of 
Harley,  239-41;  influence  on  the 
patronage,  240;  opposes  Harley, 
242,  297;  regains  co-operation 
of  Harley,  256-60,  279 ;  unpopu- 
larity of,  267-8;  makes  new 
agreement  with  junto,  286;  dif- 
ficulties with  junto,  300-3; 
threatens  to  resign,  304,  347; 
tries  to  reconcile  Harley,  306-7; 


forces  Harley  to  resign,  314; 
activity  in  election  of  1708,  332, 
335;  neglects  junto,  345;  loses 
power  over  Anne,  347;  grants 
more  offices  to  Whigs,  356,  360; 
fears  influence  of  Mrs.  Masham, 
363;  distress  of,  370;  fears  im- 
pulsiveness of  Sunderland,  371; 
advises  Marlborough  to  moder- 
ate demands,  372;  insists  on 
Saeheverell  trial,  387;  letter 
from  Anne  to,  390 ;  complains  to 
Anne,  391 ;  dismissal  of,  393 

Gwynne,  Sir  Rowland,  119,  267,  285 

Halifax,  Charles  Montagu,  Earl  of, 
character  of,  53-4;  as  finance 
minister,  244;  impeachment  of, 
244-5;  inclines  towards  Tories, 
343,  370 

Hamilton,  Duke  of,  character  of,  52; 
solicits  aid  of  Lady  Marl- 
borough, 209;  active  in  election 
of  1708,  336 

Hanmer,  Sir  Thomas,  313,  338 

Hanover,  Elector  of,  visit  of  to  Eng- 
land, 65;  licentiousness  of,  65; 
military  ambitions  of,  323 

Hanoverians,  the,  invitation  to,  139- 
44,  282-4;  invitation  to  sup- 
ported by  Highfliers,  142-3; 
passage  of  Regency  Act  in 
behalf  of,  144-5;  attitude  of 
Anne  to,  252,  283-4;  renewal  of 
invitation  to,  324-5,  343,  383 

Harcourt,   Sir   Simon,   character   of, 
51;  suggested  as  speaker,  124 
made      attorney-general,      130 
interest   in   appointments,   261 
resignation  of,  325;  disqualified 
in  controverted  election,  340 

Harley,  Robert,  character  of,  48-9; 
elected  speaker,  83,  246-7;  con- 
nected with  preparing  queen's 
speeches,  84,  240,  248-9,  260, 
298;     begins    secret    visits    to 


INDEX 


421 


Anne,  84,  249,  260;  succeeds 
Nottingham,  103,  265,  277-9; 
part  in  the  election  of  1705, 
118-9 ;  refuses  speakership 
(1705),  123;  interest  in  pat- 
ronage, 136,  292-6;  negotiations 
for  union,  152;  importance  in 
filling  benefices,  167-74,  263; 
friendship  for  Atterbury,  168-9, 
263 ;  his  advances  towards  High- 
fliers, 172,  175,  299;  supports 
Trelawny  and  two  other  bish- 
ops, 173-4,  305;  influence  of 
Greg's  treason  on,  180-1,  310-2; 
forced  to  resign,  181,  242,  315; 
stand  on  Sunderland's  appoint- 
ment, 201 ;  relations  with  Mrs. 
Masham,  220,  261,  299-300,  358, 
367;  supports  Godolphin,  239- 
41,  255-60;  early  life  of,  243-5; 
opposes  William  III,  244-6;  im- 
portant correspondents  of,  245- 
6;  interest  in  the  succession, 
247,  282-3 ;  aids  preparation  for 
war,  247-8;  re-elected  speaker, 
250 ;  member  of  the  triumvirate, 
243-74;  importance  in  foreign 
affairs,  250-2,  280-5;  promotes 
the  union,  253,  301;  political 
skill,  254-6;  opposes  Occa- 
sional Conformity  Bill,  256,  264, 
287;  realizes  value  of  press  in 
politics,  259,  276,  289-91;  en- 
joys confidence  of  Anne,  261, 
266,  300,  313 ;  influence  over  the 
patronage,  261-3;  influence  of 
over  monied  men,  262;  friend- 
ship of  for  Dissenters,  263- 
4;  secures  confidence  of  Angli- 
cans, 264;  secrecy  of  plans  of, 
264-5;  acts  as  speaker  and  sec- 
retary of  state,  265-6;  reasons 
for  appointment  of,  265-8;  co- 
operation of  St.  John  with,  269 ; 
relations     to     cabinet     council, 


274;  versatility  of,  275-8;  polit- 
ical   skill    of,    276-8;    political 
opinions  of,  277,  297,  303;  acts 
as  secretary  of  state,  279-315; 
his  attitude  towards  Anne,  285; 
supports     Cowper     and     New- 
castle, 292-5;   intrigues  against 
ministry,  299-301,  313;  prepara- 
tions for  election  of  1708,  331-3, 
335-6;   intrigues  with  Wharton 
and  Halifax,  343 ;  gains  support 
of  Shrewsbury,  343,  377,  390; 
secures  co-operation  of  moder- 
ates,   346;    works    with    Anne, 
364;    plans   overthrow   of   min- 
istry, 365,   367;    hinders  peace 
negotiations,    376;     growth    of 
power,  378;  favors  appointment 
of    Hill,    380;    makes    use    of 
Sacheverell  trial,  387-9;  advises 
Anne  to  be  moderate,  390;  be- 
comes first  minister,  393;  forms 
a  Tory  ministry,  393 
Haversham,  Lord,  176,  324,  346,  362 
Hearne,  Thomas,  189,  378 
Hedges,  Sir  Charles,  71,  197-8 
Hervey,  John,  Lord,  71,  207-8 
High   Church   party,   principles   of, 
23-5;    opposes    occasional    con- 
formity, 85-9,  91-4;   favors  in- 
vitation to  Hanoverians,  139-45 ; 
leaders    of    oppose    the    union, 
153,  155 
Highfliers.    See  High  Church  party 
Hill,  Abigail.    See  Mrs.  Masham 
Hill,  John,  appointment  of,  380-6; 
Marlborough  refuses  to  appoint, 
380;     political    struggle    over, 
381-5;    conferences    over,    383; 
Anne  grants  a  pension  to,  386; 
made  a  brigadier  general,  386 
Hoadly,  Dr.  Benjamin,  163 
Hooper,   Dr.,   Bishop   of   Bath   and 

Wells,  155,  165,  169-70,  263 
Jacobites,   principles   of,    25,    51-2  j 


422 


INDEX 


leaders  of,  52;  in  Scotland, 
150-1,  282;  number  of,  282;  aid 
for  Scottish  expedition  from, 
317-8;  write  to  Anne,  357 

James  II,  attempts  to  make  England 
Catholic,  30;  gives  way  to  Wil- 
liam III,  32;  distrusts  Anne, 
43;  death  of,  43 

Jennings,  Sarah.  See  Marlborough, 
Duchess  of 

Jersey,  Earl  of,  character  of,  52; 
appointed  lord  chamberlain,  72; 
dismissed  from  office,  103,  293; 
unreasonableness  of,  261 

Junto,  composition  of,  52;  char- 
acterizations of,  53-5;  oppose 
invitation  to  Hanover,  144; 
support  the  ministry,  146-7; 
force  Sunderland  into  ministry, 
198,  202;  unfriendly  to  Harley, 
286;  form  agreement  with  Go- 
dolphin,  300-3;  urge  claims  of 
Somers,  326-30;  interest  of  in 
election  of  1708,  332,  337; 
threaten  investigation  of  Ad- 
miralty, 341,  349;  complain  of 
Marlborough  and  Godolphin, 
345,  375;  attack  Prince  George, 
351;  interfere  in  diplomacy, 
353;  importune  for  offices,  356; 
threatened  break-up  of,  370; 
overthrow  of,  393 

Kent,  Earl  of,  129,  292,  390,  392 

Leicester,  election  of,  121-2 

Lewis,  Erasmus,  288,  335 

Lords  of  the  Committee.  See  Cabi- 
net council.  Triumvirate 

Louis  XIV,  19,  66,  85,  317 

Low  Church  party,  23,  26 

Malplaquet,  battle  of,  373,  377 

Mansell,  Thomas,  269,  287,  325 

Marlborough,  John  Churchill,  Duke 
of,  treatment  of  by  William 
III,  35;  character  of,  47,  227; 
rewarded  by  Anne,   68,  231-2; 


receives  dukedom  and  pension, 
68,  206-7,  231;  political  opinions 
of,  191,  227-8;  supports  Sun- 
derland, 199-201;  political  in- 
fluence of,  225-37;  early  life  of, 
225-6;  position  of  in  1702,  226- 
7;  opposes  Highfliers,  228; 
respect  for  Anne,  228-9,  347; 
enters  into  agreement  with 
junto,  230;  made  Prince  of 
Mindelheim,  231;  enormous  in- 
come of,  232;  unpopularity  of, 
232,  267-8,  321,  373,  377;  in- 
fluence of  in  appointments,  232- 
5;  favors  Harley  and  St.  John, 
233-4,  277,  286;  importance  of 
in  war  and  diplomacy,  235-6; 
relies  upon  Harley,  236-7,  241, 
256,  260,  265,  279,  284,  294-7; 
threatens  to  resign,  302,  304, 
349;  asks  for  Harley 's  dismis- 
sal, 304-8;  retires  from  court, 
314;  supports  Bank  of  England, 
319;  relation  to  peace  negotia- 
tions, 322,  374,  377;  attitude 
towards  Hanover,  324;  active  in 
election  of  1708,  332,  336;  yields 
to  junto,  341;  opposes  his 
brother,  341,  346,  351;  pleads 
for  Sunderland,  344;  favors  re- 
moval of  Mrs.  Masham,  350; 
fears  influence  of  Mrs.  Masham, 
359,  363,  368;  asks  to  be  made 
captain  general  for  life,  366, 
374,  381;  attacks  Harley,  367; 
recommends  Orford,  371;  parsi- 
mony of,  373;  opposes  Hill, 
380;  consults  junto  and  queen, 
381 ;  again  retires  from  court, 
382;  appeals  to  Anne,  382; 
Whigs  fail  to  support,  386; 
opposes  Sacheverell  trial,  387 
Marlborough,  Sarah,  Duchess  of, 
lady  of  bedchamber  to  Anne, 
29-42;   aids  Anne  in   deserting 


INDEX 


423 


James  II,  29-32;  supported  by 
Anne  against  the  queen,  35-42; 
religious  principles  of,  35,  163; 
rewarded  by  Queen  Anne,  44, 
68;  character  of,  47-8;  absents 
self  from  court,  159,  212,  358; 
interest  of  in  filling  church 
benefices,  166-7;  opposes  queen 
in  matter  of  two  bishoprics,  173- 
205;  political  influence  of,  184- 
225;  testimony  of  secondary 
writers  as  to  influence  of  on 
Anne,  185-6,  305;  statements  as 
to  political  power  of,  187-90; 
testimony  of  as  to  her  own 
influence,  190;  part  played  in 
choosing  Anne's  first  ministry, 
191-2,  205-6;  political  opinions 
of,  191-3 ;  wishes  Anne  to  favor 
Whigs,  192-3,  212;  hostUe  to 
Hedges,  197-8;  wishes  Sunder- 
land made  secretary  of  state, 
198,  211-2,  286;  part  played  by 
in  appointing  court  ofl5cials,  203- 
11;  opposes  grant  of  dukedom 
to  Marlborough,  206-7 ;  influence 
of  in  creating  peers,  206-8 ;  atti- 
tude of  towards  Hanoverian 
question,  211;  attacks  Mrs. 
Masham,  215-22,  357,  361,  369; 
quarrel  of  with  Abigail,  216-9, 
357;  political  ability  of,  225; 
conclusions  as  to  influence  of, 
225,  305;  discovers  Harley's 
intrigues,  299;  quarrels  with 
Anne,  358-70;  interview  with 
queen,  361;  reconciled  to  Anne, 
362 ;  slights  Mrs.  Masham,  363 
coolly  treated  by  queen,  365 
special  appeal  to  Anne,  368 
demands  aid  of  ministry  against 
Mrs.  Masham,  369;  her  last 
meeting  with  Anne,  392;  dis- 
missal of,  401 
Mary  II,  Queen,  30,  35-42,  225 


Masham,  Mrs.  Abigail,  aids  Harley, 
172,  213;  secretly  married,  172- 
3,  215-6;  becomes  Anne's  con- 
fidante, 212-5;  character  and 
ability  of,  213-7;  early  life  of, 
213;  befriended  by  duchess, 
213-4;  quarrel  with  Lady  Marl- 
borough, 216-9,  357,  361;  sup- 
ported by  queen,  216-20;  co- 
operation of  with  Harley,  220-2, 
261,  299-300,  358,  367;  infiuence 
of  with  Anne,  305,  346,  359 ;  re- 
tained by  queen,  314,  325,  354; 
attacked  by  ministry,  346,  350; 
fears  Lady  Marlborough's  in- 
fluence, 362;  replaces  the  duch- 
ess, 365,  368;  threatened  by 
Sunderland,  383 

Ministry  of  Godolphin,  disruption  of, 
149,  sq.;  nature  of,  182,  291-2, 
327;  gradual  change  in,  327; 
divisions  in,  383;  end  of,  392-3 

Montagu,  Charles.  See  Halifax, 
Earl  of 

Montagu,  Sir  James,  made  solicitor 
general,  130;  supported  by 
junto,  325-30;  appointed  attor- 
ney-general, 353 

Morley,  Mrs.    See  Anne,  Queen 

Naturalization,  Act  of,  145 

Newcastle,  Duke  of,  appointed  privy 
seal,  108,  292;  cause  of  cham- 
pioned by  Harley,  292-3;  Marl- 
borough seeks  support  of,  307; 
supports  Bank  of  England,  319; 
marriage  of  daughter  of,  368 

Non-conformists.     See  Dissenters 

Normanby,  Marquis  of.  See  Buck- 
ingham, Duke  of 

Nottingham,  Daniel  Finch,  Earl  of, 
character  of,  50-1 ;  made  secre- 
tary of  state,  69;  activity  in 
election  of  1702,  81 ;  dismissed 
by  Anne,  102-3,  293;  opposes 
the  union,  153;  ability  of,  235; 


424 


INDEX 


punishes  Defoe,  257-8;  relation 
to  cabinet  council,  271 

Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  the  first, 
85-8;  purpose  of,  86;  provisions 
of,  86-7;  defeated  by  the 
Lords,  87-8 

Occasional  Conformity  BiU,  the 
second,  88-9;  introduced  by 
Highfliers,  88;  passed  by  House 
of  Commons,  89;  defeated  by 
the  peers,  89 

Occasional  Conformity  Bill,  the 
third,  91-4;  introduced  into  the 
Commons,  91 ;  tacked  to  land 
tax,  92;  defeat  of  bill  in  Lords, 
92;  defeat  of  "tack"  by  the 
Commons,  93;  significance  of, 
93-4;  interest  of  Harley  in,  256, 
264 

Orford,  Edward  EusseU,  Earl  of, 
character  of,  54-5;  urged  for 
admiral,  371;  supported  by 
Marlborough  and  junto,  371; 
appointed  admiral,  372 

Ormond,  Duke  of,  52 

Parliament,  members  of,  bribery  of, 
78 

Parliament,  quarrels  between  the 
houses  of,  84-100;  struggle 
over  occasional  conformity  in, 
84-94;  difiiculties  over  Scottish 
plot  in,  94-6;  contest  over 
Aylesbury  case  in,  96-100 

Parties,  political,  origin  of,  13-7; 
under  Cromwell,  14;  under 
Charles  II,  15;  under  James 
II,  15-6;  under  William  III, 
16-7,  24;  under  early  Hano- 
verians, 17;  under  Anne,  24-7. 
See  also  Whig,  Tory  and  Junto 

Paterson,  William,  152-3,  258 

Patronage,  use  of  by  crown,  131-6; 
evidence  of,  131-3;  geographical 
distribution  of,  133;  objections 
to  reform  of,  134-5;  reforms  of, 


135-6 ;  Anne 's  interest  in,  136-7 

Peers,  creation  of,  in  1703,  70-1;  in 
1711,  71;  in  1705  and  1706,  131 

Penn,  William,  importance  of,  116, 
and  note;  active  in  election  of 
1705,  116;  champion  of  Defoe, 
258;  interest  of  in  election  of 
1708,  331 

Peterborough,  Earl  of,  157-8,  233, 
321,  346 

Pretender,  the,  birth  of,  30,  32; 
bred  a  Catholic,  65 ;  expected  to 
turn  Anglican,  66;  Louis  XIV 
recognizes  claim  of  to  English 
throne,  66;  relations  of  with 
Anne,  137-9;  Jacobites  active 
in  behalf  of,  251-2;  French  aid 
gained  for,  316-8;  takes  part 
in  expedition  of  1708,  316-20; 
effect  of  expedition  of,  319-20 

Prior,  Matthew,  130,  233 

Privateering,  177-8 

Privy  Council,  relation  of  to  cabinet 
council,  273 

Queensberry,  Duke  of,  150,  153-5, 
253 

Reign  of  Queen  Anne,  characteristics 
of,  7,  60;  histories  of,  7-8; 
biographies  of  statesmen  of,  9; 
significance  of,  395-403;  biblio- 
graphical notes  upon,  407-16; 
bibliographical  aids  on,  407-8; 
source  materials  on,  409-16;  un- 
published manuscripts  of,  409- 
11 ;  correspondence  dealing  with, 
411-3;  memoirs  and  historical 
works  on,  413-4;  periodicals  and 
pamphlets  of,  415-6 

Representative  system  of  England, 
76-7 

Beview,  The.    See  Defoe 

Rioting  in  elections,  120-2,  335 

Rivers,  Earl,  work  of  in  Spain,  158, 
281;  quarrel  with  Galway,  281; 
joins    Harley,    377,    379,    392; 


INDEX 


425 


appointed  constable  of   Tower, 
379 
Eochester,  Lawrence  Hyde,  Earl  of, 
attitude  of  toward  war,  25,  85, 
321 ;  intermediary  between  Anne 
and  Mary,  38,  45;  character  of, 
51;    part   in   preparing   Anne's 
first   speech  to   parliament,   63, 
and  note;  leader  of  Highfliers, 
67,   243;    retained  by   Anne   in 
ministry,   72-3;    dismissed  from 
ministry,  101,  229;  opposes  the 
union,  153;   reconciled  to  Har- 
ley,  346 
Eoyal  Favorites,  184,  223-4 
Saeheverell,  the  trial  of,  387-9 
St.    John,    Henry    (later    Viscount 
Bolingbroke),      character      and 
ability  of,  49,  287 ;  Marlborough 
friendly   with,    233,    277,    286 
becomes  secretary  at  war,  269 
political  importance  of,  287;  co 
operates  with  Harley,  313,  352 
resigns     from     ministry,     325 
active  in  election  of  1708,  332, 
335 
Scotland,  expedition  of  1708  in,  316- 

20 
Scotland,   union    of    with    England, 
149-57;    favored  by  Anne,   65, 
153-4;  difficulties  of  negotiation 
of,    66-7,    149-50,    152,    156-7; 
preparations    for,    67;    reasons 
for,  67;   Harley 's  agents  work 
for,  152;  opposed  by  Highfliers, 
153,  155 ;  opposition  to  in  Scot- 
land,   154;     responsibility    for, 
155;     importance     of,     155-6; 
Harley  promotes,  253-4 
Scottish     ("Scotch")     plot,    94-6; 
attitude  of  queen  on,  95-6,  253; 
significance  of,  96 
Seafield,  Earl  of,  152,  155 
Settlement,  Act  of,  66,  67,  247,  252 
Seymour,  Sir  Edward,  character  of. 


51 ;  made  comptroller  of  house- 
hold, 69;  active  in  election  of 
1702,  81-2;  dismissed  by  Anne, 
103,  293;  attacked  Marl- 
borough, 267-8 

Sharp,  John,  Archbishop  of  York, 
supports  Anne's  political  plans, 
143,  283,  308-9;  confidant  of 
Anne,  160,  358;  supports 
Dawes  and  Trimnel,  161-2; 
favors  Queen  Anne's  Bounty, 
162-3 ;  diary  of,  413 

Shires,  representation  of,  177 

Shortest  Way  with  the  Dissenters, 
effect  of,  90-1,  260 

Shovel,  Admiral,  Sir  Cloudesley,  158, 
177 

Shrewsbury,  Charles  Talbot,  Earl  of, 
waits  upon  Anne,  34;  character 
of,  49 ;  relation  to  cabinet,  271 ; 
interest  in  election  of  1708,  332; 
goes  over  to  Tories,  343,  377; 
votes  for  Saeheverell,  390;  ap- 
pointed lord  chamberlain,  390; 
becomes  first  minister,  401 

Smith,  John,  speaker  of  House  of 
Commons,  125 

Somers,  John,  Lord,  character  of,  53- 
4;  dropped  from  Privy  Council, 
70;  impeachment  of,  245-6;  re- 
lation to  cabinet  council,  271; 
candidate  for  lord  president, 
326-30;  objected  to  by  Anne, 
326-30,  335,  341-54;  supported 
by  great  nobles,  327-30;  plan 
to  have  him  displace  Pembroke, 
342;  complains  of  the  ministry, 
351 ;  Whigs  unite  in  favor  of, 
351 ;  appointed  lord  president, 
354,  393;  attempts  to  mediate 
between  Anne  and  Marlborough, 
381-3 

Somerset,  Charles  Seymour,  Duke  of, 
character  of,  55;  active  in  elec- 
tion of  1705,  111,  122;   forces 


426 


INDEX 


Anne  to  dismiss  Harley,  314; 
supports  Bank,  319;  aids 
Somers,  327 ;  advises  Anne,  366 ; 
joins  Harley,  368,  381;  wife  of 
replaces  duchess,  368;  absent 
from  Sacheverell  trial,  390,  392 

Sophia,  Electress  of  Hanover,  139- 
41,  252,  282,  343 

Spanish  Succession,  War  of,  causes 
of,  19,  66;  preparations  for,  19- 
20;  military  reverses  in,  158, 
281,  321;  campaigns  in  Flan- 
ders, 321-2 

Speaker,  election  of  (1705),  extraor- 
dinary attendance  at,  123;  ex- 
citement of,  124;  selection  of 
Smith  at,  125;  importance  of, 
125-6 

Speaker,  election  of  (1708),  Har- 
ley's  preparations  for,  337; 
candidates  in,  338;  selection  of 
Onslow  at,  338 

Speakership,  contest  for,  123-6,  337- 
8;  importance  of,  250 

Stuart,  James  Edward.  See  Pre- 
tender, the 

Succession  to  the  throne.  See  Hano- 
verians, and  Pretender 

Sunderland,  Charles  Spencer,  second 
Earl  of,  character  of,  59,  201, 
note;  urged  for  secretary  of 
state,  129,  157,  286;  Anne  op- 
posed to  appointment  of,  129- 
30,  199-201;  appointed  secre- 
tary of  state,  130,  202,  203,  296; 
administration  of  Spanish  cam- 
paign, 157-8;  quarrel  with  Har- 
ley, 157-8,  300,  302;  active  in 
election  of  1708,  336;  threat- 
ened by  Anne,  342;  favors  can- 
didacy of  Somers,  351;  urges 
attack  on  Mrs.  Masham,  383; 
dismissal  of,  392,  401 

Sunderland,  Eobert  Spencer,  first 
Earl  of,  44,  85 


Swift,  Jonathan,  188 

"Tack,"  the.  See  third  Occasional 
Conformity  Bill 

Tenison,  Dr.,  Archbishop  of  Canter- 
bury, 160,  161,  164,  166,  171 

Tory  party,  under  William  III,  24; 
principles  and  composition  of, 
24-7;  attitude  on  the  war,  25, 
85,  321;  schism  in,  102;  aroused 
by  Sacheverell  trial,  387-90 

Trelawny,  Jonathan,  Bishop  of 
Exeter,  character  of,  169 ;  quar- 
rel with  Dr.  Hooper,  169,  170; 
translated  to  see  of  Winchester, 
170-1;  is  given  the  Garter,  170; 
supported  by  Harley,  169-71, 
263 

Trimnel,  Dr.,  Bishop  of  Norwich, 
161-2,  172 

"Triumvirate,"  the,  the  formation 
of,  243-78;  composition  of,  248- 
9 ;  contemporary  statements 
about,  270;  relation  to  cabinet 
council,  274;  changes  court  offi- 
cials, 293-4;  break-up  of,  304-15 

Walpole,  Eobert  (later  Earl  of  Or- 
ford),  55,  325,  342,  384 

Wharton,  Thomas,  Marquis  of,  char- 
acter of,  53;  dismissed  from 
ministry,  69-70;  active  in  elec- 
tion of  1705,  111 ;  urges  investi- 
gation of  Admiralty,  177; 
wishes  lord  lieutenancy  of  Ire- 
land, 342;  inclines  towards  the 
Tories,  343;  made  lord  lieu- 
tenant of  Ireland,  353,  371 

Whig  party,  under  William  III,  24; 
principles  and  composition  of, 
24-7;  attitude  towards  war,  25, 
85,  321 ;  makes  advances 
towards  Highfliers,  176;  Anne 
unfriendly  towards,  192-6;  posi- 
tion of,  203;  attitude  towards 
Sacheverell,  388 


INDEX 


427 


William  III,  political  policy  of,  15- 
7,  unpopularity  of,  16,  61-2 ;  ill- 
treatment  of  George  and  Anne 
by,  40-1,  43;  death  of,  59;  ap- 


points ecclesiastical  commission, 
160;  position  of  cabinet  council 
under,  270-2 
Wright,  Sir  Nathan,  128,  195 


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